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ing with amazement and alarm. What
could it mean? The garden had become
sufficiently light to show that Mrs. Fincan
non’s companion was veiled and wrapped
for a journey. Uncle Cato looked over the
young man’s shoulder and Shack came
close behind Uncle Case.
"Name er God!” whispered Uucle Cato,
under his breath, “dar’g dat ar Mr. Beas
ley!”
"What I tell you?” whispered Shack.
Otis Maxwell pressed forward noiselessly,
followed by the negroes. Then he paused.
Air. Beasley had come out of the shadow
and advanced toward Mrs. Fincannon and
her .companion.
"Miss Ethel?” said Mr. Beasley. "Is it
you? Come!” Me spoke almost triumphant
ly, extending his hands.
"Don’t pester her now,” said Mrs. Fin
cannon in a tone as sweetly persuasive as
She could command; “don't fret her any
more than you can help. She’s been mighti
ly worried, havin’ to leave her pa in this
kinder fashion, an* she don’t feel like talk
in’. You’ve got the license an’ all I reckon?”
“Everything, madam, even the preacher
Is here—the Rev. Dr. Sampson. Shall I
Call him?”
“Oh, no! You hain't got no time to show
off the preacher. Now, you must take good
keer of this gal, Mr. Beasley. She’s a doin’
b heap for you, an’ you must be mighty
Rood to her. Co on, child, es you will go.”
Mr. Beasley advanced to Mrs. Fincannon
end wanted to shake hands.
"My dear madam! I thought you were
My enemy. You are my friend, indeed!"
"Don’t stop to howdy now,” exclaimed
Mrs. Fincannon. “You've got the gal. Take
her and go. You ain’t a minute to lose.
Don’t try to make her talk tell she gits
over her grievin’ spell; an’ for the Lord’s
sake make her as happy as you know how.
Mrs. Fincannon looked after them until
they disappeared in the darkness.
"If that dont’ take the rag off’n the bush
I’ve forgot my name!” she declared.
Otis Maxwell went toward Mrs. Fincan-
Tion. He was almost beside himself with
excitement. She folded her arms and stared
Et him. ,
"Why, hain’t it time for all good little
boys to be in bed?” she inquired, placidly.
"What have you done?” he cried. His at
titude was almost threatening. "As I’m a
Man you have aided Ethel H-rndon to elope
■with that rascal Beasley! You shall an
swer to General Herndon for this!
“Hightv-tighty!” exclaimed Mrs. Fincan
non. "An’ when did you set yourself up to
tell me my business? Go lam your granny
how to milk geese!” .
"Oh. the misery of it!” cried Maxwell.
•‘You have helped to degrade a noble soul!
"Fid<llesticks and dishrags! ’ exclaimed
jurs. Fincannon, contemptuously.
"I’m gwine to wake up marster—dat what
I’m gwine ter do,’ whined Uncle Cato.
-You imp of Satan!” said Mrs. Fincannon.
ebowing anger for the first time, "if you
in »ke a move I’ll frail the hide off’n you!”
■•oh, the pity of it!” moaned Otis Max
well.
"What on top side of the yeth have you
S ot to do with it?” asked Mrs. Fincannon.
-oh, everything!” he answered; "noth-
"Then go to bed!’’ This was Mrs. Flncan
hon’s goodnight.
tlo be continued.)
Tl (KER'S AMENDMENT.
Providing for the Election of I nlted
Semi tors by the People*
Wi-him-ton, July 21,-Immediately as
, .. reading of the journal today, Mr.
Bowers lt publican, of California, de
n and, 1 the regula. order, thus cutting off
t'm transaction of any miscellaneous busi
ness.
The speaker announced the regular order
to be a vote on the Tucker joint resolu
tion. providing fm the election of United
Flat* s senators by a direct vote of tne
\ s this was a proposition in
!e of the constitution, the
of two-thirds of the mem
sary to its passage. The
i as ar! nays were demanded and the
r. .- -It v -yeas 137 nays 49. Two-thirds
lo ving voted in the affirmative, the joint
resoluti ci was declared to have ben pass
ed. accompanied by applause. It was the
teemd time the bouse had thus declared
Itself on the question. The joint resolu
tions read as follows:
“Resolved, etc.. That in lieu of the first
paragraph of section 3 of article 1 of the
ctmstitution of the United States, and in
lieu of so much of paragraph 2 of the
same section, as relates to the filling of va
lieu f all of paragraph i,
of section 1 of said article 1, in so tar
as the same relates to any authority ot
o ngr, - < to make or alter regulations as to
the tarns of holding elections for senators,
the billowing bill, proposed to an amend
ment to the constitution, which shall be
valid to all intents and purposes, as part
of the constitution when ratified by the
I itures of three-fourths of the states:
•The senate of the United States shall be
composed of two senators from each state,
elected by the people thereof at large, for
six years; and each senator shall have one
vote The electors in each state shall
have the qualifications requisite tor elec
tors of the most numerous branch of the
state legislatures. The times, places amt
manner of holding elections for senators
shall be prescribed in each state by the
legislature thereof. When vacancies hap
pen in th- representation of any state in
the senate, the executive authority of such
state shall issue writs of election to nil
such vacancies, provided, that the legis
lature of any state may empower the ex
ecutive thereof to make temporary ap
pointmer- 1 'he people HU the vacan
cies be cb ction as the legislature may di
rect. This amendment shall not be con
strued as to affect the election er term ot
any senator chosen before it becomes valid
H 5 part of the constitution.
On motion of Mr. Holman non-concur-
Tt nee was voted in the senate amendments
to the Indian appropriations bill and a
conference agreed to.
Messi . Holm.in. Allen and Wilson, ot
Vasb.m ion, were named as managers on
the part of the house.
By unanimous consent the consideration
of busim-ss in the morning wa>-dispensed
with and the Bynum bill, providing for the
r< -enmloymt nt, as fast as vacancies occur,
of th,>s- railway postal clerks who were
dismissed from the service between March
Uth and May 1. 1889, when the service was
pla, , 1 under the civil service law, was
takt n up. in accordance with the terms ot
a special order, agreed upon yesterday.
Th* bill did not come to a vote, and the
Incise, at 3:30 o’clock, adjourned until
Monday.
That
Tired reeling
So common at this season, is a serious
condition, liable to lead to disastrous
results. It is a sure sign of declining
health tone, and that the blood is im
poverished and impure. The best and
most successful remedy is found in
HOOD’S
Sarsaparilla
Which makes rich, healthy blood, and
thus gives strength to the nerves, elas
ticity to the muscles, vigor to the brain
and health to the whole body. In
truth. Hood's Sarsaparilla
Makes the
Weak Strong
Be sure to get Hood’s and only Hood’s
""Hood’s Pills are purely vegetable, per
fectly harmless, always reliable and beneficial.
’ THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTION; ATLANTA. GA, MONDAY. JULY 23, 1894.
MAD AS HORNETS.
SENATORS IN A RAGB OTRR THE
I‘KESIDHXI’S LETTER.
THEY STING CLEVELAND FURIOUSLY.
Hill Goes to the Defense of His Old Enemy,
But he, • <•», Deals Heavy Blows—lt Is
This Bill or Nothing—Vest’s Views.
Washington, July 20.—(Special.)—The sen
ate was a veritable volcano in full eruption
today. It belched forth molten lava, and
strewed hot ashes everywhere. It was in
dignant with Mr. Cleveland, and it hesi
tated not to express Its indignation and
determination not to be bulldozed by what
it characterizes as impertinent executive
interference. Though there was no action
only talk which will continue when the
body meets again on Monday such scenes
of intense excitement, of bitterness, of
eruption, have seldom been witnessed in the
senate chamber.
Mr. Smith, of New Jersey, the man who
has made the fight for the sugar trust,
started it by a speech predicting that it
would be the senate bill or no bill. Then
came David Hill in the role of champion
of Glover Cleveland. Mr. Hill made a
speech that will go down in history as one
of the most remarkable efforts of the cen
tury. Ho spoke for free raw material, en
dorsing what Mr. Cleveland said for that.
He eulogized the president for his bold,
fearless stand for free raw material, then
roasted him for his stand in favor of a
duty on sugar and showed up his incon
sistent positions on the income tax, and
finally admonished the senate to recede from
its amendments on the grounds that if it
did not, and the house should accept them,
tihe president would veto the bill. The
entire speech was a most remarkable ut
terance. It made his senatorial colleagues
as mad as hornets, that he should have
endorsed the president’s abuse of the sen
ate, but the repi-esenta'tives who were pres
ent listened with expressions of thorough
approval and delight.
Then Senator Vest, who is one of the
senate conferees, arraigned the president.
He simply roasted Mr. Cleveland for his
interference, and predicted that the senate
bill would become a law or the McKinley
bill would remain.
Senators Gray, Vilas, Caffrey and Blanch
ard consumed the balance of the day. All
except Mr. Vilas held that the senate bill
must, stand. Mr. Vilas wanted the one
eighth of a cent differential duty in favor
of the sugar trust stricken off.
Will Never Surrender.
The debate in the senate today indicated
that it is determined at this time to stand
by its bill. The senators feel that they
cannot yield in the face of Mr. Cleveland’s
abuse of them, and almost all say it must
be the senate bill or no bill at all. Since
the action of the house yesterday, that
body cannot well afford to take the senate
bill—if it should, the president practically
says he will veto it. Therefore, the tangle
is more complicated than ever. Many pre
dict no bill. But the majority party can
not afford to adjourn congress without a
bill. There will be a bill, but it may be a
month yet before the two houses can get
together.
Mr. Cleveland’s letter has embarrassed
the situation by angering the senate. It
will take time for the senators to cool off,
but in time their temperature may be re
duced, and they may have to accept a fair
compromise with free coal and iron. How
ever, it is not probable that Mr. Hill’s
motion to recede from the senate's amend
ments on coal and iron will carry. For the
present, indications favor the senate stand
ing to its guns and refusing to recede a
peg. There may be several more days of
debate before the senate votes.
Mai. y LailiCH Were Present.
Attracted by the expectation of stormy
scenes over the disagreeing conference re
port on the tariff bill, spectators be
gan to flock into the senate gal
leries as early as 11 o’clock this
morning, and when the chaplain’s opening
prayer was begun at noon the galleries
were well tilled, though not crowded. La
dies, in light summer costumes, with fans
in perpetual motion, gave light and color
to the scene. Senators were in attendance
in much larger numbers than at any time
since the passage of the tariff bill. General
Sickles and half a dozen members of the
house occupied seats in the chamber.
The reading of yesterday’s journal was
dispensed with. Many memorials were pre
sented and referred, among them one from
the business men of Chicago asking for
immediate action of some character on the
tariff bill. In the absence of the vice pres
ident the chair was occupied by Mr. Har
ris, president pro tern, of the senate.
At 12:20 o'clock the message from the
house asking a further conference on the
tariff bill was laid before the senate, on
motion of Mr. Voorhees. He contented
himself with these few words:
“Mr. President, the conferees on the
of the senate now await further action on
this bill.”
After saying these words he took his seat
and had no further part in the day’s pro
ceedings, except a slight controversy with
Mr. Hill.
Then Mr. Smith, democrat, of New Jer
sey. made a speech of nearly an hour’s du
ration, favoring further conference, and ad
mitting that the country was confronted
by the danger of no tariff legislation at
this session. He favored saying to the
house conferees: “Such as the bill is,
there it lies; you are at liberty to take it
or to leave it.”
He was followed by Mr. Hill, who pre
faced a long speech with a motion that
the senate recede from Its amendments
putting ccal and iron ore on the dutiable
list. He gave a partial approval to the
president's letter and declared that demo
cratic senators would have to rally around
the president, or else they would go to the
wall, while the president would come to
the front, and he added that this was the
time to yield, before further humiliation,
further embarrassment and further discord.
There was great excitement .during the
delivery of Mr. Hill’s speech, but there was
still more when Mr. Vest, in a fervid and
impassioned burst of oratory, defended the
course of the democratic senators against
the intimation in the president’s letter.
A motion was made by Mr. Vilas, demo
crat, of Wisconsin, to recede from the dif
ferential duty of % cent on sugar, ami
this motion provoked a long discussion,
participated in by Senators Vilas, Sherman
and Palmer, in support of the motion, ami
by the two Louisiana senators—Messrs.
Caffery and Blanchard—against it.
No vote was taken on any of the proposi
tions.
At 5:20 o’clock Mr. Cockrell moved that
when the senate adjourned today it be till
Monday at noon.
Mr. Hill demanded the yeas and nays.
The vote was taken and the motion was
agreed to—yeas, 30; nays, 23.
No ( nnipruniixe for Mr. Smith.
Mr. Smith, democrat, of New Jersey,
opened the debate, reading his speech from
manuscript.
“I shall vote for a. motion to Insist on the
senate amendments,” he said, "in the hope
that a. tariff bill may yet be evolved which
will be enacted into law by democratic
votes. I supposed when we took a final
vote on the measure before us two weeks
ago that such a bill had been perfected.
But the events of the past twenty-four
hours have shown us our error and it is
folly to deny that we are tow confronted
by the danger of no tariff legislation at tris
session. If this shall be the result the re
sponsibility can be fixed only by the people.
Whether it shall rest upon the heads of
the representatives who have repudiated
in a wholly unprecedented manner, the
outcome of the deliberations of lis body,
or upon the president whose fears of a de
parture from democratic principles induced
him to offer suggestions before him for
his consideration, or upon the senate,
which strove to harmonize wide differences
of opinions by mutual concessions, Is a
question which can be determined only by
the greatness of voters whose interests are
at stake. Whatever may be the attitude
of my colleagues upon this point, I can
only say for myself that I do not hesitate
to accept the verdict of the tribunal as
just and right.
The Party Has the Power.
“I have always believed, Mr. President,
and I believe now, that of all people in the
civilized world the American people are
most abundantly endowed with the price
less heritage of common sense. Having that
belief and appreciating, in the face of the
undisguised threats uttered and applauded
by our party colleagues in the house of
representatives, the necessity of plain speak
ing, 1 wish to direct the candid considera
tion of fair-minded men to a brief state
ment of facts. When the time came for the
democratic party to fulfill its pledges and
reform the tariff the house of representa
tives contained a democratic majority of
eighty-seven. This fortunate condition
iilone made easy the task of securing the
adoption of any party measure, regardless
of the local and state interests involved.
But even this advantage in securing party
legislation was hardly greater than that
afforded by the adoption of rules which
enabled the majority to Close debate ar
bitrarily and prevent obstruction or delay
of any kind. Under these circumstances
no difficulty was experienced in passing a
tariff bill, despite the fact that its provis
ions were so offensive to some that the
party line was broken and no less than
seventeen democrats voted against the
bill. Still the party was large and the
rules so well adapted to action that their
defection was hardly noticed. I submit,
therefore, Mr. President, that, whatever
may have been the quality of the states
manship and management which character
ized the conduct of the original bill in
the house, surely the highest order of abil
ity was not absolutely essential to that
‘free and untrammeled action' on the part
of the house conferees to which they seem
to attach so much importance.
Democracy’s Weak Point.
"How different was the situation in the
senate. Here the democratic majority was
three. The defection of only two would
turn the democratic majority into a demo
cratic minority. Practically every vote was
needed to enact party legislation. Indeed,
as a matter of fact, there never lias been
a time when forty-three senators would
bind themselves to abide by the decree of
a democratic caucus. I apprehend, Mr.
President, without designing the slightest
reflection upon his capacity as a party lead
er, that the chairman of the ways and
means committee would have found this
situation far more trying than that which
enabled him to dispense with seventeen
votes and still retain a clear majority of
nearly sixty in the house. In any event,
many times two democratic senators could
not see thfir way clear in justice to the
interests of their constituents or the whole
country, to vote for the Wilson bill. Just
how many held this position 1 cannot say.
I know that I was one. I made no conceal
ment of the fact, and I make none now.
It has been charged that a small minority
of northern senators insisted upon consid
eration for the welfare of their constituents
and that in consequence oi their dema mis
the majority of democratic senators were
constrained to make concession. That is a
fact. But, sir, it must not be forgotten
that that minority was not only speaking
for a vast majority of the people numeri
cally, but caring for and protecting ninety
nine one hundredths of the industries which
made this nation what it is today. They had
a right, to speak and they were heard.”
Mr. Smith’s 111 ima t uru.
In conclusion Mr. Smith said:
“So far as 1 am concerned—and I think
I speak also for several of my colleagues—
there has not been, and will not be, the
slightest change in my position. I accepted
the income tax in its modified form as a
sense of duty to my party but did so with
the greatest reluctance and with the distinct
declaration regarding other portions of the
measure, I would not vote for any bill or
any amendment that would make it impos
sible for a single industry to continue or
resume operations. 1 believe, sir, that the
committee on finance will bear me out in
the assertion that I have done everything
in my power to aid them in their work.
It is true that 1 have urged the necessity
of care and moderation in revising the
schedules which directly concern the in
dustries of my state, but I believe they will
concede a disposition on my part to be
fair and reasonable, and I know that I
have demanded far greater concessions from
my constituents than I have sought from
the finance committee.
“Mr. President, it has been charged that
we are not sincere in our advocacy of the
senate bill;’that we have made it for trad
ing purposes, and that those of us who op
pose the Wilson bill would rush into line
at the first crack of the whip. I did not sup
pose, sir, that any person familiar with the
character of this body would be misled by
a notion so puerile. But it is evident from
the attitude of our colleagues in the house
that either they do not believe that we
meant what we said, or that they are will
ing to invite the defeat of legislation. If the
former. I have only to say that they have
mistaken their mon. Il the latter they must
answer to the people for the defeat of a bill
which should, and J believe would, satisfy
all reasonable expectations.”
Senator Hill Speaks.
Mr. Hill’s opening sentence was: “A theo
ry, as well as a condition, now confronts
He paused, and a laugh ran around the
galleries. When it had been stilled by the
gavel, Mr. Hill proceeded:
"The theory of the democratic party is
that in the enactment of the tariff legisla
tion free raw materials should always be
an essential and conspicuous element. It
is our creed that those things on which the
industrial prosperity and progress of our
country so much depends—the materials
which enter into manufactures should be
freed from [lie burden of tariff taxation.
The best interests of the manufacturers,
as well as the consumers of the land, de
mand the recognition of this wise discrimi
nation. We are committed to this side of
the question and we cannot retreat, and
we cannot retract. We are honorably bound
to redeem our professions and our promises.
Justice, good faith and a decent regard for
public sentiment all require this course.
“Until recently I had suppos'd that there
was no dispute upon this question of prin
ciple, but that every democrat, worthy of
the name, was willing to concede that if
there was one thing more than another to
which the democratic party was committed
it was in favor of the doctrine of free raw
materials, not simply freer raw materials,
as some now ingeniously contend, but ab
solutely free raw. materials. I repeat that
we cannot escape our record upon thte sub
ject, even if we are disposed to do so. The
true and honest construction of every
democratic platform for twelve years pass
irrevocably commits us to this just and
reasonable principle. It is said by some,
in justification of or excuse for their pres
ent action, tint the president’s letter of ac
ceptance in 1892 modified the extreme de
mands of our platform. It is true that
some portions of his letter may tend to
bear that construction. It was not that
bold, ringing declaration in favor of the
platform, which his party had a right to
expect, but was regarded by many as timid,
cautious and conservative. But whether
this criticism is or is not well founded, the
fact remains that he had no power or au
thority to change or alter one line or sen
tence, or provision, of the national plat
form which had been deliberately adopted
in national convention duly assembled. No
president can be above his party; no presi
dent can dictate to his party; no president
can change his party’s platform.
Omiticd from the Message. .
“But no matter what idea it be claimed
was intended to be conveyed in his letter
of acceptance, in mitigation or modification
of the platform, there can be no doubt as
to the president’s position at this time upon
this essential principle of free raw mate
rials. Let me read from that remarkable
letter of the president what was yesterday
submitted to the house of representatives.
It expresses better than I can hope to do
TEXAS.
If you want employment, send us your
name and address with 25 cents (stamps),
and we will send you the names of fifty
men in Texas Who want help this fall.
Address FARM RECORD COMPANY,
‘Houston, Texas.
the truest toend and logical position of the
democratic party upon this question.”
Mr. Hill here quoted from the president’s
letter that part which says:
“One topic will be submitted to the con
ference which embodies democratic princi
ple so directly that it cannot be compro
mised. We have in our platform, and in
every way possible, declared in favor of
the free importation of raw materials. We
have again and again promised that this
should be accorded to our people and our
manufacturers as soon as the democratic
party was invested with the power to de
termine the tariff policy of the country.
The party now has the power. We are as
certain today as we have ever been of the
great benefit that would accrue to the
country from the inauguration of this pol
icy, and nothing has occurred to itaJease us
from our obligation to secure this advan
tage to our people, it must be admitted
that no tariff measure can accord with
democratic principles and promises, or bear
a genuine democratic badge that does not
provide for free raw material. In the cir
cumstances it may well excite our wonder
that democrats are willing to depart from
tiiis the most democratic of all tariff prin
ciples, ami that the Inconsistent absurdity
of such a proposed departure should be
emphasized by the suggestion that the wool
of the farmer be put on the free list and
tlie protection of taxation be placed around
the iron ore and coal of corporations and
capitalists. How can we face the people
after indulging in such outrageous dis
criminations and violations of principle:
“It is quite apparent that this question
of raw material does not admit of adjust
ment on any middle ground, since their sub
jection to any rate of taxation, great or
small, is a like violation of democratic
principles and democratic good faith.
HHJ Defends Cleveland.
Mr Hill then proceeded:
“Mr President, I approve every word I
have 'quoted. It is an honest and manly
statement of the true attitude which the
party should assume in this crisis.
“I am not required to defend the <pro
priety or wisdom of the promulgation of
this letter at this particular time. It may
have been indiscreet, it may operate as a
firebrand to spread .flames of discord al
ready kindled among party friends, honest
ly differing, as 1 am disposed to concede,
upon questions of public and party policy.
It may widen the breach already existing
in this senate, and <n that view, it may
be regarded as unfortunate and ill advised,
it was a time lor diplomacy, statesman
ship and conciliation, rather than recrim
ination denunciation and arraignment.
But aside from the question of its mere
expediency, 1 am here to defend the presi
dent's letter in so far as it demands that
the party shall not be led astray into the
violation of democratic pledges and pilnci-
P1 ”Upon the question of free raw materials
the president is right, and you know you
cannot answer his arguments. You cannot
successfully dispute his propositions. You
cannot doubt hi.-, Sincerity and patriotism.
You must yield in the end to ins vjews.
You cannot stand up against the sentiment
of the great, democratic masses ci the
country which will rally around the presi
dent in his contest with you in this par
ticular branch of the subject, The time to
yield is now, before there is further humil
iation. embarrassment and discord.”
Having disposed of the theory, Mr. Hill
proceeded to discuss the condition which
now confronts the party, which he charac
terized as one of extreme embarrassment
to the party. He held that the president’s
letter clearly foreshadowed a veto of the
senate bill, and he added that the president
is right—there is no middle ground. He
then proceeded:
The I resident’s Position.
“If the president, in his wisdom, had
seen fit, while the debate was progressing
in the senate, to have aided my efforts to
secure adhesion to this principle by ex
pressing his views in favor thereof, in some
proper and legitimate way, I should have
been gratified, anil it unquestionably would
have been of practical benefit to the cause.
I rejoice that he has expressed them, even
now, although I am not required to defend
the manner and form of their presenta
tion, even if they required defense, which
I do not assume. I respectfully differ with
the president in his assumption that a tax
upon sugar is necessary at this time, con
ceding for tlie purposes of the argument
that an income tax is to be retained. Clear
ly both are not needed for any legitimate
purposes of the treasury. That fact has
been deinonstrateil over and over again dur
ing this debate. The president speaks of
the ‘democratic principle and policy which
lead to the taxation of sugar.’ He asserts
that in the taxation of sugar ‘we are in no
danger of running counter to democratic
principles.’ I am not now controverting
that idea, but desire only to suggest that
if it was desirable that sugar should be
taxed ‘as a legitimate and logical article
of revenue taxation,’ as he now says, it
seems strange that the president did not
in his last annual message make some in
timation, suggestion or recommendation
to that effect. Not a word of that kind
"He endorsed the Wilson bill explicitly
in his message, although it provided sub
stantially- for free raw sugar. He permit
ted the house to pass that measure without
a word of protest, suggestion or advice
that there should be a tax on sugar, which
has come to be largely regarded as one of
the necessaries of Life. Secretary Carlisle,
the trusted financial officer of his cabinet,
speaking unquestionably ex cathedra, out
lined, with great care, the essential provis
ions of the proposed tariff reform bill, but
made no recommendation whatever for a
tax upon sugar. While free sugar was
being carried through the house tlie, admin
istration remained quiet and passive, but
now, after the house has acted and the
country has b en led to expect tree sugar,
the administration shows its hand and (le
ctures for a duty upon it.
"I am not antagonizing its suggestion,
1 am simple stating the facts of recent
history. Under the existing circumstances,
with an in j.me tax retained in this bill, I
voted for free sugar before, and I shall do
so agai’- in mv judgment, the house can
not m>w h inorably retreat from its position
in favor of free sugar. The presidents
sul i<in came too lute. r Plie sentite must
recede from its amendments.”
A Cuseof i.ian and I.amb. Says Vest.
Mr. Vest, a member of the conference
committee, followed Mr. Hill. It was, he
said, a subject of congratulation for every
democrat, that the senator IT m New York
and the president of the United States were
at last able to stand together on any plat
form, after all. (Laughter.) They were
both now urgently pleading for the enact
ment of a law that would give absolutely
free raw materials. These distinguished
statesmen had arrived at that unification
of opinion after much intellectual struggle,
and were now subject to the charge of much
inconsistency. So far as harmony could
be produced, .even to a limited extent,
within the democratic party, he (Mr. Vest)
joined in the congratulations that must
come from every portion of the country on
this union, at last, of those two distinguish
ed gentlemen.
"The political millennium,” Mr. Vest con
tinued, "seems to have come upon us, at
least in a modified degree. The lion and
lamb of New York have lain down together,
and the committee on ways and means of
the house now leads them. V) hich is tne
lion and which is the lamb, I leave to fu
ture ascertainment, for I am not
enough now to enter on
question. The senator from New
York tells us, as does the Presi-
dent of the United States, that the cardinal
principle of democratic faith in regard to
tariff reform is free raw material. I’he
president even goes farther than the dis
tinguished senator, and says that it is per
fidy to democratic discipline and principles
to consider tariff reform unless free raw
material be embodied in that reform.
In this connection, Mr. \ est referred sar
castically to the fact that in the vote by
veas and nays, on a motion to put wool on
the free list, Mr. Hill had sat in his seat
and not voted. ,
Mr. Hili stated why this had been so, and
Mr Vest exclaimed in a tone of satire:
"If my soul were burning with enthusi
asm for free raw material; if I could not
rest at night because the democratic party
was going to its death by placing a duty on
raw materials, I would stand on no parlia
mentary technicalities, but I would rush
here al the peril of my life and put myself
on record for that great cardinal, elementary
doctrine. But the yeas and nays were
called, and the senator from New York
declined to vote for free wool/’
In the further course of his remaiks,
the senator said:
The Party and the President.
“The time has come fpr plain speaking in
relation to this matter. I have been a con
sistent friend of the present occupant of
the executive chair. I defended him in this
senate when his friends could be counted
on the fingers of one hand, and I shall
still continue t<? support him as long as
I believe that his ends and objects are in
consonance with the success of the demo
cratic party which is, I believe, necessary
to the glory and honor of this country-
But the democratic party is greater than
any man. It survived Jefferson. It sur
vived Madison, It survived Jackson, and it
will outlive Grover Cleveland. He does not
embrace all the democracy and all the
tariff reform of this country. He had no
right to disregard the spirit of the consti
tution. He had no right to trample on the
sensibilities of other members of his party
for any purpose whatever. Where did the
president of the United States find the
right, by private letter, to try to influence
legislation? When our fathers declared
that there should be three great co-ordinate
departments of this goyernment, absolutely
independent of each other, did they mean
that a president of the United States, by
the use of patronage, by the shadow of
the great office which the people gave him,
should, in the teeth of the constitution,
put into the hands of a conferee, instructed
to have a full and free conference in mat
ters in dispute between the two houses, a
personal appeal to his party friends to
stand by his on any puoiic question?
“Mrs. Adams, the wife of the second
president of the United States, in some
memoir, has given a reason why the capital
was placed at one end of the avenue and
the white house at the other end. She said
that it was to prevent the president from
exercising undue influence on the delibera
tions of congress. But in a conference com
mittee, where the conferees are instructed
to have a full and free conference, the
president of the United States has deliber
ately injected his personal appeal and per
sonal opinion, in order, in advance, to in
fluence a measure on which he is the last,
under the constitution, to pass. He is a
part of the law-making power of the
government, but his functions only begin
after the two houses of congress, unswerved
and uninfluenced by the executive office,
have passed upon the questions and have
placed the bill before him.
"But the president, without waiting until
the constitution put the duty upon him,
in a private letter to the chairman of the
conferees on the part of the house of repre
sentatives, threw his personal authority,
the weight of his great office, his hold upon
the American people, into the scale and de
mands of this senate that it shall accede
to his views in reference to tariff reform.
That portion of the letter which has struck
me with more alarm than anything 1 have
heard in the course of my public life, since
the declaration of war between the sections
thirty years ago, is the declaration by tne
president that it is impossible, without
treason to the party to which we belong,
without perfidv to the principles which we
profess, for the tariff bill to become a law
by the votes of his political associates.
What a mockery it is to talk ?f a tuli
and free conference when one conferee nas
in bls pocket, at the time he goes into the
conference, the views, if not the
tions, of the president of the United btates
as to what should be done.
Vest's ITitieuce Is Tired.
“I was a tariff reformer before the presi
dent commenced his phenomenal career,
and to be now told that we are false to the
great principles of the party is beyond the
limit of human endurance. The traveler
who toils up hie course along the mountain
side knows that he cannot reach the sum
mit in a single hour or day. He is con
fronted by some marble cliff, some icj
glacier. He must by strategy make his
wav around it. But, if animated by the
certainty that he must succeed at last ne
will eventually stand upon the
peak and then look back upon the
and dangers, and reminiscences of the
past. I hope that the time will come when
the full fruition of my hopes in relation
to tariff reform shall be witnessed; but un
til 1 can get a better bill, 1 shall take such
?K-ive mv 1 instructions from any otnei
source in'regard to my duties as a contmee
° “Mr flo PresidenL n, no’ administration has
the fight to tate to me in th" perform
ance of what 1 consider my duty to the
people of Missouri and of the* J nit"d
States This bill, as it passed the .xnate,
become a law or the M. Knffiy mt
will remain on the statute book. I wi..h
jt Mr h Ahlrk'h asked Mr. Vest if he wanted
it understood that the senate
conferees were not aware of th< i 1 '.' 1
limit’s letter of JtYly 2U until yesterday, the
It th.
Mr. Vest’s reply was:
“I sneak only tor myself. 1 never
heard of that letter until it was read yes
terday in the house. I had no mote
knowledge of its existence than I have of
what is passing now tn Asia Minor oi in
the further course of the date, Mr.
Caffery, of Louisiana, said that il it came
to a question between his party and his
state, he would stand by nis state, and
tl at if the promise of the finance commit
tee was not coupled with the bill it would
not receive his support or sanction.
Mr. Blanchard, of Louisiana, imim<.i I,
without stating it in so many words, that
if Mr. Vilas’s motion was carried the v
of the two Louisiana senators would not be
for the bill.
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THE CONSTITUTION, Atlanta, geqioa.
A MOTHER’S-STORY.
HAPPINESS COMES AFTER YEARS OF
SUFFERING. „ v ,
Tlie Terrible Experience of a Wcll-
Known Oliieial’s Wlfe-A Story That
Appeals to Every Mother in the
Land.
From The Chattanooga, Tenn., Press.
No countj' official in East Tennessee is
better known and more highly esteemed
than Mr. J. C. Wilson, circuit court clerk
of Rhea county, at Dayton, the home of
Mr. Wilson. He enjoys the confidence and
respect of all classes, and in the business
community his word is as good as his
bond. Just now Mr. Wilson is receiving
heartiest congratulations from his numer
ous friends because of the restoration to
robust health of his estimable wife, who
has for years been a helpless invalid. Mrs.
Wilson’s high standing in society, and her
many lovable traits of character have won
her a host of friends, and her wonderful
recovery has attracted wide-spread atten
tion.
As The Press was the medium of bringing
to the invalid lady’s attention the remedy
that has effected her remarkable cure, a
reporter was sent to Dayton to interview
Mrs. Wilson, in order that the general
public might’have the benefit of the suf
ferer’s experience and be made aware of
the treatment that wrought such a marvel
ous change in her condition. The reporter
was welcomed at the Wilson home, amhthe
enthusiastic lady with becoming reluctance
gave the history of her affliction and the
manner in which she was relieved.
“Yes,” said Mrs. Wilson, “I was for
eight years an invalid with one of the most
distressing afflictions woman can suffer.
For eight years I moped around, dragging
myself with difficulty and pain out of bed.
My little ones went untrained and were
greatly neglected, while I looked listlessly
and helplessly at the cheerless prospects
before me and them. I suffered the most in
tense pains in the small of my back, and
these seemed even greater in the region ot
the stomach, extenuing dowh to the* groins.
1 suffered agony, sleeping or
spair is no word for tne reeling caused b>
that dreadful sensation of weakness and
helulessness 1 constantly experienced.
“1 was treated for my trouble by « eve
local physicians, but they were able to give
me only temporary relief by the use of
sedatives and narcotics. 1 had almost given
up all hope of even securing permanent re
lief when L saw an account in The IrebS
of a cure which Dr. Williams s Pmk Pills
had effected. I decided to try them, as I
knew the lady who had been cured and had
great confidence in her statement. I began
to take the pills in October, 1893, and in two
months I was doing light housework and
attending to the children without any bad
effects or weakness, such as I had formerly
experienced. Hitherto, I had been unable
to retain any food, but now my appetite
grew stronger, and with it came bac-K that
old, healthy and hearty tone of the stom
ach. Dr. Williams’s Pink Pills cured me,
and I assure you the cure has brought a
great change in our home. I can now re
joice in my husband’s success, for I
that 1 have something to live for. Who
has a better right to feel this than a
mother? One thing more. I have recom
mended these pills to others, and many of
the women of Dayton have taken them with
good results, ami it is my greatest pleasure
to recommend to every suffering woman a
remedv that has done so much for me.
An analysis proves that Dr. U illiams s
Pink Pills for Pale People contain in a
condensed form all the elements necessary
to give new life and richness to the blood
and restore shattered nerves. They are
an unfailing specific for such diseases as
locomotor ataxia, partial paralysis, St.V i
tus* dance, sciatica, neuralgia, rheumatism,
nervous headache, the after effects of ia
grippe, palpation ot the heart, pal** and
sallow complexions, that rired reeling re
sulting from nervous prostration: all dis
eases' resulting from vitiated humors il
the blood, such as scrofula, chronic ery
sipelas, etc. They are also a specific foi
troubles peculiar to females, such as sup
pressions, irregularities, and all forms, of
weakness. In men they effect a radical
cure in all cases arising from mental
worry, overwork, or excesses of whatever
nature.
Dr. Williams's Pink Pills for Palo People
are now manufactured by the Dr. Wil
liams's Medicine Company, Schenectady, N.
Y.. and are sold in boxes (never ra loose
form by the dozen or hundred, and the
public are cautioned against numerous imi
tations sold in this shape) at 50 cents a box,
or six boxes for $2.50, and may be had of
all druggists, or direct by mail from Dr.
Williams’s Medicine Company.