The Atlanta constitution. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, June 18, 1894, Page 6, Image 6

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Newspaper Page Text6 THE CONSTITUTION. Entered at ttm Atlanta postoffice as sec end-class nia mJitter. November 11.1873 The Weekly Constitution 81.00 per annum Clubs of five. SI.OO each; clubs of ten f 1.00 each and a copy to getter-up oi club WE WANT YOU. TbeConst'.tutlon wants an agent at every Fcstofficein America. Agent’s outfit free end good terms. If you are not in a club We want you to act as agent at your office Write us. CHANGE Os ADDItESS.—When ordering ad dress of your paper changed always give the old as well as the new address. Always give post voice, county and state, If your paper is not re ceived regularly, notify us. Jf you send us an order for new subscribers please allow us a week to get the names on the list and paper started before you. write a complaint, as we are very much crowded now. l)o not forget to make your renewals in time. Waith your direction tag and see when your subscription expires. The next six months will be full of interest, and you should not miss a single copy of THE CONSTITUTION. Send your orders at least a week in ad vance to make sure. It may not take a week in every instance; will get them on as soon as possible. The Constitution as an Issue. Our readers cannot have failed to no tice certain peculiar features of the back room denunciations of The Constitution that have made their appearance re cently. The most significant of these features is the fact that the cut-and dried resolutions attacking The Con stitution for standing on the Chicago platform, and questioning its democracy because it is too firmly grounded in democratic principles and too unyield ing in its devotion to the party pledges to suit the views of certain ambitious men, have been almost entirely con fined to the territory comprising the eleventh congressional district, where the counties are large in extent and the democratic voters so widely scattered that ih»j' cannot assemble on a day s notice to take part in town meetings. Why this sudden and apparently fero cious attack on ’The Constitution should suddenly develop in the eleventh dis trict -and die.within its borders we leave shrewd readers to guess. Wo have hold of some of the ends of this tangled skein, and the facts will come forth after awhile. Meantime, the counties in the rest of the state, wherever the people have expressed themselves, have endorsed the Chicago platform, and this is all the endorsement The Consti tution asks for. As fast as the counties act, they endorse the platform, and whenever and wherever the platform is endorsed the course of The Constitution is commended. for on the platform we have taken our stand, and we refuse to be driven therefrom. 'llie eleventh district resolutions de nouncing Tin* ('onstitution first made their appearance in the celebrated mass meeting held in Coffee county, where five men assembled together and. by uu overwhelming majority, proceeded to adopt resolutions denouncing The Con stitution for “attacking the administra tion,” and followed this up by endors ing a. candidate for governor a gen tleman who had gone just as tar, if not farther, than The <'onstitution in criti cising the financial policy of Mr. Cleve land. so far as that policy is under stood. But this celebrated mass meet ing of five men didn't care to be con sistent. It had its orders in its pockets, vo to speak, and it proceeded to carry them out without investigating the il logical and inconsistent attitude in volved in an endorsement of Mr. At kinson and a condemnation of The Con stitution. The five men composing the celebrated mass meeting went right ahead ami pretended to speak for the democratic party of Coffee, and endeav ored to place the democrats of that county in the position of denouncing a democratic newspaper for standing im movably upon tl’.e Chicago platform, and demanding 1110 redemption of the pledges made to the people by the party. Nevertheless, although the celebrated mass meeting in Coffee county was a mockery and a sham, but few of the “mass meetings” in the eleventh con gressional district that placed the seal of their displeasure ou the activity of The Constitution as a genuine demo cratic newspaper, had any great, ad vantage over the Coffee county assem bly. Think of sixty or a hundred men pretending to represent the views of two and three thousand democrats in a matter involving the arraignment of A party newspaper for standing square ly on the platform and criticising a financial policy directly contrary to that laid down in the bimetallic pledge made to the people. Let any honest and just man—any true democrat —consider the snap judg ment that has been taken on The Con stitution by the automatic conventions held in the eleventh district, and then say whether they represent the sentiments ©f the party in this new issue of de nouncing a democratic newspaper for standing on the democratic platform. Let any just and genuine democrat, not Infected by the hope of getting his head in the federal slop barrel, consider whether it is advantageous to party discipline or calculated to promote party harmony, to set before the democratic voters of Georgia the spectacle of a few automatic mass meetings in parts of one congressional district passing cut-and-dried resolutions denouncing a democratic newspaper because its devo tion to democratic principles will not permit it to regard the platform pledges as “a collection of glittering generali ties.” In effect these cut-and-dried resolu tions, passed by automatic and irre sponsible mass meetings, are an arraign ment of every democrat who believes in democratic principles and who stands on the democratic platform. They are demoralizing in tendency and (we be lieve) in purpose. We have no idea ’* men who will permit themselves m WEEKLY CONSTITUTION; ATLANTA, GA., MONDAY.JUNE 18.1894. to be so cheaply used by outside influ ences care whether the party is har monious or Whether it is disorganized; whether the pledges of the platform are carried out or whether they are re pudiated. Apart from all this, we have in our possession substantial evidence that these clap-trap resolutions denouncing The Constitution for putting democratic principles far above individuals in im portance are not endorsed by the coun ties that the automatic mass meetings pretend to represent. If we were to open a ballot box in The Constitution office tomorrow and deposit in it the protests we have received from leading citizens of these very counties declar ing that they and their democratic friends regard the resolutions referred to as an outrage, we could show a larger democratic vote in behalf of The Constitution than the authors of the clap-trap resolutions were able to mus ter against it. And these protests that have come to us are entirely voluntary. They have come to us unsolicited. To this extent, therefore, the effect of the resolutions has been salutary—they have been the means of bringing to us hundreds of letters from men who really represent the democrats of the eleventh district and the endorsement of these men is the result of the clap-trap resolutions. This is all the clap-trappers have had for their pains. They have served The Constitution instead of injuring it. They have brought to it expressions of sympathy and evidences of support that otherwise it would not have re ceived; and these expressions, coming from every county where the clap-trap resolutions wore passed, largely out number the men who manipulated the mass meetings to the enactment of the resolutions. The people stand with The Constitu tion on the Chicago platform, and they will give abundant evidence oi. this fact at the proper time. The People Moving. The Courier-Journal, touching upon a very timely subject, begins an editorial article as follows: The defeat for renomination of the lion. Clifton It. Breckinridge in Arkansas, and the Hon. Jason B. Brown in Indiana-two of the very ablest and truest, most experi enced and efficient democrats in congress —is pregnant with meaning, and, if it were not too late, might serve as at once a warning and a suggestion to those of then colleagues and associates whose seats tremble in the balance of dangerous oppo sition. . , _ .. There was no charge that either of these good men and true had perpetrated any overt act of failing duty; that either had violated his trust; that either had been in any way unworthy of a seat in congress. It was that, tried by the average home standards, a majority of the people could see no reason why they should be given a perpetuity or monopoly in the business of representing their districts at Washing ton, and of limiting their suffrage to them as against other claimants, who made promises as fair and set up claims at least equal to theirs in point of personal merit. It was that, in a great public exigency, neither of them had fulfilled a certain pub lic expectation, which a great body of their constituents felt they had a right to entertain, and which, instead of being ful filled, was disappointed. If they had net this reasonable expectation, no rival, no power could have supplanted either of them. So far so good. Up to this point the statement of The Courier-Journal ad mits of no dispute. Mr. Breckinridge, of Arkansas, and Mr. Brown, of Indi ana, have been repudiated by their con stituents because “in a great public exi gency neither of them had fulfilled a certain public expectation.” It is only when our Louisville contem porary comes to explain the nature of the exigency in which the two distin guished congressmen failed to meet pub lic expectation;, that it fails to state the obvious facts. Il says that when the Wilson bill was reported from the ways and means committee it was received with amazement by disinterested and thinking democrats, and that this amazement soon took the shape of in dignation. The bill remained a source of bitter disappointment, The Courier- Journal says, in spite of some mitigation that was obtained in the open house. But to the lessening of this bitter dis appointment, “neither Mr. Breckinridge, as true a tariff reformer as lives, nor Mr. Brown, who is a good second to Mr. Breckinridge, contributed one word.” This gives a cue to The Courier-Jour nal's explanation of the defeat, of Mr. Breckinridge, of Arkansas, ami Mr. Brown, of Indiana, and it shows that our contemporary, in common with a great many congressmen and public men, is blind to the real issue that in fluenced tho constituents of Messrs. Breckinridge and Brown to repudiate th*ra. To what extent was the ’Wilson tariff bill made an issue in the contest that has been going on in the districts rep resented by Congressman Breckinridge ami Congressman Brown? It was hard ly mentioned. Tho record of both con gressmen as tariff reformers is unim peachable. Neither has ever wavered, and both have been loudly and earnestly in favor of a political combination of the south ami Tvest to defeat the plans and schemes of the protected monopo lists of the east. Nothing whatever could bo said against either of these con gressmen, ami if the tariff question had been the main issue in the primary con test, both Mr. Breckinridge and Mr. Brown would have been unanimously renominated by the democrats of their districts. This being so, we are forced to the conclusion that the editor of The Cou rier-Journal is deliberately closing his eyes to the real cause of the defeat of these two congressmen in their efforts to secure a renomination. Under the circumstances, we feel it to be our duty to call attention to the facts in the case, so that no congressman who is seeking a renomination, and no ambitious poli tician who desires to represent the peo- pie in Washington, may make any mis take about ihe matter. If the editor of The Courier-Journal will turn to The Congressional Record bearing date of August 29, 1893, he will find embod .f l in its not over-lively columns the ons why the con stituents of Breckinridge and Congress,w r> have decided to select otli Tfniotu* ives. There are seven p CO- ’ clis * all spread out in th(^ ,A , (]i Tecord of August -(‘ssinon voted dl flowed vl‘ of silver * r or any two in tllc ’ 1 back at 18 • it only o, (?>rtUs (i) so ; ' to put<3 Shernit ■’ more feme Each • .thout es was a . . ’w thf>se ps. 1£ , congressim . jt o .jple, and, taken . woul£d on the silverqiu .ately*' 11 1 fla ' grant repudiate, mcratic platform. Their j, never dreamed of repudiating *s’■ ‘ 1 until they had repudiated the financial pledge of the Chicago platform and accepted the financial views of John Sherman. On this issue, the people drew tho line, and they will draw it in every congressional district in the west and south where the democratic party has a fighting chance. Wo say, therefore, that those con gressmen who imagine that the people will place tho onus of a failure to re deem the financial pledge of the demo cratic platform on Mr. Cleveland are likely to have their eyes opened when the congressional campaign opens. Mr. Cleveland urged the unconditional re peal of the Sherman law in a message, it is true, but those who were nearest to him gave the public clearly to un derstand that this repeal was only the first step toward carrying out the pledgo of the platform—that uncondi tional repeal was necessary simply be cause such a measure could be adopted more promptly than one embodying sub stitute legislation. Since the day this so-called “first step” was taken congress has given the president no opportunity whatever to take another step in the redemption of tho party pledge. There has been no movement in the house or in the senate to restore silver to its old place in our currency system as a part of the stand ard money of the country. "Why has there been no such movement in con gress? Because the democrats who voted against the free coinage of sil ver on any terms last August are op posed to the employment of silver as a. part of our money of final redemption. They voted against silver in August, and they are ready to stave off and Kill any movement intended to expose their attitude to the people. They are gold monometallists, they stand by the gold trust of the east, and they are just as ready to repudiate the platform pledge now as they were last August, only they want to deceive the people by leav ing it to be inferred that Mr. Cleveland is responsible for the failure to redeem the financial pledge of the platform. The fate of Congressmen Breckinridge of Arkansas, and Brown of Indiana, show that the democratic voters know where the chief responsibility lies. A Remarkable Declaration. The Savannah Press, commenting on the Fulton county mass meeting, makes the following statement in its editorial columns—a statement to which we de sire to direct the careful attention of the democratic voters of Georgia: Resolutions endorsing the Chicago plat form, and calling on the president to carry out those pledges were adopted. This is an administration defeat at the capital. We question if a more remarkable statement was ever seriously made in a democratic newspaper, and it is made more remarkable still by the further declaration of The Press: “But the state will not endorse these resolutions.” A stranger familiar with the general course of American polities, but not fa miliar with recent results, would be bound to infer that the mass meeting at which the resolutions were adopted be longs to one party and the administra tion to another, and that the call upon the president to carrj out the pledge's of the Chicago platform is a. piece of grim political satire. We say this is the un avoidable conclusion to which a per son not entirely familiar with recent events would arrive; and the longer tho statement of Tin' Press is studied and the more closely it is analyzed, the more remarkable does it appear. We advise thoughtful and intelligent men to study it carefully and consider what (‘fleet it and kindred decorations are likely to have on the ociml’it and enthusiasm of the deniQf c and whether they are /%J c '-e‘smJ to bring about the harnio be h vise .qty ” up to . necessary to the cc in Georgia awl «>. In this state we are .rs. Sargent, ion? i u lornm? a campaign in whi — ? e in twenty years ctory will meet with orgai>WWV to position in every c>’.Z ■ sional district. At there are manyvoters^’ 1 11’ 1 ” 1 ”' here tofore acted heartily anthvided- ntly with the democratic party, amH" Ito are still grounded in democratic principles and doctrines, hesitating as to whether they shall resent the failure to redeem the party pledges and go with the populists, or whether they shall remain in the party and depend on the organization to carry out the platform principles and redeem its pledges when it shall have placed in power men who will executa its will. The Savannah Press is a democratic newspaper, ’and we take it for granted that it believes to son.e extent in dem ocratic principles. With its declara tion before us we do not know, indeed, how far it goes, or whether it has con ceived new doctrines of its own which it prefers to those that are set forth in the Chicago platform. But, making due allowances for everything of this sort, we do not see how it can consist ently put forth and father the state ment it makes that resolutions endors ing tho Chicago platform and calling on the president to redeem the pledges of that platform are in the nature of a defeat of the administration. Does The Press propose to join the little band of political shysters who are now engaged in slandering and misrepresenting Mr. Cleveland in Georgia by claiming that a ratification of the Chicago platform is an attack on the democratic administra tion? If so, does the editor of The Press sincerely believe that such a policy is calculated to add to the strength and harmony of the party at this juncture. Remarkable as the declaration of The Press is, it presents the issue squarely and in a shape that cannot possibly be misunderstood. It says that the resolu tions adopted by the Fulton county mass meeting, endorsing the Chicago platform and calling on the president to carry out its pledges amount to “a de feat of the administration at the capi tal.” The editor of The Press, is an experienced journalist and an able writer. He does not put words together without understanding the meaning he desires to convey. He that the rati fication of the platform and the call on the president to redeem its pledges is a defeat of the administration, ami adds: “But tho state will not endorse these resolutions.” We reproduce the resolutions in another place and ask The Press to ex amine them and tell us why “Che state” will, not endorse them. The state, as we understand it, is the people. Politi cally, the state is what a majority of the voting population choose it to be. At last accounts, it was democratic. Has The Press any reason to believe that it is other than democratic now? If our contemporary knows that the state is not democratic—that the Chi cago platform has suddenly and mys teriously become obnoxious to those who rushed to approve and applaud it two years ago—and that a majority of the voters of Georgia have suddenly become weary of democratic principles —then the declaration we have quoted ceases to be remarkable, and is a simple statement of Georgia’s change of views. But if the white voters of the state are still democrats then there is not. a word nor a sentiment in the Fulton county resolutions that they cannot heartily endorse ? Will The Press kindly take up the Fulton county resolutions examine them carefully ami critically and then tell us frankly why it considers their adoption a defeat for the administra tion? We take it for granted, of course, that so sensible a newspaper will not make a serious effort to give respecta bility to the demoralizing and undem ocratic clamor that an endorsement of the democratic platform is an attack on Mr. Cleveland. The Press can well afford to leave that dangerous issue to the lly-up-the-creeks that hatched it. < Silver’s Friends and Enemies. The casual observer who surveys the silver situation cannot fail to be sur prised at the great number of alleged bimetallists in this and oilier countries, and in view of their apparent, numerical strength it seems unaccountable that they should be in such an utterly help less condition. In the United States every political parly has committed itself to bimetal lism—to the use of both gold and silver as the standard money of the country. Yet, whenever there is any legislation touching silver it tends to further crip ple it and demonetize it. When there is any effort to remonetize it the move ment is denounced as a scheme to force a 50-cent dollar on the people in place of a sound dollar worth 100 cents; some of tho alleged bimetallists begin to hedge and dodge; political parties split on the issue, with the exception of the repub licans; the bill is killed, and then there is great rejoicing in the money centers. When the lime approaches for the elections political • conventions assem ble, and silver is eulogized and bimetal lism is endorsed, as was the case in the McKinley convention in Ohio, the other day. The silver plank in the Ohio republican platform sounds like a quotation from Stewart, of Ne vada, or Teller, of Colorado. And yet Ohio is the home of the republican leader whose party has done more than any other thing to bring about the demonetization of silver. There is very little in some of the per functory expressions in favor of bi metallism. The men who make them claim to be working for an international agreement to restore silver to its place as standard money, and as this is a very desirable thing they in many in stances are regarded as the true friends of silver. The fact is, however, that most of these advocates of international bimetallism favor that plan because they do not believe that it will material ize for a long time to come. They are among the loudest champions of silver because they believe that when they stick to the condition that bimetallism must, be an international affair they are postponing the day of free silver. The international conferences held from lime to time to discuss bimetallism nev er come to any definite agreement. Only the other day the Berlin commission adjourned without, making any recom mendation. and Congressman Bryan, of Nebraska, criticised it to the point when lie sa s d: As long as we wait for Germany and Eng land, nothing will be done towards restoring silver, but as soon as we recognize that the interests of our people are too important to be submitted to the wishes of foreign countries, and act ourselves, the sooner will silver be restored to its former place on equality with gold, and the sooner will prosperity return to our industries. The genuine friends of silver will agree with Mr. Bryan. In this matter America must act independently for het self, lead the way, and let other coun tries follow. This is the sentiment of tho democrats of Georgia. Both of om gubernatorial candidates hold this view. Tho Wiman Case. The developments in the case of Erastus Wiman will doubtless surprise and shock thousands of people who have had confidence in the defendant for many years. The most damaging thing against Wiman was his own letter to Mr. Dun, of Dun’s Commercial Agency, in which he admitted that lie had fraudulently signed the name of E. W. Bullinger to two checks of the firm made payable to Bullinger’s order. Wiman said that he had no excuse to make, but for the sake of his wife and children and his long service to Dun he begged the latter to overlook his offense and take no legal steps against him. The reading of this letter in court pro duced a tremendous effect. It clinched the case against the defendant, but his lawyer bitterly denounced the prosecu tion, and claimed that his client was a soft-hearted fool, who- had built up Dun’s fortune. He declared that Wi man had served Dun for forty years and was not guilty of any intentional crime, and that the prosecution was in stigated by an enemy of Wiman’s, who had poisoned Dun's mind against him. It is admitted that Dun is mainly in debted to Wiman for his present pros perity, but it is very evident that he presumed upon his friendly relations with his employer, and was guilty of great irregularities in financial matters, although it does not appear that he in tended to defraud anybody. Friendship and finance do not rim together these days. Contraction Here and Elsewhere. A correspondent of The Charlotte Ob server gives some interesting points from a recent interview with Senator Jarvis. The senator says that when he first went to Brazil as minister, that country was in a prosperous condition. 'I ho Bra zilians had a currency that was neither abnormally inflated nor contracted. It was about such a currency as we had in the period after the war, when our greenbacks were worth about $1.40 to one of gold. With this currency the stores in Rio Janeiro did a thriving bus iness. real estate sold readily at good prices, working people found employ ment at good wages and everybody was prosperous, except the idle and incapa ble. The situation was all that could have been desired until a new set of ministers decided to bring th* 1 currency to a gold basis. A lot of it was called in and destroyed. As the process of con traction went on times grew harder and harder. At stores where ten clerks had been employed tho number was gradu ally reduced to eight, then six. then four, and then two. Real estate declin ed in value and was hard to sell at any price. Discontent increas'd with the hard times, and finally revolution and anarchy came. All this reads like a chapter of our own history. Like causes produce simi lar results everywhere. Tin I’nitefl States and Brazil both made tho mis take of contracting their eurrrency in order to get on a gold hfiffis at a time when tho two nations had proved by actual experience that they had just enough currency to meet tin* demands of legitimate business and a growing pop ulation. The disastrous contraction experi ment of these two countries requires no elucidation or comment. We see its re sults everywhere around us in the shape of idle marts, deserted workshops, suf fering women and children and desper ate mon clamoring for work or broad. Such a. financial policy will never be en dorsed until we have a nation of fools, or a. nation of serfs under the absolute domination of the gold shylocks. A Cal! for Standing Armies. A New York newspaper, which has been untiring in its efforts to crush la bor and its products by establishing tho gold standard, now argues shat each state should have a standing army in the shape of a state police “for tho preservation of order and the protec tion of prosperity.” This is a hint of the conditions that will follow tho new financial policy of our money kings, if the gold standard is to become a. fixture. A quarter of a century ago, when we had a large volume of currency and the masses were prosperous and contented, there was no demand for standing ar mies. Tim sheriffs and their posses, and the police of the cities and towns were able to meet any emergency. But the distress brought upon the people by the policy of contraction has reduced millions of toilers from com fort and contentment almost to the European level of poverty and misery, and it is natural that there should be loud complaints and emphatic protests from tho victims. The policy of force is no remedy for our present evils. Justice is the only euro. With a just financial system and just taxation there will be no need for standing armies. The way to make this a. peaceful and happy country is not to send soldiers with Winchester rifles marching through the land. That method would only create disorder. The wiser, better plan would be to return to the financial system under which there was so much general prosperity that people were too busy and too happy to be tempted into strife and anarchy. The platform Is the bed-rook of demo cratic? harmony. On that, all democrats can unite and agree to disagree on minor matters of policy. .... 4 The theory that an endorsement of the Chicago platform is a repudiation of Mr. Cleveland doesn’t seem to be working as smoothly as the manipulators thought it would. * The real slanderers of Mr. Cleveland are those who have shouted it abroad that a ratification of the Chicago platform is a repudiation of the administration. EDITOHIA L COM MENT. At the age of ninety-one Lawyer Carpen ter still practices in the courts of New York. He has never been sick a day and expects to practice for years to come. It was Artemus Ward who said of a certain congress years ago: “Go home, you miserable devils, go‘home.” If Mr. Ward were alive it would be interesting to hear his comment on the present conglomeration at Washington. The death of Dr. William T. Briggs, or Nashville, removes one of the foremost physicians and surgeons of this country. Dr. Briggs was an ex-president of the American Medical Association, and was widely known throughout the country. He leaves many friends in Atlanta who regard his death as a serious loss to the profes sion. Rev. Myron W. Reed, a popular minister in Denver, has resign.ed because his so cialistic views do not suit his rich congre gation. In an address the other night Mr. Reed said of the Colorado mine troubles: “1 am not a prophet, but 1 am the son of a prophet. My father foresaw the beginning of the war. I see the beginning of a war now. Those men on the hill are fighting the first battle. Special advantages to none, equal opportunities to all. Under this banner we fight this fight.” The statement has obtained currency that Queen Victoria believes herself to be a descendant of David, king of Israel. The theory is that the eldest daughter of Zede kiah fled to Ireland with Jeremiah, when the latter was an old man, and afterward married Heremon, king of Ulster. A quar ter of a century ago, as the story goes, a clergyman, named Glover, told the queen that she was a descendant of King David, only to be informed that she and the prince consort had discovered that interesting fact many years before. As a consequence of this discovery it is given but that the queen ?s anxious to make a trip to Pales tine, in order to look upon the land over which her ancestors ruled. This may be true, but there is no reason apparent why the queen might not long ago have visited the holy land if so disposed. There is merriment in some of the news papers over the proposition of Mr. Dickey in the New York constitutional convention to amend the fundamental law so as to allow a man to vote at twenty years of age. Come to think of it, however, there is no reason why the voting should be fixed arbitrarily at twenty, and most young men are quite as well qualified to vote at twenty as at twenty-one. Much less is required in many states of the foreign born voter, and nine out of ten of these naturalized voters are less fitted than a boy of eighteen to exercise the right of suffrage. It is not generally known that in several of the western states a foreign born man is al lowed to vote on his rst papers, or declara tion of intention to become a citizen—which is an outrage that ought to be counteracted in some way. Some revolutionary changes seem to have crept over old England, seriously endan gering the safety of the famous British constitution. When before was the time that everybody, but the disreputable Stig ginses, did not throw up his hat and cheer when the prime minister won the derby? His victory was a victory for the whole country anil established his administration, however shaky it might have been before. Now the victory of Lord Rosebery’s horse, and his satisfaction over it, has awakened a storm of indignant protest. A prominent non-ccnfonnist minister has written a pro testing letter to The London Chronicle, say ing: "The premier’s utterances are boun/ to further popularize an institution whic is the most corrupt and most dangerous o our national life. The non-conformist con science will not much longer tolerate a horse-racing prime minister.” And The Westminster Gazette thinks that the letter expresses the opinions of an element strong enough to hurl the liberal minister and his party from power. The crowned heads of Europe seem to take a good deal of stock in life insurance. It is announced that the king of Portugal has just t .ken out a S2OO,<M)O policy on his life, but that is an insignificant investment compared with these of the other poten tates. The late Emperor Frederick of Ger many was insured for 84,000.000. The queen regent of Spain lias her life insured for a large amount, in behalf of her two little daughters, following the example of her husband, whose death mulcted the various companies in which he was insured for $5,000,000. The life of King Leopold, of Belgium, is heavily insured, as is also that of ueen Victoria. The queen’s husband, the late prince consort, was insured for close upon $5,000,000, the income of which has been en joyed by his widow. About the only sover eign in Europe who is not insured is the czar of Russia, the companies regarding him as too unsafe a risk on account of the nihilists. C:*e A THE MISSING rind word. To July ist. An interesting; Contest in Which Ev er? body IJus the Same Chance. The Missing Word competition craze is the latest fad in England. It is exciting the whole country, and hundreds of thousands of people are racking their brains for miss ing words. Several London weeklies have started what they cail “missing word competi tions,” and the craze has affected all Eng land to such an extent as to block the money or'? t office, and embarrass the whole postal service. The scheme is this; A sentence is printed every week from which one word is omitted; for instance, “Smith is a——” and people are invited to send in their guess with a money order for a shilling. The money sent in is divided among the gucssers who name the correct word. A few weeks ago one paper distrib uted $35,000 among forty-three correct guess ers, each man receiving over SBOO for h.'s shilling. The money order blanks have all been used up at many postoflices, the mahs are clogged and clubs have been organized to go into the guessing business. TO < ON’STITUTION BEADERS. The Constitution makes this proposition Among those who supply the missing wor in the following sentence between now and the Ist of July, 1891. we will divide one fourth of the subscription receipts of all those who send guesses with their subscrip tions. This leaves u's the bare and actual cost of furnishing the paper to subscribers for the year. THE SENTENCE. “Patiently, with the dark lantern closed and hid under his arm, he waited behind a ragged rock in the crevice next to the clothes for the ——— to return.” Supply the missing word in the above sentence and if you guess the correct word you will share with the others who are as fortunate one-fourth of the receipts from the subscriptions of all those who guess. THE GUARANTEE. No one knows the word missing except the managing editor, who has placed it in a sealed envelope and which will be opened on July Ist. We pledge our honor that the division will be made and published Just as outlined. HIE PROSPECT. Suppose 5,000 guesses were made. This would leave $1,250 as one-fourth of the subscription receipts, for so many names to be divided among the successful guess ers. Supposing ten persons guessed the word, this would give them $125 each; if twenty, $62.50, etc. Suppose there are 10,000 guesses—which is not improbable—this may give from SIOO to SSOO each to the success ful guessers. Checks will be mailed imme diately after July Ist. CONDITIONS AND INDUCEMENTS. The terms of the contest are few and sim ple: 1. Every guess must be accompanied by one year’s subscription to The Weekly Con stitution, sent to any address at sl. 2. The sender of a club of five at $1 each, for one year, is entitled to a free paper one year and also a guess. 3. With every subscription the missing word should be written plainly, with the name and address of the guesser. It is not necessary to rewrite the sentence —simply . write the word and label it “the missing word for July Ist.” 4. Renewal subscriptions are entitled to guesses just as new subscribers. Remember that you get the greatest and / best of all American weekly newspapers for / every guess. You cannot do without The ] Constitution for 1894. Address all communi-/ cations to THE CONSTITUTION, / , * Atlanta, Ga.

Georgia Historic Newspapers

The Atlanta constitution. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1885-19??, June 18, 1894, Page 6, Image 6