Newspaper Page Text
HAS NEVER MET HIM.
MR. HAVEMYER.S ANSWER TO THE
INVESTIGATING COMMITTEE
WHEN ASKED ABOUT A CONFERENCE
Between Himself and President Cleveland
He Does Not Know Him—The Discus
sion Between Havemyerand Brice.
Washington, June 12.—Mr. Henry O.
Havemeyer, of New York, president of the
American Sugar Refining Company, known
as the sugar trust, arrived in Washington
last night in response to a subpoena from
the senatorial committee engaged in investi
gating the alleged relations between senators
and members of the trust, and appeared be
fore the committee this morning as a wit
ness. It was agreed some time ago that
Mr. Havemeyer should be called, but the
committee decided to get all the informa
tion possible from other sources concerning
his connection with the present tariff leg
islation before placing him on the stand,
in order that his examination might be
complete and thorough. The examinations
of Messrs. Terrell, Chapman and Reed were
conducted with particular reference to form
ing a basis for questioning Mr. Havemeyer,
who is regarded as one of the most impor
tant witnesses that has appeared before the
committee. Mr. Havemeyer was accompan
ied to Washington by Mr. F. S. Parsons,
the chief attorney for the trust, and James
C. Carter, of New York, who will represent
him as counsel. Mr. Cordmeyer, of New
York, was also with the party. He will be
questioned closely about the alleged contri
butions of the trust to the democratic cam
paign fund.
Mr. Havemeyer was the only witness ex
amined today. His answers to questions
were curt, and he did not offer to give in
formation that was not requested. Mr.
Havemeyer showed he had no respect for
titles in eliminating them altogether in
speaking of senators and others, and he
caused some astonishment among the mem
bers of the committee by his statement
that he had never seen President Cleve
land.
“I am president of the American Sugar
Refining Company,” said Mr. Havemeyer
in answer to a preliminary question.
Senator Quay read the article contained
in The Philadelphia Press that the witness
was present in the summer of 1893 after
Cleveland’s nomination with Mr. Benedict
either on his yacht on in conversation at
Greenwich. Conn., (where Mr. Havemeyer
resides) consulting about the sugar interests
as they were affected by the situation in
the Hawaiian islands.
“There is not a word of truth in it,” said
Mr. Havemeyer. "No such meeting ever
took place.”
He also denied the allegations in The
Press article that the sugar trust was or
ganized with reference to its influence on
the two great political parties. In regard
to the statement that the trust, on the
whole, is a democratic association, the
witness said it was not so.
Doesn't Know the President.
The Chairman—l have already asked you
about the conversation Mr. Edwards al
leged you had witii Mr. Cleveland, either
in Greenwich or on the yacht in the summer
of 1892, or in the summer of 1893. Hid you
ever have such a conversation anywhere?
Mr. Havemeyer—l have never exchanged a
word with Mr. Cleveland or been in his com
pany in my lite, and I have never seen the
man.
The Chairman—You have never seen him?
Mr. Havemeyer—l have never seen Mr.
Cleveland in New York or elsewhere.
Senator Allen—Do you mean to say, Mr.
Havemeyer, that you have never seen Mr.
Clevt land?
Mr. Havemeyer—l have never seen Mr.
Cleveland.
Senator Davis—You do not know what
he looks like, except from his pictures?
Mr. Havemeyer—Except from his pictures.
I suppose I would know him if I saw him.
Nor have I ever exchanged a word with
Mr. Benedict on the subject of sugar or
any other business matter whatever.
Had Some Warm Talk.
With reference to the statement in The
Press about a meeting between senators
and sugar trust men in Mr. Terrell's room
in the Arlington hotel, Mr. Havemeyer said
same time in March he was in Mr. Terrell’s
room when Senators Brice ai»d Smith and H.
L. Reed, of Boston, were present. There
was nothing said in that interview about
the obligations of the democratic party
to the sugar trust. He had been request
ed to go to Mr. Terrell’s room and found
Senator Brice tiiere. Mr. Terrell said:
“Here is an opportunity to tell one of
the senators what you know about sugar.”
“Mr. Havemeyer sent for his sample
boxes of sugar and delivered a lecture on
the subject. Senator Smith came in later
and the witness made some allusion to the
wrangling he and Senator Brice had
about sugar.
The Chairman—You said you had been
having a wrangle with Mr. Brice over
sugar?
Mr. Havemeyer—Mr. Erice and I got hot
over the matter bef< re we finKhed it.
The Chairman—ln what way and on what
account?
Mr. Havemeyer—l said something about
the democratic party that he took umbrage
at, I thought.
The Chairman—What was said?
Mr. Havemeyer—l said that the demo
cratic party was put into power, not to
destroy any industry, but to take suitable
and proper care of every industry, and that
this selection of the sugar refining indus
try of the United States for attack was
infamous as a party proceeding.
The Chairman—Was that the matter
aoout which you had what you call the
wrangling?
Mr. Havemeyer—That is the matter over
winch we got rather hot.
The Chairman—What did Mr. Brice have
to say?
Mr. Havemeyer—Mr. Brice said he
thought the democratic party felt disposed
to be fair aoout the matter, but did not
appear to have anybody who would shoulder
the incubus of the sugar trust; that he
was not particularly interested in it, as
it was not an industry in his state, but
as a senator he did want to do what was
fair and right in the matter, and would
like to hear further exposition of the sub
ject.
Mr. Chairman—Was that all that was
said?
Mr. Havemeyer—Yes, sir.
The Chairman—Was anything said at the
time about the indebtedness of the demo
cratic party to the sugar trust, so called .
Mr. Havemeyer —No, sir. When Mr.
Smith came in, the conversation on sugar
had ceas-'i and the subject was not again
referred to. The talk was merely desul
tory. . . .
The Chairman —Was there any statement
made by vou, or anybody else there, or
Mr. Smith, or Mr. Brice, that the bill would
be beaten If sugar did not get fair treat
ment?
Mr. Havemeyer—No, sir.
The Chairman—Did Senatro Smith then,
or at any other time, reply to you or say
to vou that he did not see what he could
then do, but there was always this conso
lation. that if thev could not secure the
schedule they wanted, they could sure j
defeat the bill, leaving the present law
operative?
Mr. Havemeyer—No.
The Chairman-What other senators did
you see on this business than those you
have already spoken of?
Mr. Havemeyer—l saw Mr. Hill.
The Chairman—Where did you ..-e h. ,
and how often? , T „„„
Mr. Havemeyer—At his room, and I saw
him twice. I saw Mr. Brice, saw Mr. Jones,
saw Mr. Vest, saw Mr. Caffery.
The Chairman —Any others .
Mr. Havemeyer—No. I tried to see others
but did not succeed.
Senator Allen-Did you see Senator White,
of Lous’ana?
Mr. Havemeyer—No, sir.
Senator Dodge—Senator Gorman.
• Mr. Havemfeye-r—Oh,- Gorman! I saw
Gorman twice. On one ocasion Senator
Brice sent for the witness and ne went
:o the senator’s house, where he met Sen-
ator Caffery, and they had a talk over su
gar. The witness told Mr. Caffery exactly
what he had told to the other senators,
and, also, that it was to the advantage of
Louisiana to have the form of duty at?
valorem, irrespective of what the rate was*
Mr. Caffery told me that he was satisfied
his people wanted pacific rates. That is
about the substance of the conversation.
The Chairman—Did you have any agree
ment with him so far as you two were
concerned, as to any rate of schedule, ad
valorem or specific?
Mr. Havemeyer—No sir. My plea was
that no matter what the rate was agreed
upon, it ought to be under the ad valorem
system.
That was the only occasion, he said,
when he had met any senator at Mr.
Brice’s house.
Senator Allen—You have endeavored since
the organization of the sugar trust to con
trol congressional legislation upon the sub
ject of sugar, have you not?
Mil. Havemeyer—Only by fair means,
which I have a right to do.
Senator Allen—And by either coming to
Washington in person or having some per
son to represent you here during the ses
sion of congress?
Mr. Havemeyer—l have never had any
body to represent me. I have always done
that thing in person.
Contributed to Campaign Funds.
“Undoubtedly that’s what 1 have been
down here for,” frankly answered Have
meyer when Senator Allen asked him
whether the first sugar trust and the pres
ent one had not endeavored to control legis
lation of congress with a view to protect
ing its interests and with a view to making
money out of such legislation. The witness
said he had contributed to the democratic
state campaign fund last year to a moder
ate amount—he forgot the exact figures. He
always contributed to the republican state
campaign fund, but ho could not say that
he contributed to it last year without re
freshing his memory. His recollection was
that no contributions were made by him
in 1892.
Mr. Havemeyer said: “Contributions to
local political organizations have always
been made by corporations before the
trust, and by the trust, and the American
Sugar Refining Company, and no doubt will
continue to be. It is a very suitable and
proper thing to do.”
Senator Allen—Why should the American
Sugar Refining Company contribute to eith
er of the political parties in the state of
New York.
Mr. Havemeyer—We have large interests
in the state; we want. police
protection and fire protection. We
need everything that the city furnishes
and gives and they have to support these
things. Every individual and corporation
and firm, trust or whatever you call it, does
these things, and we do them.
Senator Allen—And yqu contribute to both
parties with the expectation of whichever
party succeeds your interests will be
guarded.
Mr, Havemeyer—We have a good deal of
protection for our contribution.
Senator Allen—Contributions were also
given to the republican party in Massachu
setts?
Mr. Havemeyer—lt is my impression that
wherever there is a dominant party, wher
ever the party is very large, that is the
party that gets the contribution, because
that is the party which controls the local
matters.
Senator Allen—Then the sugar* trust is a
democrat in a democratic state and a re
publican in a republican state?
Mr. Havemeyer—As far as local matters
are concerned, I think that is about it.
He would have to look up where contri
butions went in Pennsylvania and New
Jersey. He could not. give the amount con
tributed by the sugar trust to campaign
funds, but, in answer to Senator Allen, he
said it did not amount to SIOO,OOO. It had not
contributed to the anti-snapper fund.
Mr. Allen asked for full data as to all
money contributed by the American Sugar
Refining Company or any of its officers in
its account or in its interest m the different
states of the union, in 1892 and 1893. for po
litical purposes of any political party
whether national, state or local.
The requst was granted by the committee
and Mr. Havemeyer asked an opportunity
to consult his counsel before furnishing the
data called for.
Mr. Cordmeyer was also examined. He
said his occupation was “executor of his
father’s last will,” president of the Acme
Fertilizing Company, and managing partner
of Cordmeyer & Co. He had no connection
with the American Sugar Refining Company
except as a stockholder. The estate was a
stockholder. He represented the estate's
stockholding interest and had talked with
Senators Smith and Murphy and had told
them that the last section did not afford
sufficient protection to the sugar industry.
Mr. Cordmeyer denied having been present
at any consultation between members of
the sugar trust and senators in the capitol
or anywhere else. The rest of Mr. Cord
m-yer’s testimony was not important. The
committee will meet tomorrow.
Havemeyer called twice upon Senator
Hill, of whom he said Hill told him he was
dominated by other interests at the mo
ment. “I think at the first interview' he
had the Peckham matter in hand, and on
the second interview he had the income tax
on the brain. 1 felt that a New York sen
ator ought to be big enough besides these
side issues to have the interests of his state
in charge, and my visit was with the inten
tion to have him take an active interest in
an industry which was imperiled by con
gressional action.”
SPEAKS RIGHT OCT.
Mr Havemeyer Says the Combine was to Ad
vance the Price of Sugar to Consumers.
Washington, June 13.-H. O. Havemeyer
was before the sugar trust committee again
today. Mr. Havemeyer was on the stand
about half an hour. He made only one
important statement that was new, most
o? his testimony being a repetition of what
he said yesterday.
He declined to state the amount of money
the American Sugar Kenning Company
had contributed to the state and ioi ,u
campaign funds, and asserted that tms
was a matter over which the committee
had no jurisdiction.
Mr Havemeyer repeated his statement
of yesterday that the relining company,
which Havemeyer says is "misnamed a
trust,” had contributed rfothlng to any
national campaign fund.
With reference to the question as to how
much money the so-called trust had made
in profits that could be attributed directly
to the McKinley act, he made the rather
ambiguous answer that the profits that
v ould me made under the tariff bill now
before the senate would be about, one
fourth of those made under the McKinley
law.
Mr. Havemeyer was excused at the con
clusion of his testimony. It is understood
that the committee has no authority to
make Havefffeyer tell how much money the
refining company contributed for state and
local campaign purposes.
The members of the committee are very
much gratified at the full and free state
ments made by Havemeyer, and they say
that they believe he was entirely frank tn
what he sa.icl.
Senator Lindsay asked: "is not mis
further fact that the trust, being able to
fix the price in America, has it not been
the policy of ihe tr Ist to iix it just low
enough to keep out refined sugar made in
foreign countries?”
“That is the business, practically, of the
American Sugar Refining Company.”
“And so vou have fixed it as to practi
cally exclude all foreign competition?”
“Yes. sit 1 as a protection to our own bus
in “fn fact,” said Senator Allen, “the very
nurnose of the formation of the trust, as 1
understand you, was to advance the price
of sugar to the American consumer.’ ’
“Yes sir,” was the frank response.
“And the American consumer is today
navin" three-eighths of a cent a pound on
relined sugar more than he would be com
pelled to pay under a system of free (or
separate) refineries?”
"Yes, sir.”
The Treasurer Testifies.
John G. Searles, secretary and treasurer
of the sugar trust, also testified, but b#
THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTION; ATLANTA. GA.. MONDAY. JUNE 18,1894.
added very little to the committee’s stock
of information, the ground having been so
thoroughly covered by Mr. Havemeyer.
He corroborated Mr. Havemeyer’s state
ments throughout. Mr. Searles said his
sole business in Washington last winter
was for the purpose of influencing congres
sional legislation on the sugar schedule.
Then Mr. Allen proceeded to question
Mr. Searles about the contributions of the
trust to campaign funds. Mr. Searles said
that contributions had been made m 1592.
but he did not care to testify on that
point unless the resolution, under which
the committee was acting, embraced that
inquiry. He was told that the resolution
did embrace that point, and answered:
“In answer to that question with refer
ence to any contributions to secure or de
feat legislation, 1 answer emphatically no."
How the Sugar Sharks Rob.
Washington, D. C., June 15. —[Special.1—
The cases of Correspondents Edwards
and Shriver for refusing to tell everything
they know to the senate investigating com
mittee are pending before the district
courts. It is not improbable that these
correspondents will be punished by fine and
imprisonment.
Among their charges were that the sugar
trust owned some senators.
Whether that be true or untrue the ad
missions of President Havemeyer, of the
sugar trust, in his testimony before the in
vestigating committee are sufficient to
arouse every honest American citizen
against the sugar schedule in the tariff
bill now pending before the senate.
It is nothing more nor less than a sche
dule which will rob every American citizen
for the benefit of the sugar trust.
Mr. Havemeyer in his testimony says
the sugar trust has only the politics of
business; that it has contributed to various
campaign funds of both parties. He re
fused, however, to give amounts.
Taxing; the Public.
The most significant admission of Have
meyer is that since the organization of
the sugar trust, by virtue of the protection
accorded it, it has made a profit of % of a
cent a pound on its sugar. He added:
“Under the pending tariff bill the in
creased price of sugar to the consumer,
from the present price, would be one cent
a pound.
“Being able to fix the price in America,
has it not been the policy of the trust to
fix it just low enough to keep out refined
sugar made in foreign countries;” asked
Senator Lindsay.
“That is the business, practically, of the
American Sugar Refining Company,” said
Mr. Havemeyer.
“And you have so fixed it as to practically
exclude all foreign competition?”
“Yes, sir; as protection to our own busi
ness.”
“In fact,” said Senator Allen, “the very
purpose of the formation of the trust, as I
understand you, was to advance the price
of sugar to tjje American consumer?”
“Yes, sir,” was the frank response.
“And the American consumer is today
paying % of a cent a pound on refined
sugars more than he would be compelled to
pay under a system of free (or separate)
refineries?”
“Yes, sir.”
Other People Think So, Too.
In all his testimony, as in this extract,
Mr. Havemeyer is frank. From reading
his testimony one would judge that he
feels he has congress under his thumb and
is confident of getting all the protection
he wants.
The senate committee has given in to
the trust in the pending tariff bill. By
some unknown means the entire senate has
been forced to stand and deliver to the
trust at the expense of the American peo
ple. The senate proposes to tax the people
for the benefit of the sugar trust. The
people must pay a toll of % of a cent a
pound to the sugar trust on every pound of
sugar they consume. They must pay it to
protect this great American industry. In
cluding officers, clerks and laborers the I
various factories of the trust support 25,000 i
people. Every man, woman and child of I
the 65,000,000 American people must be !
*< P ,und ■’ *
t. j ur* furnish this 25,000 peon! f
with employment and make the stock-’
holders in the concern rich.
The senate has already voted on this
schedule of protection to the trust and
adopted it, but fortunately for the Ameri
can people the house has not. The house
is against it. Once it had, by a large ma
jority, voted to put all sugars on the free
list. It may do so again. Certainly it will
never agree to the enormous protection
to the sugar trust the senate has granted
it. The house may put a small duty on
sugar for revenue purposes, for it is a
revenue producing article, but unless senti
ment is to be changed in a night by undue
methods it will never agree to a schedule
that fosters a trust by taxing the people
for its benefit. E. W. B.
Ransom s Son Played a Little.
Washington, June 16.—Many senators were
examined to day by the senatorial commit
tee engaged in investigating the relations
between the sugar trust and senators. When
the committee adjourned it had heard the
testimony of seventy-four of the eighty-five
members of the senate. The eleven who are
yet to be examined are Messrs. Butler,
Cameron, Dixon. Gorman, Irby, Mitchell of
Oregon, Pittigrew, Walsh, Washburn, Wil
son and Wolcott. Most of these are out of
town and Senator Wolcott is ill in Paris.
The committee developed no sensations
today, but it managed to explode one. For
some time past there have been rumors
that Senator Ransom, of North Carolina,
had been speculating in sugar stock, but
the reputation for integrity held by him has
effectually prevented their publication. To
day the basis for these rumors was shown
by the statement of the senator to the com
mittee that his son, George, who is his
clerk, and Captain Barnes, his messenger,
had invested small sums in the bucket shops.
The explanation of General Ransome was
a complete vindication for him from the
accusations contained in the rumors.
Nearly all tne senators who testified to
day made negative answers to the ques
tions prepared by the committee, and were
allowed to go without further examination.
All those, however, whose names had been
mentioned by witnesses in connection with
the sugar legislation, were questioned at
length. They were the members of the
finance committee, and Senators Smith, of
New Jersey; Murphy, of New York, and a
few others. The categorical questions ask
ed by the committee of every senator who
appeared before it, were as follows:
“Have you given any information, direct
ly or indirectly, to any one interested in
sugar stocks, so called, or in the stock of
the American Sugar Refining Company, that
w‘as intended or calculated to affect its
value?
“Have you bought or sold, directly or in
directly, since the beginning of this session
of congress, any so-called sugar stock or
stocks, or stock cirtificates of the Ameri
can Sugar Refining Company?
“Have you been concerned with any one
in interest, direct or indirect, contingent
or otherwise, in any operation whether by
purchase or sale of said stocks or certifi
cates?
“Has any one bought or sold for your ac
count, or in your interest any of such
stocks, or speculated in any of such Stocks
on your account, or given you to under
stand that you would share in the profits
of any operation in such stocks, or place
any money to your credit as the proceeds
of the purchase or sale of such stocks, or
promised or agreed to place such money to
your credit?
“Has any member of your family or any
person in your employ, or any clerk employ
ed under the laws of the United States in
your service, been, to your knowledge, in
terested in any of the ways indicated in
any of the preceding questions, in any trans
action in sugar stocks or certificates dur
ing the period mentioned?
“Have you, or any of your family, or any
such clerk, owned or held certificates of the
American Sugar Refining Company during
the period heretofore mentioned?
“Have you, at any time, been connected
with the American Sugar Refining Com
pany, or have you, at any time been in its
employ as attorney, agent, or otherwise?”
If you are tired taking the large, old
fashioned griping pills, try Carter’s Little
Liver Pills and take some comfort. A man
can’t stand everything. One pill a dose.
DISCUSSING TARIFF.
k
THE WEEK’S PROCEEjKa,IfGS Olf THIS
IMPORTANT
,-ner of v
COTTON BAGGK? wartrS;FREE LIST,
of sheer thin ma,
Bags for C JieS bey ° nd tempted
from Dleal to be thankful frying to
Berdecreed the wearing oi ->].
c more. It is a long time
ns, organdies and such gos-
Ws have been in vogue except •’ was
t c ;wear, at garden parties or sum-
tainments. Such a thing as a j-Cjule
Pjgandie or muslin gown on the .[
the city, or even in the country '
'as unheard of, and women buckled . "' ce
-es into tight-fitting cloth and silk oof
h serene resignation. not
■Ut could ever be prettier or dain- rn
the flowered muslins and organ- Dyed
Toned as they are, in such delicate as &ist
ii.artistic patterns? For those wb" 1 .
r lof one color, plain blues, pin-’’ l as, 18;
naj can be had in astonishing,
Thhe all-over effect of flow l ule came
next que patterns or stceoun v o p the
financey one who takes P ur, ‘> ‘agreed to
prompt’
>"lotted d, will sti'g Free.
ot’lln is aunty; a
The hem " - ;roo i tt! ... jute schedule met
with a litis'*. o f ire discussion, but the
finance comml -e's recommendations were
all agreed to cept that Mr. Vest moved
to strike out the last phrase of the sched
ule, putting a duty on grain bags, so that
they might be afterwards placed on. the free
list. This was agreed to.
The next paragraph (271.) puts a duty of
15 per cent on bagging for cotton, composed
in part or in whole of hemp, flax, jute or
jute bums.
An amendment was offered by Mr. Peffer
to exempt it from duty.
Mr. Vest said that no opposition would
be offered to the amendment by the finance
committee.
The amendment was agreed to—yeas, 34;
nays, 19, and cotton bagging was made ex
empt from duty.
Then came the paragraph on collars and
cuffs (275). The house bill made the duty
on collars and cuffs and shirts and all linen
wearing apparel 35 per cent ad valorem.
The amendment of the finance committee
was to make the paragraph read: “Collars
and cuffs composed wholly or in part of
linen, 30 cents per dozen pieces, and in ad
dition thereto 30 per cent ad valorem; shirts
and all other articles of wearing apparel of
every' description, not specially provided for
in this act, composed wholly or in part of
linen, 50 per cent ad valorem.
Messrs. Platt, Hoar, Chandler and Aid
rich twitted the democrats with* having
placed a duty not only protective, but pro
hibitive, on these articles of manufacture
an<l invited an explanation from Mr. Vest.
Mr. Vest insisted that the rates fixed
constituted a revenue duty.
Mr. Hoar turned toward Mr. Mills, w’ho
had gone over to the republican side of the
chamber, and said: “Will not the senator
from Texas tell us—”
A Retort l»y Mills.
Without waiting for a close of the sen
tence, Mr. Mills broke in: “With the great
est pleasure in the world. I knew that you
would come to me, and I was waiting for
you to do so. (Laughter.) We found our
selves in a situation where it was necessary
to make this concession. In order to prevent
some other barons engaged in plundering
the people of the United States about $300,-
000,000 a year on woolen goods and $125,000,000
a yea" on cotton goods, and in order to re
duce the plunder on woolen goods, about
$150,000,000, and the plunder on cotton goods
—well, not so much—very little—(laughter)—
we had to stand a little rise on collars and
cuffs.”
“That is not the way to state it,” Mr.
I Hoar said. “It is not a little rise on collars
!_ and cuffs. The senator goes forth, with his
bludgeon, in his hand and says ‘there is a
robbvi on tin- highroad plundering at large:
and therefore I will take £o the byways
and do a little plundering myself.’ (Laugh
ter.) But I would like to have the senator
go a little farther and tell us now it came
to be necessary to do this. How did it hap
pen? What democrat was it who would not
vote for the bill without certain condi
tions?”
Tuesday a Wearisome Day.
Washington, June 12.—1 f any progress was
made today in the direction of a final vote
on the tariff* bill it must have been in pri
vate consultations such as those which yes
terday removed all obstructions from the
path of the cotton schedule. In the public
open session there was not a step of pro
gress made.
Schedule K, “wool and manufactures of
wool,” was then taken up. The first par
agraph in the house bill (278) was in these
words: “Wooj of the sheep, hair of the
! camel, goat, alapaca and other like animls
in the form of slabbing waste, roving
waste, ring waste, mungo, shoddies,
granetted or carded waste, carbonized coils
or other wasste product, any of which is
composed wholly or in part of wool, the
hair of the camel, goat, alapaca and other
like animals, which has been improved or
advanced beyond its original condition, as
waste by the use of machinery or the appli
cation of labor or both, and carbonized
wool, shall be subject to a duty of 15 per
cent ad valorem.”
The paragraph was reported by the sen
ate finance committee without amend
ment, but, subsequently, Mr. Jones, on
ate finance committee without amend
ment striking out the paragraph so as to
have those classes of wool included in the
free list paragraph as to all wool. It is
that amendment which is pending.
Mr. McMillin, of Michigan argued in
favor of duties on wool and gave his as
sent to Mr. Peffer’s amendment to re
enact the existing' rates with a reduction
of 40 per cent.
Quay Continues His Narrative.
Mr. Quay then took the floor and deliv
ered the seventh portion of the tariff speech
which he began on the 14th of April last.
He had provided himself w’ith a volume
of 157 printed pages for the 'day, but he
yielded the floor readily to anybody who
chose to interrupt him.
Mr. Quay yielded the floor to Mr. Petti
grew, w. addressed the senate, giving his
hearers .straight protection for an hour.
When he had concluded Mr. Quay proceed
ed with his reading.
Senators Trying to Agic®.
Washington, June 13.—(Special.)—The sen
ate spent another weary day in listening
to long set speeches from the republicans.
The leaders of the two sides, however,
spent tb# day in conference, attempting to
agree v, of a woolen schedule. They will
effect coin Ltn agreement as they did upon
the labile and expect to put it
thru ! "’-ow or Friday. It is be-
gir Lok,- like the final vote on the
bi,' I the latter part of next
"t of the week follow
'd' the l,ill going into ef_
fi- W die changed to the Ist of
7 ’OTP
M) yz Wv Tariff Debate.
j lt> ,0 , June lfi.—[Special.]—
ip? 1.. ■cpnaua: -jk
w°. I v res free of duty (in re
latin' / raw' wool on the free
list) I ’ his own vote and those
of two T pulists—Senators Allen and
Kyle. Frc? fiat on through the schedule
there was >’y little friction or delay. On
women’s atAd children’s dress goods, how
ever (paragraph 283), the finance committee
amendment, making the rate 40 per cent ad
valorem on goods valued at not over uO
cents a pound and 50 per cent ad valorem
on goods valued at more than -50 cents a
pound, met a slight obstruction in the ad
verse votes of two democratic senators.
Mr. Coke, of Texas, demanded the yeas
and nays on the amendment and both he
and Mr. Berry, of Arkansas, voted against
it. They had’ voting with tjiem only one
republican—Mr. Teller, of Colorado—and
two populists—Senators Allen and Kyle.
Then the silk schedule was taken up and
disposed of, except as to the two first
paragraphs, spun silk and silk velvets,
which were reserved till Monday.
Schedule “M” (pulp, papers and books)
having been reached the bill was laid aside
and the senate at 5 o’clock p.jn. adjourned.
IN THE HOUSE.
The Indian Commissioners Have Their Pay
Cut Off Other News.
Washington, June 12. —Judge Maddox,
of Georgia, who is a member of the
Indian committee, came forward today for
the first time in the capacity of a leader.
For several hours he had charge of the
Indian appropriation bill and succeeded in
cutting from it the appropriation for the
Indian commission. That consists of nine
members who draw salaries of $5,000 each
and have proven of no use whatever for
•several years. Judge Maddox declared that it
was an obstacle instead of a benefit. It was
constantly trying to inject theories w'here
common sense should prevail. Indian in
spectors, he said, now performed the identi
cal service which the commission is re
quired to perform, and the fund appropriated
to the commission is principally spent in
maintaining an office and paying the sala
ries of men w T ho have absolutely nothing
to do. By a large majority the house sus
tained Judge Maddox and struck the clause
from the bill.
Senator Gordon has introduced the At
lanta exposition bill in the senate and it
nas been referred to the committee on
education and labor. Senators Gordon and
Walsh W'ill urge the committee to act upon
it at once and both are sajiguine that it
will be attached to the sundry civil bill by
the senate.
About the Berlin Commission.
Washington, D. C., Juno 13.—[Special.]—
The adjournment of the Berlin silver
commission without making a definite
recommendation has been the result of
some comment among the sliver men here.
They had hoped it would lead to an inter
national conference, which should proceed
without the co-operation of Great Britain.
The silver men in the house say the result
of this conference is another evidence that
the United States must execute her own
financial policy without waiting for foieign
nations.
In speaking of the matter, Senator Teller,
of Colorado, one of the most learned silver
advocates in America, said:
“The commission was the outgrowth of
discontent among the agrarian classes,
and was appointed by the government in
response to the strong silver sentiment
existing in the agricultural section of Ger
many. I have understood that it was called
only for the purpose of selecting informa
tion. It will prove a benefit to the silver
cause, because it will result in educating
the masses of the German people. But
I don’t think the work of the commission
will have any great effect here, unless it
be to increase the conviction which is al
ready growing in this country that the
United States will have to take this ques
tion in hand and act independently of other
nations.”
Mr. Bryan, of Nebraska, said: “As long
as we wait for Germany and England,
nothing will be done towards restoring sil
ver, but as soon as we recognize that the
interests of our people are too important
to be submitted to the wishes of foreign
countries, and act ourselves, the sooner
will silver be restored to its former (Pace
on equality with gold, and the sooner will
prosperity return to our industries.”
Pensions for Georgians.
Pensions have been granted during the
past week to the following Georgians:
Indian war survivors: James C. Smith,
Clinch county; William Starling. Coffee
county: D. L. Long, Rockdale county; Wil
liam W. Scott, Madison county; Jacob
Lightsey, Pierce county.
Indian war widows: Elizabeth J. Jones,
Jackson county; Amanda Weaver, Wayne
county; Nancy Stone, Berrien county; Eli
zabeth Smith, Clinch county; Mary A.
Alford, Troup county; Margaret T. Sisson,
Madison county; Mary J. Helms, Muscogee
county; Hannah Y. Karr, Hall county;
Martha Johnson, Floyd county; Elizabeth
Rowland, Hall county; Laura Williams,
Clarke county.
Mexican war widow—Frances E. Spilman,
Cobb county. Widow of war of 1812—Re
becca Hurt, Randolph county. Original—
John Duckett, Whitfield county.
Watson Wishes io Be Heard.
Washington, D. C., June 14.—[Special.—
Judge Lawson, who is a member of the
elections committee which recently made
a unanimous report against Tom Watson
in his contest for Major Black’s seat, today
received a letter from Tom Watson, in
which he says:
“Having seen in the newspapers the state
ment that the elections committee has
agreed unanimously on a report adverse to
me, I beg to lay before the committee,
through you, my’ request to be heard in
my own behalf upon the floor of the house.”
Judge Lawson will lay the letter before
the elections committee tomorrow.
Marin Against Breckinridge.
Mr. Funk, of Illinois, has introduced a
petition from the Woman’s Christian Tem
perance Union, of Norman, 111., asking the
expulsion of .Mr. Breckinridge, of Kentucky,
from the house.
Talking About Adjournment.
Members of the house are beginning to
talk about adjournment. If the tariff bill
comes back to the house by the Ist of July
congress will adjourn about August 15th.
Many members are anxious to get home,
especially those who voted for the repeal
of the Sherman law. News from all sec
tions is that silver is growing more popular
all over the country and the members who
voted to repeal the Sherman law want to
get home to explain.
Uses a. Sand-Glass.
During the five-minute debate in the sen
ate the vice president has been making use
of an old-fashioned sand glass, which takes
just five minutes to empty. This is one of
the old customs of the senate, from which
it will not change. It is like the snuff cus
tom still in vogue in the senate chamber. J
Old Captain Bassett still keeps a snuffbox !
well filled for the use of senators, though
few remain who make use of the powdered
snuff.
The house is different from the senate.
It keeps abreast of the times. There are
no sand glasses in the house for keeping the
time of speeches. Instead a patented clock
is used. The little object is arranged to
work like a stop watch and is accurate to
the second in keeping the time, and is so
arranged as to be started going when a
speech commences. For the next speech
the hand is flipped back and it starts over
again, registering the time.
This is about the only thing in which
the house is more extravagant than the !
senate. The senate’s timekeeper costs 25
cents, while the little clock of the house
with which Charley Crisp, the clerk to the
speaker’s table, keeps the time, costs S9O.
But it is correct and no one disputes its rec
ord.
Tke Indian Hill I’nsses.
Washington, 1). C., June 1(>. —[Special.]—
After more than a week’s debate the
house finally passed the Indian appropria
tion bill today. This closes up the list of
appropriation bills in the house with the
exception of the deficiency bill. The qnly
other important matters pending before the
house unacted on are the anti-option bill,
which comes up next week; the Cotton
States and International exposition
bill, which is expected to go
on the sundry civil bill in the
senate, and the bankruptcy bill. The house
could adjourn within two weeks were it
not for the delay caused by the senate.
The banking and currency committee has
elected Messrs. Cox of Tennessee, Cobb of
Missouri. Culberson of Texas, Henderson of
Illinois, and Hanger of Wisconsin as a com- j
mittee to prepare a banking bill. They ,
will however, probably not be able to pre- !
utre it in time for action by congress at |
this session. Mr. Culberson, one of the best .
men on the committee and the one expect- ;
ed to do the main work in the prepara
tion of the bill, is absent, having been
called to Texas yesterday by the illness
of his wife.
Stockyards Burned.
Washington, June 13.—The Union stock
yards, located at Rennings, D. C., a short
distance from "Washington, was burned, this
afternoon. Damage, $125,000.
SAFE GROPED FOR DEMOt
Let Them Indorse All Mr. <
Hus Done That Can Be Apprv .
From The New York Herald.
The recently announced abandonment of
the effort engineered from Washington to
secure from southern democratTc state con
ventions specific and direct endorsements of
the financial policy of the administration
materially changes the situation in this sec
tion, and will greatly modify the interest
which would naturally be taken in the pro
ceedings of these conventions if it were
known that they were to be urged to per
form this remarkably supple and contra
dictory feat of political gymnastics.
A few w’eeks ago in one of these letters
to The Herald I made the statement that
in not a single state convention in the south
would the policy which has prevailed in
Washington as regards the nation’s finan
cial affairs be endorsed. A few democratic
organs, ready to endorse everything and
anything reached by the limit of the pa
tronage tether by which they are tied, hoot
ed at the idea, while others, misconstruing
the purpose of the statement, argued, in an
attempt to disprove it, that the democratio
conventions of the southern states would,
pass some kind of resolutions of endorse
ment of the administration, just as they
have been in the habit of doing.
In this connection, and before further
commenting upon the recent development
which seems to have paved the way for
harmonious settlement, let me again define
the position taken in the letter above re
ferred to, that there may be no further
misunderstanding. I did not in that let
ter question, nor have I, the advisability of
passing general resolutions of endorsement
concerning the administration.
On the otlter hand, it would be exceeding
ly unwise and impolitic for the party in
open convention to withhold such expres
sions of general endorsement and of confi
dence in the honesty and integrity of the
administration, and so forth, as_it has been
customary to bestow.
While the people have by no means gotten
what they expected from the present ad
ministration, we have much to be thankful
for In many of the things which have been
done, and that we are under a democratic
and not a republican administration. Hence
we should be duly thankful for those things
which we have received and are about to
receive; nor should we be resentful for the
things which, though promised, we have not
received.
It would be the supreme height of folly
for a democratic convention to condemn in
any wise a democrat;.' administration. It
would simply be a plea of guilty to the
charge of the enemy. At the same tima
the party must maintain its honor and selt
respect, which it cannot do by stultifying
it-elf by an action which not only wipes
out but reverses its life record and endorses
in specific terms that in which it does not
believe. , , . .
There is a safe middle ground which,
while offering no comfort to the enemy,,
will enable the party to reopen, its fight in
congress, under other circumstances ana
at another time, for the princip'e for which,
it has been contending since it-- beginning.
The course suggested by conservatism,
and insisted upon by those who do iiot
wish to be put in the position of endorsing
that which they have for years been con
tending against is to approve ail that has
been done by Mr. Clev< lin 1 and the ad
ministration consistent with the pledges of
the party and the expectations of the peo
ple, and to refrain from approving in speci
fic terms such acts as conflict wiih the
sentiment of the people whose expressions
go to make the record of this year s state
conventions.
Admit Mr. Cleveland’s honesty, his sin
cerity and emphatic belief that he 13
right. Endorse all that he has done that
can be consistently endorsed, call lor the
redemption of every pb dge of the platform
and stop right there. There is not a south
ern state that will go further than this,
for the people fully realize that tor the
party in these states to take up awl make
as its own the financial policy which
Cleveland has applied to the a’ministra
tion is to court annihilation and invoke
•open rebelli in . ” : ''' '• " ■
offers the only safe course for relief, se
curity and national prosperity.
These conditions would have been ful
fil d today had the pledges of the demo
e itic platform been redeemed. They have
not, and the result is that the beiterea
condition promised with the success of tlia
democracy two years ago is in the eclipse
k>£ business depression and general stagna
tion. The relief is in the platform, and i£
its declarations are followed the wisdom
of its mandates will at once become ap
parent.
The party in every southern state wall ba
exceedingly careful to avoid s. . il.e en
dorsement of these measures.
word for it, none of these acts w:ll be en
dorsed in the south, and even the prob
ability of such a course has disappeared
in the abandonment of the effort. .Mr,
Cleveland as a man will
pressions of the southern democrats the
usual recognition accorded to any man of
courage and honesty of purpose.
Thus there will be harmony in the south,
and everybody will be snt sti-'d except t.i .-a
who are never satisfied, and they are rap.d
ly increasing in number, and if the popu
lists or the republicans make any inroad?
into the normal strength of the democratic
vote in any of the southern states it will
be for no earthly reason than that t.-e
party has not as yet lived un to its cam
paign pledges. There are two more yea.-s
ahead, t many t hings ’can b'
done, as well as undone, in that period.
CLARK HOWELL.
Atlanta, June 9, 1891.
MORTON M ANTS IT.
The Vice- I’rcsident Mj-hes the Republican
Nomination for I’resideiit*
New York, Jum p *
Morton is a candidate for the republican,
nomination for governor of New Yoik. bo
is Chauncey M. Depew and forty-nine
other republicans of more or less pi emi
nence. The indications are that Mortou
will be nominated by acclamation. If he
puts himself and his barrel in the hands
of his friends it will be impossible for any
Other candidate to beat him.
Morton has been in Europe for more than
a year. He went to I'aris to uudeigo a
surgical operation. When the iactiunal
fights in the republican party in the state
broke out last winwr friends of Mr.
wrote to him to come home awl settle the
trouble, then he would be nominated for
governor. Foxy old politician that he is,
Morton wrote home that his health was so
poor he was out of polities and could not
be a ca ndi la for governor.
The factional fights went on and Morion
kept posted. Now that the tune for the
convention is approaching and the leaders
begin to realize the need of selecting as a
candidate for governor a maa w.io can
unite all factions around his barrel tne
obi man writes from London that his
health is much improved and that he is in
th? hands of his friends.
This news was not welcome to the young
and ambitious candidates who believe that
the republican candidate will be elected and
if elected will be a strong candidate for
the nomination for president in 1896. But
there is a disposition apparent already to
win if possible, no matter what may be
the sacrifice of individual ambitions, so
Morton is a b'g favorite in the race and his
friends regard his nomination as certain.
THE HOMEOPATHIC CONVENTION.
Celebrating Its Semi-Centennial tons
vention in Denver, Colorado.
Denver, Col., June 16. —(Special.)—The
American Institute of Homeopathy is now
in session here with a large attendance.
This is the semi-centennial anniversary of
tne profession and the meeting is a grand
jubilee. It is the oldest national medical
organization in America. The following
officers have been elected for the coming
year:
C. E. Fisher, M. D., of Chicago, presi
dent; first vice president, George W. N.
Custis, of Washington; second vice presi
dent, E. G. Storks, M. D., of Denver; gen
eral secretary, E. H. Porter, M. D., of
New York; provincial secretary, Frank
Kraft, M. D., of Cleveland, O.; assistant
treasurer, T. Franklin Smith, M. D., of
New York; registrar, C. S. Hoag, M. D.»
of Bridgeport. Conn.
The place for the next meeting will be
selected Monday. The convention is a
thoroughly representative one and much
enthusiasm is manifested In its proceeding#.