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THE CONSTITUTION.
Entered at the Atlanta postoffice as see
end-class mail matter. November 11. 1873
The Weekly Constitution 31.00 per annum
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With Both Feet on the Platform.
Governor Turney, when asked to make
h statement on the silver question, made
this reply:
My statement is the national platform.
I have not changed from it one inch, nor a
half an inch, nor a quarter of an inch, nor
even a hair’s breadth. 1 have not departed
from it at all. 1 have said this to whoever
put the question to me. The platform
adopted by the last national democratic
convention is my political religion. I think,
however, that this is not the most impor
tant thing in a candidacy for a governor
of Tennessee.
This covers the whole ground. Gov
ernor Turney stands on the platform
and is. therefore, in favor of the remone
tization of silver. We have heaid it
said that some big men in the party
are in favor of the ‘ limited coinage” of
silver. But they do not stand on the
platform and lhej- are not. democrats.
.John Sherman was at one time in
favor of the limited coinage of silver,
and that scheme is the essence of gold
buggery.
I'lie democratic platform is the gauge
and measure. The man who stands on
it. as Governor Turney does, is with the
people.
.Vital Stevenson stands on the democratic
platform. He is no follower of John Sher
man. _
The Seigniorage Hill.
Tim seigniorage bill passed the senate
Thursday by a decisive majority. Both
in the house and in the senate some ot
the democrats, who have been induced
to misrepresent their parly by opposing
substitute legislation for the Sherman
law. made haste to set themselves right
ns far as they could by voting for the
Bland l>ill. There are a few cuckoos
in both houses who voted against the
bill in order to emphasize the fact that
they are really ami truly the disciples
of John Sherman. But the attitude of
these men had no effect on the measure.
The bill has now passed congress, and
n >w goes to the president with ’he prac
tically unanimous endorsement of the
democrats.
It is thought by some that Mr. Cleve
land will veto the bill, but the situation
may be best described by saving that it
is not known definitely whether be will
veto the measure or njiprovet.it. He has
made no dis-laratiou op. the subject. On
lite other hand. Mr. Carlisle, who has
Furrendered body and breeches to John
Sherman's ruinous tjinaneial schemes,
is known to be opposed to the measure.
.Mr. Cleveland's attitude has been
Somewhat of a puzzle to the patronage
press. The fact that he has made no
definite announcement on the subject
has left them hanging in the air. The
patronage heelers have not considered
the seigniorage bill on its merits. They
have not bothered themselves to inquire
whether it conforms to the democratic
policy, <>r whether it will tend to relieve
the present situation by ever so little,
nr whether it will prevent another issue
of bonds. They have not concerned
themselves with these things at all. They
have not even discussed these things.
In jxiint of fact all the patronage heel
ers want to know is how Mr. Cleveland
regards the bill. If it is the best meas
ure in the world, they are opposed to it
if Mr. Cleveland is. If it is the worst,
they are for it if Mr. Cleveland is. They
have eliminated the platform, the party
and the people, and are ready to turn
their pop-guns against all combined
whenever they are given the wink. Only
the other day a patronage organ that re
ceives its policy straight from Hie cabi
net. declared that democrats ought to
desert their platform in favor of a lim
ited coinage of silver because Mr. Cleve
land believes in a limited coinage of
silver.
The truth is, the patronage heelers
don't know that Mr. Cleveland is in favor
of even a limited coinage of silver. The
Bland Allison act provided for a limited
coinage of silver and he was opposed to
that. The seigniorage bill which the sen
ate passed yesterday provides for a lim
ited coinage of silver. It is said that
the capacity of our mints is little more
than '-’.ooo.tMH) of silver dollars a year,
so that several years would elapse before
the terms of the seigniorage bill could
be complied with. We shall soon see,
therefore, whether Mr. Cleveland is in
favor even of a very limited coinage of
silver, or whether the restless and anx
ious patronage heelers have merely in
vented the position for him.
The seigniorage bill can hardly be
called a silver measure at all, though
it deals with that metal. It is merely
intended to give the people the use of
money that, is now lying idle in the
treasury. Such relief as it may give Io
Hie present tension of affairs wili hardly
be perceptible. but it will tend to pre
vent another issue of gold-bearing
bonds. The whole jmrpo.se of the
bill is to provide the treasury with funds
sufficient to prevent another increase
of taxation. The measure provides for
PHE WEEKLY CONSTITUTION: ATLANTA, GA, TUESDAY, MARCH 20, 1894.
the carrying out of a part of the unre
pealed portion of the Sherman law. If
that law were carried out today the
whole of the bullion in the treas
ury would be passing through
the mints, and we should hear
nothing about the coinage of a vacuum
—ft senile phrase invented by jioor old
Mr. Hewitt, who has been in his dotage
ever since the death of Peter Cooper,
his father-in-law, who was in the habit
of telling him what to say and how. to
say it.
Should Mr. Cleveland approve the
seigniorage bill it will be found that the
patronage holders were in favor ot it
from the first. Shoudl he veto it, it will
presently appear that they have opposed
the measure from the jump.
John Sherman’s financial views are not
popular with anybody except those who
have ground their axes or still have axes to
grind.
General Coxey’s Army.
On the Ist of May General Coxey, of
Ohio, expects to march 100.(100 unem
ployed workingmen into Washington.
This army will be reinforced by the idle
masses of the city, and then the entire
crowd will make a demonstration in
front of the capitol, and demand relief
from congress.
General Coxey and his followers will
urge congress to pass a bill authorizing
the issue of .$200,000,000 in legal tender
greenbacks, and another bill authorizing
the employment of laborers at from $1..>0
to $2.50 per day on the public roads. The
meeting is intended to be peaceful, but
if it is held the chances are that there
will be great disorder.
Some of the newspapers art' ridiculing
the movement, but The Cincinnati Com
mercial-Gazette. treats it seriously. It
is probable that Coxey will not succeed
in raising his 100,000 men, and his cru
sade is likely to be a ridiculous failure.
Still it is one of the signs of the times—
tin indication of what may be expected in
lhe future, and it should not be lightly
passed over. The Commercial-Gazette
says:
It has been the American policy from the
first that our deliberative assembles shall
not be molested by mobs, or even subject
ed to the influence cf the centers of popula
tion.
The seat of government was transferred
from the Hudson to the Potomac lor this
very reason. The capital of New York
state is not New York city, but Albany;
that of Pennsylvania is not Philadelphia
or Pittsburg, but Harrisburg; that oi Ohio
is not Cincinnati or Cleveland, but Colum
bus; that of Illinois not Chicago, but
Springfield; of Missouri, not St. Louis, but
Jefferson City; of Kentucky, not Louisville,
but Frankfort.
This is a matter that touches the founda
tions of the republic. The national congress
must not be permitted to be impressed by
marching masses, no matter what the al
leged object. Distant cities and states
would be bound to protest against local in
fluence. No show of meddlesomeness with
the official representatives of the people
and the states can be tolerated.
We do not say this congress could not
be instructed by the people; but they
should hear from the people through the
forms of fundamental law and the official
channels of communication.
This is the right view of Hie matter.
The deliberations of congress should be
conducted in the midst of peace and
order, amt il't -*. mem'.ce to the govern
ment when an attempt is made to organ
ize the discontented masses of distant
slates and march them to the federal
capital to overawe and intimidate our
lawmakers. General Coxey and his
friends should meet at home, pass resolu
lions aud forward petitions to congress.
There is no sense in snch a demonstra
lion. Such things were common enough
in the French revolution, but our con
gress should not be made to run the ris[<
of a mob invasion. Coxey should stay
where he is.
a
The seigniorage bill now goes to the presi
dent. We don’t know whether to bid it
goodby or salute it with a howdy.
A Bit of Washington Gossip.
According to Washington gossip, the
secretary of the interior is exceedingly
anxious to control the polities of ids own
state, his ambition in this respect being
based on the theory held ar lhe capital
lhe.t :i cabinet officer ought to be pow
erful enough al home to have till his
plans and schemes promptly carried
out.
Washington gossip also credits the sec
retary of the interior with an earnest
desire to see a goldbug senator elected
from Georgia to succeed Senator Col
quitt.
We do not know whether to credit
Washington gossip or not. It is a rat
tling affair at Hie capital, running from
hotel io boarding house and making it
self heard as loudly if not as sweetly as
the street pianos that go rolling about
from corner to corner. Yet it is not to be
denied that Washington gossip some
times hits on a fact, and it may have
done so in the case of the secretary of
the interior.
Somehow or other it has ceased to be
popular for a member of the cabinet to
exercise much influence in his own state.
In the old days, when cabinets were
made up of distinguished statesmen,
men who had made a record in the ser
vice of the people. a cabinet officer not
only had great influence in his own
state, but in the party and in the whole
country. This influence was not based
on the fact that he was a member of
the cabinet, but on the fact that he had.
a large and an enthusiastic following
among the peojfle. As instances of this
it is only necessary to mention the names
of 'William 11. Crawford ami Howell
Cobb, of Georgia, who wore called to
cabinet positions not as a reward for
their party or personal services, but to
give strength and popularity to lhe ad
ministration.
In these latter days, however, a cab
inet officer is neither expected or re
quired to give strength to an adminis
tration, nor is it desirable that he should
be immensely popular in his own state
or able to control its politics.
We do not believe that. Mr. Carlisle,
since lie has succumbed to the pressure
of events and devoted himself to carry
ing out the financial policy of John
Sherman, could in fairness be expected
to control the politics of Kentucky. Yet
Secretary Carlisle is the only man in the
cabinet who has achieved any degree of
widespread popularity in the democratic
party before having been called to the
cabinet.
Mr. Gresham was at one time fairly
popular with the republicans of Indiana
—indeed, he vaguely figured, not so very
long ago, as a candidate for the republi-
can nomination for president; but. he
could not be expected to control anybody
in his stale. Secretary Herbert makes
no pretensions and is one of only about
a. half dozen goldbugs in Alabama, lie
would not undertake to control anybody
in his state. Mr. J. Sterling Morton was
recently hanged in effigy tit his home in
Nebraska by a democratic club, and
while he succeeded in "fixing” one dem
ocratic convention, the result of the ef
fort would cause him to hesitate a long
time before trying the experiment on the
same line again.
We mention those facts to show that it.
is neither popular nor fashionable in
these days for a cabinet officer to be in
strict, touch with the people of his state.
H<> may boa republican, or a mugwump,
or h<“ may regard himself as a democrat;
but he must be a goldbug. That is about
the only requirement. He may be popu- ,
lar or unpopular; but if he be willing
to endorse the financial doctrines of John
Sherman and ready to repudiate the
financial pledges of (he democratic plat
form. ho has lhe necessary qualifications
for a cabinet position.
We have no doubt the secretary of
the interior would like to be instrumental
in selecting a goldbug to succeed Senator
Colquitt, and he may conclude to under
take the job. Frankly, we should like
to see Hie experiment tried. We should
like to see the issue squarely made. Wo
want to see whether the people of Geor
gia are any readier now to endorse the
financial schemes of John Sherman
than they were in 1X92 when they stood
solidly on Hie democratic platform.
If the organized money power ever
had the slightest opportunity to win a
victory over the people in the democratic
state of Georgia, that opportunity ought
to exist now. with democrats high in
official position in Washington repudiat
ing the platform jdedges and endorsing
the financial views of John Sherman.
We should like to see the issue made at
this time. It is to bo tin? paramount is
sue in our national polities and we are
prepared to welcome it in Georgia.
The attacks on the senate in the eastern
press amount to nothing. As long as the
senate represents the states with fidelity
the people will uphold it.
v
Over in Alabama.
Congressman Oates, of Alabama, is
vigorously engaged in carrying on his
gubernatorial campaign in that state.
Wilh the local ami stale issues that be
long to his canvass The Constitution
has nothing to do, but tvhen Mr. Oates
deals with national issues he enters upon
a discussion that is of paramount inter
est to every democratic vote, in the
south.
Naturally. Mr. Oates finds it difficult
Io avoid national questions in speaking
to an audience of democrats, and. just
as naturally, he finds it convenient to
refer to The Constitution when he deals
with national questions. The national
issues outlined in the Chicago platform
are of surpassing interest at this time.
Indeed, they are of more pressing and
vital importance than they were in 1892
when the people of Alabama, in common
with the jieople of the whole country,
endorsed the pledges and demands of
tl .o pla I form. * ”
We judge from the brief and meager
reports of Mr. Oates’s speeches which
come to us that his remarks are both in
teresting and instructive. At Sylacauga,
the other day, die made some comments
on 'rhe Constitution, but. what was far
more entertaining, he reaffirmed that
Mr. Cleveland did tell him that the or
ganized money power of Wall street
could drain the treasury in forty-eight
hours. We infer that Mr. Oates is la
boring under the impression that he
had reported Mr Cleveland correctly,
but wo have never doubted his word in
the matter. For it is a fact, familiar
to every person who has studied the sit
uation. that when Mr. Cleveland adopted
the Harrison jiolicy which is the John
Sherman policy of making the silver
notes convertible into gold the way was
opened for the organized banks of Wall
street to drain the treasury of its gold
whenever anything could be gained by
it. Mr. Cleveland told Mr. Oates a sim
ple fact a fact that was made patent
to everybody when Mr. Cleveland him
self informed the associated banks that
lhe discretion invested in the secretary
of the treasury to redeem the silver notes
in either gold or silver would be trans
ferred to the note holder.
Mr. Oates rapped 'l'he Constitution
somewhat sharply for saying that John
Sherman is resjionsible for the present
slate of affairs. He then went on to
say that he knows John Sherman is not
connected with the financial jiolicy that
has prevailed under Hie jiresent admin
istration. Mr. Oates is sure of it be
cause John Sherman told him so him
self.
It might be supjiosed that Sherman is
good authority, but he is not. He is a
man who was never known to tell the
truth about a jiolitical matter when he
could avoid it. and he is an expert in
avoiding it. He was guilty of an apjiall
ing piece of mendacity in the senate
tile other day when he said that ”50.-
090.000 silver dollars were lying idle in
the treasury.
Nevertheless, the point is not whether
John Sherman is willing to tell the truth,
but whether he has endorsed and sup
ported the financial legislation that has
become a part of the law since the 4th
of March last. Was he in favor of dem
ocratic legislation to take the place of
the Sherman law? If so, we never hoard
of it. Ou the contrary, he was opposed
to substituting democratic legislation for
the Sherman act, opposed to all comjiro
mises, and in favor of unconditional re
peal. Did he stand with the administra
tion in this?
Did he oppose an issue of gold-bearing
bonds? On lhe contrary, he made the
first speech in the senate in favor of a
bond issue, and the bonds were issued
accordingly. In those matters John
Sherman was as active as any adminis
tration leader atnl it is a notorious fact
that he was in frequent communication
with Mr. Carlisle.
. Ami yet John Sherman was very quiet
in his maneuvers. He did not go around
talking about “me and the administra
tion.” He simply made the fact known
that he endorsed the schemes that have
resulted in the eollajise of the democratic
financial policy. As a matter of fact he
was playing a very deeji game. If he
could use the democrats as cat’s jiaws
to revive the republican act of 1873 de-
monetizing silver, and thereby wound
the democratic party in its tenderest
spot, he knew that he would be accom
plishing a great, feat. And he did it.
He succeeded perfectly.
Mr. Oates himself knew perfectly well
what unconditional repeal meant. In
the early patt of last year he wrote to
one of his constituents that, while ho
was in favor of the repeal of the Sher
man law. as all democrats were, he
would never vote for repeal unless it
was accompanied by democratic legisla
tion on the line of the jilatjform. His let
ter was published in these columns.
Nevertheless. Mr. Oates did vote for the
unconditional repeal of the purchasing
clause of the Sherman law.
We hope Adlai Stevenson will keep his
health. He is one of the hopes of a long
suffering de moo raey.
Seigniorage and Other Matters.
So many questions have been asked
about the word seigniorage, and its ap
plication to the existing financial condi
tion of the United States, that The New
York Recorder recently offered a prize
of $25 for the best definition. Thousands
of answers were received, and the prize
was awarded to Mr. F. J. Herzog, of
New York, who sent in the following
definition:
Seigniorage consists of the difference be
tween the cost of an.amount of bullion and
the face value of the coins minted from it.
By the Sherman act the government was
compelled to purchase 4,500,000 ounces of
silver per month at the market price. As
the price of silver fluctuated, so the amount
of treasuj-y notes issued in payment of this
bullion sometimes increased—sometimes di
minished. 'The downward tendency having
been greater in the last few years, there
were issued, from the time of the passage
of the Sherman act to its repeal, $151,000,1X10
in treasury notes, to cover an amount of
bullion which should actually have made
209,000,000 silver dollars. In other words,
there is now an amount of bullion, in ex
cess of the reserve necessary to cover the
$151,000,000 treasury notes, in the treasury
which, if coined, would make 55,000,000 silver
dollars, against which the seigniorage bill
‘.s to issue paper currency, and so put $55,-
100.000 in the treasury and help the govern
iifmt out of its financial difficulties.
./i’liis explains the matter very clearly
,f ~t yd concisely. It. would be difficult
>.j throw' more light upon the subject
ifi'thc same space.
/’’Jie Recorder is doing good missionary
uyi’k in financial matters. In its analy
st of our currency situation it presents
th. e bottom facts when it says that the
]),■ Jile of the United States tire adding
to Hicir number at Hie rate of about two
mjyions ever,y year. Now, as business
grdws with population. Hie circulation -
money of the country—ought to grow
dually with its population and its busi
n('F. But our circulation is growing
siD.Mler every day, relatively to our
co. 'emporary puts it, no country ever
Ji- illation ami our business. As our
jm.Dfi'red with a contracting currency.
None ever will. We shall never see
at '.lher period of such jirosjierity as we
1 J had until th.> contraction of the
cm’ ’ is stopped.
.’a leading republican paper talks
'i'shion. regardloss of the money
1 ''-’monopolists, there is hope for
jf 'The Recorder strips the
•s;ti of every vague and con
when it makes the jioint
th> .. f M’rency of Hie country should
grow'U-;* tii its population and business.
This j’roposition cannot be successfully
controverted. If our population should
fall off at the rate of two millions a
year. it. would then be in order to talk
about contracting the currency. But so
long as our population increases at that
rate, with a swelling volume of business,
it is criminal folly to contract the cir
culation.
When the situation is thus described
no amount of twaddle about the decline
of silver, international action, and other
things can hide the true aspect of the
question. With more people and more
business every year we need more
money.
Never mind about Hie hazy talk of the
contractionists concerning the depre
ciation of silver, and the influence of
other governments. The main point to
consider is this: When we see our popu
lation and business doubling rapidly,
sh ill we expand our currency or strike
down half of it? There can be but one
answer to the question.
The man who succeeds Senator Colquitt
in the senate will be in favor of the re
monetization of silver. He will stand
squarely on the democratic platform, as
Senator < Jolquitt does.
What Is the Reinedj?
lion. William C. Oates, one of the can
didates for governor in Alabama, is
quoted as saying, in his speech in Ath
ens. Ala., a few days ago, that Mr. Cleve
land told him jiersonally that the mon
ey jiower in Wall street could draw all
the gold out of the treasury in forty
eight hours. We are prepared to admit
that this is true, but how did it happen
to be so, and what is the jiresident doing
to change ihis situation?
For twenty years Hon. John Sherman
has been legislating to bring about just
this state of affairs. 'That he succeeded
we must all admit. No job was ever
more complete, and no scheme more suc
cessfully accomplished. No such a state
of affairs ever existed before. It was
once attemjited when Andrew Jackson
was president, but he defeated the
scheme and routed the robbers. There
has not been a single position taken on
this financial question by Mr. Cleveland
and Mr. Carlisle that did not have the
ajiproval ami co-oj>eration of Hon. John
Sherman, lie outlined the legislation to
be taken to repeal only a part of one of
his bills that helped to bring ;'Jiout. this
condition. He advised Mr. Carlisle to
pay only gold on coin certificates for fear
he would make the holders of gold mad.
and Mr. Carlisle took his advice just as
readily as Foster took it under Harri
son's administration. lie advised Presi
dent Cleveland and Secretary Carlisle to
issue more bonds to strengthen tin- [low
er of th<' gold men, when President Har
rison had refused to do the same thing,
and both the president and secretary
took his advice. Neither lite repeal of
the purchasing clause nor the issue of
bonds helped the situation, but strength
ened the power of the men who have
such enormous power over the money in
the treasury.
'l’he question naturally arises what
will be accomplished for the people as
long as we shape legislation to suit this
greedy crowd of cormorants? If we
had ail Andrew Jackson as prt’sident wo
could stop it in short order. But, alas!
for the country, the president seems to
be afraul of this crowd, and ipstead ot
helping the masses, everything seems to
be shaped to help the classes. There is
but one similar instance recorded. It
occum’d during the war, wh<*n the on.
Josiah Patterson was loading his con
federate ea.valry in a hurried retread
'l’he fedcrals were jiusliing him Ugh ,x.
"Don’t shoot at Hie yankees, boys, said
the Hon. Josiah, with hat off and riding
for dear life, "it only makes them mad
der.”
——
Perhaps the fact hadn’t occurred to you,
but when the great exposition come.-, to’ a
close Atlanta will have a permanent popu
lation ot 125.000 hustling eitiKeiKi.
A Lesson in Morals.
A small daily newspaper in Virginia
promises its readers that it will jiublish
as little as jiossible about, the Pollatd-
Breckinridge case.
'i’his is a great mistake, 'i’he trial is
a lesson in morals, and it is ot incalcula
ble educational value. No matter what
the verdict may be, this case will be a
warning to wealthy and jironiinent men
who have heretofore been under Hie im
pression that they could lead double lives
and escape the penally. If Congress
man Breckinridge. Hie silver-tongued
orator, the jiride of Kentucky, a pillar of
his church, and a. favorite Young Men’s
Christian Association lecturer on social
jairity and kindred subjects, must an
swer to society for his gross immorality,
his iK'trayal of a friendless girl, and the
fraud he practiced upon respectable
ladies in persuading them to chaperone
Miss Pollard, it goes without saying that
other men of high social position will be
held to an equally strict account .when
tlioy transgress in the same way.
'Die woman’s story is another lesson
to women and young girls. It shows
that the wages of sin is death; that dis
covery always comes and that the result
is disgrace and never-ending misery.
The wide jiublicatioii of the proceed
ings of Ihis trial will do more good than
a hundred sermons. It will convinci'
both old and young readers that a.
moral life is Hie first requisite of safety,
happiness, honor and prosperity. 'Die
jirurient features of Hie case will be
forgotten because they are overshadowed
by its almost tragic interest. It is far
better for young and old to know how
such intrigues turn out than to allow
them to believe that men of high station
may sin without punishment, and that
reckless young girls may indulge in for
bidden jileasures without wrecking their
lives.
The Pollard-Breckinridge trial is a
great moral object lesson, and while it
ruins two persous, it will probably save
thousands.
£Z>f 'l OlllAL COMMENT.
The bounty on wolf scalps in Kansas
amounted to $60,000 last year.
Cincinnati’s population recently increased
15,000 in one day. A suburban town was
annexed.
Os the 175 members of the coming con
stitutional convention in New York 133 are
lawyers.
The New York Herald advises everybody
to lie revaccinated at fi)ter\;>ls of six oi
eight years. *’ ' *-
The Monthly Review is the name of a
magazine soon to be published by a com
pany of colored men in Chicago.
A large delegation of eastern working
women will vesit Washington to protest
against the passage ot the Wilson bill.
• Drunkenness is very rare in Bio Janeiro,
the cause being that the people drink coffee
to the almost entire exclusion of alcoholic
beverages.
The Washington Post thinks that when
a politician does not smoke, drink or chew
lie generally has some great fault to over
balance this exceptional abstinence.
A Kansas woman has applied for an
injunction to prevent her lover from marry
ing another woman. Some lawyers hold
that she is entitled to it, as the defendant
promised to marry her.
Mrs. Austin, who was recently elected
mayor of Peasonton, Kan., weighs 210
pounds. Her husband voted against her
and the new mayor will make it hot lor
him if he runs against any of the munici
pal ordinances. *
Judge David Schenck, of (Greensboro, N.
C., has published an illustrated memorial
volume descriptive of the old Guilford bat
tle field. A similar service should beeper
formed for our noted battle fields In Geor
gia.
Senator Sherman’s friends are a good
deal concerned about his health. He has
been suffering for several weeks from an
attack of the grip, which leaves him in a
very weak and emaciated condition. lie
goes to the senate every day, but it is
noticed that he is not fitted for business,
and his speech on the seigniorage bill the
oilier day exhausted him. Mr. Sherman is
over 71 years old, but has enjoyed remark
able health through his long life, which
he attributes to his temperate and regulay
habits.
The following clipping, taken from an
English society paper, conveys some idea
of the average Englishman s knowledge of
American history; ".Miss Calhoun, the
charming young American actress, who is
playing with such distinguished success in
lhe new piece, ‘L’Argent d’Autrui,’ at the
Odeon, it is not generally known, is an
officer in the L’nited States army, ha\ :ng
received her commission as captain of the
Citv Gate regiment, of Georgia, when she
revisited her native place. This compli
ment was in honor ot h**r grandfather, t’al
houn, who was president of the United
States.”
it is stated that the duke and duchess
of York contemplate a visit to the holy
land. When the prince of Wales went to
Jerusalem he was received by the pasha
and a large escort of wild horsemen, who
"kept circling round ttie prince’s party,
brandishing their spears and firing their
guns in mimic combat. His royal highness
had his tent pitched on the north side of
the citv near Damascus Gate and visited
all the sacred places, even those from
which Christians are excluded. He ascend
ed Mount Gerizim and he saw the last
vestige of the old Jewish ritual performed.
tli<‘ sun sinking behind the western hills
■is the paschal sheep was saeriliced; he also
ehcamped at the foot of Mount Carmel,
and saw the sun set on lhe sea of Galilee;
and his royal highness also explored the ce
dar grove at Lebanon.
The Louisville Times says of the Pollard-
Breckinridge case: "It was not supposed
that the sworn proof could make the Pol
lard-Breckinridge case any blacker than
common report had already painted it, but
the testimony ot .Mrs. Blackburn, the Wash
ington chief of police and Dr. Lincoln blots
out the last star that pierced tlie midnight
darkness with a dagger of light. There is
not left one redeeming feature upon the
repulsive face of this liason, into which
enter the elements of leaehery, lying and
liypocrisy. The whole long debauch ap
pears to have been conducted from begin
ning to end upon the dead sea level of
original sin. It is a low police court ease
of total depravity, unrelieved by a solitary
sidelight indicating any impulse on his
part to raise a mortal to the skies, or de
sign on hers to draw an angel down. A
ride in the Black Maria would be its lit
finale.”
THE TARIFF AS AN ISSUE.
If Is Now or Never ns Far as file Deni
oerniic I’nrty Is Concerned.
From The New York Herald.
The announcement of the democratic con
gressional campaign committee that the
tariff is to be made the issue in the ap
pi< aching campaign comes in the nature of
a surprise to those who have been laboring
under the impression that the democratic
administration would so dispose of the
tariff as to eliminate it as an issue, unless
challenged by the opposition to defend its
work in behalf of tariff reform.
The tariff was the issue four
yens ago and two years ag>. and
the tt-rili is the issue now before con
gress; but if the administration carries out
the tariff pledge on which it was elected,
the tariff should not be the issue in the ap
proaching campaign, unless muile so by the
republicans. .Lt is earnestly to be hoped
that the announcement of the congressional
campaign committee will not be [alien as
equivalent to a declaration that the part.
in power cannot now redeem its campaign
pledge to reform the tariff to a revcnts
basis, but that it proposes that the party
make the same issue in the approaching
campaign to test the question before the
next congress.
Such a course would put the party in an
embarrassing position and put at a disad
vantage every democratic worker in the ap
proaching campaign.
It will be time enough to make the tar
iff the issue after the republicans have chai
lenged the democrats on this point, and it
would at least be the part of discretion to
wait until the tariff measure now before
congress has been disposed of before an
nouncing that it will be made the issue in
the approaching campaign, for as the mat
ter stands it is hard to foretell whether or
not the tariff bill, as finally passed, will be
a democratic or republican measure. It the
senate succeeds in revamping and readjust
ing the house measure so as to make it a
modified McKinley bill, and if it is finally
disposed of in this manner, then it will be
worse than folly for the democrats to go
before the country witii the tariff as th>
issue. They would lie. deservedly, laughed
out of countenance by the the people, who
will respond to an appeal for such vindt< g
tion by the announcement that if they had
wanted a republican measure, it would not
have been necessary to overturn the repub
lican admistration to get it.
"You were elected,” the people will say,
"on the pledge that you would reform the
tariff to a strictly revenue basis, eliminating
the principle of protection, which you de
clared to be unconstitutional. You have
failed to comply with your promise.”
“But,” democratic campaigners will reply,
by authority of the announcement of the
congressional campaign committee, "the
tariff is still the issue, and while it is trie
we did not comply with our pledge, witii
every branch of the administration under
democratic control, we now appeal to the
people with the assurance that if elected
again we will do better next time.”
The absurdity of such a campaign and the
inevitable result, if the party places itself
in this position, is manifest.
If, on the other hand, the administration
redeems the tariff pledge of the party, the
matter is disposed of as a democratic issiu.
The party will have complied with its tra
ditional record, and will have fulfilled the
pledge on which it was put into power. 'IT.-
tariff should then become an issue only
as made so by the republicans, and, on
their challenge, the only jiossible basis mi
which to rest democratic defense is that
which seeks to satisfy the people that the
party has not only redeemed its pledge, but
that it is willing and ready to defend its
work.
The prime consideration, however, of party
defense must be the absolute compliance
witii the spirit and the letter of the party's
tariff pledge. If this is not done, then it wili
be worse than folly to go before the people
in the apjtroaching campaign witii the t:i--
iff as the issue. Defeat will be foreshadowed
and the party will be in a worse condition
than if it had been, defeated in the last
presidential election.
CLARK HOWELL.
Atlanta, Ga.. March 17th, 1894.
FIND THE MISSING
WORD
TO .APRIL IST.
AN INTERESTING CONTEST IN WHICH
EVERYBODY HAS THE SAME CHANCE.
The Missing Word competition craze is the
latest fad in England. It is exciting the
whole country, and hundreds of thousands of
people are racking their braUas fur missing
words.
Several London weeklies have started what
they cail “missing word competitions,” and
the craze has affected all England to such an
extent as to block the money order office and
embarrass the whole postal ; service. Tha
scheme is this: A sentence is- printed every
week from which one word is omitted; for
instance, "Smith is a ,” and people ara
invited to send in their guess with a money
order for a shilling. The money sent in is
divided among the guessers wijih name the
correct word. A few weeks ago oue paper
distributed $35,000 among forty-three correct
gtiessers, each man receiving over SBOO for
his shilling. The money order blanks have ail
been used up at many postofflees, the malls
are clogged, and clubs nave been organized
to go into the guessing business.
To Constitution Readers
The Constitution makes this proposition:
Among those who supply the missing word in
the following sentence, between n >w and the
Ist of April, 1894, we will divide one
fourth of the subscription receipts of al! those
who send guesses with their subscriptions.
This leaves us the bare and- actual- cost of
furnishing the paper to subscribers for the
year.
The Sentence. ■
WE FIND A SERIOU& ERROR IN
THE NAVY OF TODAY TO BE THE
di EIGHT OF 01 R
CRUISERS.
Supply the missing word in-the tbove sen
tence, and if you guess the correct word you
will share with tlie others wtio . .e as fortu
nate one-fourth of the receipts from the sub
scriptions of ail those who gtiees.
The Guarantee.
No one knows the word missing except the
managing editor, who lias pl.-wed it in a
sealed envelop.- and which w. I lie opened on
April Ist. We pledge our honor that the
d.vision will be made and published just as
outlined.
The Prospect.
Suppose guesses were made. Th.3
would leave sl-250 as one-fourth of the sub
6cripii<m receipts, for <0 many names, to be
d.vided among the succesrifu; guessers. Sup
pose len pei'S"iis guessed the word, th s would
g.ve them $125 each: if twenty, $62.50, ot.-.
Supp there a-.o 10.000 guesses’—Which is
n>t improbable this may give from sl<H) t<>
each rh<‘ successful guessers. Cheeks
will be mailed immediately alter April Ist.
Conditions and
Inducements.
Tlie terms of the contest are few and
8 'C'Every guess must be accompanied by one
year’s subscription io The \\eek.y Constltu
ton sent to -inv .-'.ildress at sl.
t ’Th" sender of a <-!ub of five ar $t each,
for' one year, is entitled to a free iiaper one
year, an 1 also ’a guess.
\V tli every mbser-p: .i. the missing
word should b" wrirten p’.-ilidy. w’th filename
and address of the gue<-wr. It ;s not necessary
to rewrite the sentence simp’.y write the Word
and label it “the missing word for April
4. Renewal suhser’ntD'is are entitled to
enmssps jnst as now stibsrrrhers.
Try Your Hand, it May
Profit You.
Remember that you get the greatest and
best of all American weekly newspapers for
every guess. You cannot do without Tbs
Constitution for 1894.
Address ill communications to
THE CONSTITUTION,
Atlanta, Ga.