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6 The- j CLARK HOWELLEditor f W. A. HEMPHILL Biwiness Mnnutter f Entered at the Atlanta postoffice as second-class i mail matter November It, 1873 | The Weekly Constitution SI.OO Per Annum. Clubs of five, SI.OO each; clubs of ten #I.OO each and a copy to getter-up of club • rW B WANT YOU. Thic Constitution wants an agent a» every postoffice in America. Agent’s outfit free and good terms. If you are not In a club we want you to act as agent at your office. Write us. A<l drag's. When ordering address of your paper changed ••jvsjjts give the old as well as the new address. Algive postoffice, county and state. If your paper Is not received regularly, notify us. If you send us an order for new subscribers please allow us a week to get the names on the list and paper started before you write a complaint, as we are very much crowded now. Do not forget to make your renewals in time. Watch your direction tag and see when your F.uhscrlption expires. The next six months will b? full of interest, and you should not mlas a single copy of The Con stitution. Send your Orders at least a week In ad vance to make sure. It muy not take a week in every instance; will tot them on as soon as possible. The Party and Its Policy. Editor Richard \V. Knott, of The Lou isville Post, returns to the discussion of democratic policy with great vigor, but .still with the positive bias that might be expected from a distinguished editor who was not in sympathy with the move ment to make the democratic platform what it is, ami hence, who does not speak from the attitude of a friend of that instrument. We do not make this statement for the purpose of animad verting on our friend's recent position. He has returned to the recognition of party regularity, and is presumably will ing to permit the majority of the party to decide the policy he is to pursue hereafter. That is sufficient for us. At the same time, our readers will be better able to understand the nature and purpose of those who now -*,.sh to side track the party's national platform when they know that those most promt-i neat in the movement were l foremost in ! antagonizing the party in 1806. Mr. Knott bases his editorial on some I recent remarks made by The Constit.it- ! lion with respect to the futile effort that is to be made to permit the gold men to write the party platform as the price of their support. We pul the matter-plain ly because there is no need of mincing words in describing it. .Moreover, we print Mr. Knott's remarks in full, so that, our readers may be able to under stand clearly the nature of the proposi tion that the gold democrats tire bring ing forward. The vety first sentence in Mr. Knott’s article challenges attention. “Organized parties tight to win.’’ That is true, but it is just half the truth. Organized parties tight, to win for what? They must have a. purpose in winning. It is . not the end and aim of organized par- ) ties to win merely that the leaders ami ; party workers may enjoy the spoils of : victory. The very existence of a. party | organization depends on a higher mo tive than that. A party organization! is only possible where a body of men i unite in agreeing on the efficacy of cer-I tain principles of government as opposed • to certain other, or to all other printd- ■ pies. Organized parties fight to win be-; cause those who act with tiie.se par- : ties believe that the principles on which •, they are based will la•aeiit the people] ’and advance the b'.-t interests of the public. Otherwise a party has no ex- i cnse for its existence, and, in fact, could | not exist. So far as the true policy of the dem- ! ocratic party is concerned, there is no: question whatever of an “alignment’’ of I the <• <ui ii wiih the west against ti:e east, ' or with the east against the west. The i <1 mocratic partv is not a sect iomtl par- : ty tit ail. It has never depended on ; sectionalism, bt:> has always, everywhere ' and ar till times, whenever it had the ■ opj uulunity. stood for those principles; of government and those policies of ad- i miifstration calculated to promote the I gi ‘ a - e f. good of all the people without i regard to geographical, sectional or po- I li<ical lines. The south is democratic, not because; its- people are opr \sed to the interests , of the e; s or west, but because its peo- ! pie believe that democratic principles | and policies will be i 'st for the whole) country. But if we are to narrow the) matter down to a question of section..l ; ism, then the detroeralie party, owing to I conditions which are too well known to' need description, must take, care of it- ; seif. It can do this only by remaining I true to democratic principle;. Poptt-I lism, which Mr. Knott regards as such i a bugaboo, was tiie direct result of the! policy which led the southern democrat- j ic leaders to defer to the wishes of dem- i ocrat.s from i < publican state..- in making) the national platforms. They deferred in order to “win;" they consented to, accept straddling and evasive platforms. ; in order to “win;” and the policy was I so disgusting to the average voter that ) a third party arose in the south, and 1 finally the populist party appeared—till the result of the indefinite, weak-kneed. ) inconsequent efforts of the party load- , ers to “win” by tucking democratic prin- ) ciples out of sight. One after another The southern states ' have been on the verge of seeking other ) and more dangerous connections as the , result of this time-serving policy. North I Carolina was lost and Kentucky elected ' a republican governor as the result, of a ' gi raddling state platform. With this object lesson before his eyes, ami with | the victorious result of a campaign in which the democrats of Kentucky made ) an unequivocal fight for democratic prin- • ciples still fresh in bis mind, we won- ; dec why Mr. Knott, if he really desires trs psrty to win. should cbjoct to an unequivocal declaration of democratic principles. If the party is to win, it must win as it won in Kentucky, and we venture to say that it will have the cordial support of such men as Mr. Knott who. while they cannot perhaps indorse every line of a democratic dec- laration, can at least feel that a demo cratic system of government and a dem ocratic administration of the laws are of more vital importance to the people than are the objections of an individual to certain platform declarations. Our friend says that “the south has a profound interest” in the tables amt comparisons which he is pleased to lay before us But the south has a pro founder interest in the essential facts of democracy, as well as a profounder in terest in the conditions which make it absolutely necessary for the democratic party to stand united, representing, as it does, tho public sentiment on ques tions which affect the social order and well-being, but which are somewhat alien to purely party polities. There fore, before looking about for “connec tions,” the democratic party of the south must look to its own preservation. The rejection or the suppression of the na tional platform would create consterna tion and confusion in the democratic ranks in every southern state, give life, and hope to decaying opposition to de corcacy ami confront the. party with serious antagonism in every southern state, with the certainty that several would be lost to the party. The contest of last year, unequivocal and clearly denned, has made the par ty in the south stronger than it ever has been, and it is stronger before the people everywhere as the popular vote shows. It redeemed Alabama from the list of doubtful states in which it had been placed by the policy of straddling platforms, and recalled to its ranks, by the declaration of last year, the most potent leader of the opposition. Mr Kolb. Ami there wore similar re sults in other southern states. Mr. Knott wiil find few democrats to agree with him that the election of Cleveland in 1892 was a victory for the party. On (hr* contrary, it was a vic tory for the forces and the interests to which the democracy has been opposed from the foundation of the government. In the whole history of the country, dem ocratic principles never suffered a more crushing and disastrous defeat than they did when Cleveland was elected in 1892. The people saw and understood this per fectly, and the result was that, when they get an opportunity they visited their indignation on the party by de feating it. The trouble with Mr. Knott's argu ment is that he sees in the defeat of the party last year a rebuke to the Chi cago platform, whereas it was a rebuke to Clevelandism. The people punished the party because if. had made Clevc landism possible; and unquestionably the party was responsible for that vi tal mistake. If Cleveland, as president, had stood by the democratic majority in c< tigress, instead of brow-beating am! null-dozing it, the party would have been overwhelmingly triumphant last year. So far as New York, New Jersey and other states are concerned, the demo cratic. party rot' only wants them, but proposes to win them. It proposes to win them on broad democratic grounds, and not by methods of chicanery, in trigue and deception. The people of those states cannot afford to re-indors<- the kind of republicanism repp-.-en led by McKinley. They will not vote for fur ther depression, lower prices and star vation wages. New York has just said so in terms that cannot. Im mistaken In selecting its candidate for the state ticket, ns well as for the mayoralty of i rhe city, the party was careful to name only men who vcied for Bryan and who had stood true to the party last year ! All others wore given notice that they ; ii' cd not apply. The significance of this lies in the ; fact. that, as no state convention met.] amt as the party had no opportunity to, reaffirm the Chicago platform officially, ) ft took pains so :<-:.fiirm it through the ; candidates selected. Judg. Parker : made known th", I'ac. that he was a plat- ; form democrat as. soon as he was noni- ; mated. Mayor Van VVyck declared that he was for the platform heart and i soul. Last year the New York stale convention indorsed the Chicago plat form. But. on the other hand, if it were' possible, as the gold democrats seem to 1 think, to obtain the vote of New York ; without wrecking the party in the south, ’ we are not in the humor down here to ) commit political suicide. A hearty welcome is extended to such gold democrats as are willing to return ' to the party rather than .give aid ami comfort to the destructive influences of , McKinleyism. But we cannot, forego principles t ; give them entertainment. The party has taken its stand in he.- . half of the people and there it will ! abide, as in ho old days, when th. re were no < (infusing issue..'. To aee.mi plish this last year it. had to overcome ' in every state and county the mos pow- i erful opposition that over confronted it , this opposition coming from office-hold- | ers who were paying their patronage, obligations instead of working for par ty success. It had their opposition in the primaries, and on election day at the polls, when word had gone out that all true offi(-'-holders must support Me-; Kinley. \V< shall have no more of such op- | position. Ami there will be no more | evasion, no more dodging, no more at- | tempts to fool tiie people. We will : “'_■<> in to win,” but for the sake of , principle and not office! Lost Their Furcliasing Power. The financial editor of The New York Evening Post must have met a man with ; a light. Commenting on the condition of the dry goods market, lie remarks: "The purchasing power with buyers for con sumption seems to be extremely limited | in all lines of prints.” The editor has here run full against j the whole secret of the hard tint's, and has exposed it to the gaze of the public possibly without realizing the import ance of the discovery. Nevertheless he states a fundamental fact. Not only in prints, but in all lines of marketable TITE WEEKLY CONSTITUTION: ATLANTA. GA.. MONDAY. DECEMBER 6, 1897 goods, the reduction of the purchasing power of consumers has made its bane ful influence felt. Some market editors are wondering why the increase in the price of wheat has not had a more salutary effect. But the answer lies on the surface. Three months of fair prices have not made the wheat growers prosperous. Over against that will have to be piaffed the losses they sustained during the preceding four years. They have been aide to pay off some of their debts, but they are not able to enter the markets as purchas ers to an extent calculated to influence trade. As for the southern farmers and their immediate connections, who constitute the great buyers of cotton goods, espe cially prints, their purchasing power has- been entirely cut off by 5-cent cot ton. This price leaves them without money to buy; it leaves them practical ly without money to make themselves even with the world. A great many o! them will have to make sacrifices to pay their debts, and those who do not have to make sacrifices are not likely to spemi lightly the money they have procured at such a tremendous outlay of time and labor. Oh, these are troublous times, dear financial editors! There are serious questions to consider. If you want money to purchase double what it used to buy you must be prepared to accept with satisfaction, if not with glee, alt the desperate and disastrous results that grow out of such a condition, such as commercial calamity, business dis tress, poverty and discontent. The Bankers Will Agitate. The following letter from a correspon dent in southwest Georgia deserves both attention ami comment: Americus, Ga., November 30, I.B97.—Editor Constitution: I notice; with a great deal of pleasure tiie call of the Atlanta bankers for a meeting of representative.- of all southern banks in Atlanta on tile 15th in slant to discuss the question of curri ncy reform and to demand the enactment of legislation by congress that will prev ,u bank panics anti currency fimijn s. Agita tion is necessary forth- prop . lion of th-- people. We wer.. notilieil in th'- l ist ■ iin paign that the- only thing in the way of pros|><'rity was eonfiiieti. e. an.l (h.it agita tion pr. v. iite«l the return of '■oulklei-,,-. . This was repultkean argument. Nov. we find that our representative business men throughout the t nintry are joinin': in tiie agitation for cell. f. I congratulate them and I congratulate The Constitution on the th >r>iu;.’!» and complete v.ndie.i! '■ m of it.; position. A WIIiEGRASS BANKER. We presume that there were many honest, and even thoughtful men who im agined last year that the hard times were due to democratic, agitation for cur rency reform, or, in other words, fm financial relief. They were misled by the «.-itch-penny phrases of that class; which does not want, currency reform except in the direction of making money 1 dearer and scarcer, and which, ? lie. of enrrem.. famines, mak"s its larg'-st : profits. It was this class which de clared that all that was necessary io prosperity was a return of confidence, and that tiie efforts of those who w<"-. agifa iiig for t'diof and reform drove | confidence out of the country. Bin those who realty believed that a return of confidence would restore pros perity were v-wy quickly undeceived. After the election all agitation <ante to a standstill. Those who had been agi tating lor refo’m and relief were tin first to say ;o Mr. McKinley and the re- i publicans that they asked for nothing, but the restoration of prosperity. They : said: “Givi' us prosperity by a high tar ' iff or by any other republican method, and you’ll hear no more of the demands ; which we have been making. All we j ask or desire is a restoration of pros- i perity.” But did I lie e"ss:it i >n of agitation re store prosperity? The answer so tiiis i question is to l :e found in the fact that) the bankers of the south, bd by those of Atlanta, who are as conservative as a.ny business men in the world, are pre-: paring Io agitate for relief and reform. Their methods are not tho.-i" advocated by the agitators last year, but the ends they aim at arc precisely the same, il.u-e arc some of the proposed reforms: “To give smaller towns the benefit O' l:et;er banking facilities, so that every onet t man will have meted out to I the credit lie is ent hied to.” “To give prodm ers of every kind and . in every section ample currency at rea i sortable rates of interest to handle and 1 hold their crops or manufactur.'s until ! they desire to dispose of them.” “To make ail banks equal under any - law of ti e Cui led States providing sot banks of issue,” “To prevent bank panics and curren- ) cy famines.” For years Tito Constitution has been agitating on those lines. We have point ed out time and again that tit" law which limils the borrowing of money ; to those who own or who can command • government bonds is a deadly blow at j the basis of all business -credit. We > have shown that while this may have) b een n e C < ssarj when the law' was passed | tin 1866) to give substantial market val ue to government hands, it is no longer necessary. The banks may issue bil lions of notes, but so long as character and integrity' are ruled out of the loan market, just so long will there be a i contraction of the currency, so far as ordinary business is concerned. For saying these and other timely things, The Constitution has been ac- ; cased of “attacking" the banks. As a . matter of fact, however, there are hun- ‘ dieds of national bankers who agree I with every criticism Tiie Constitution hag made on the law. But wo mention ; this merely by way.’ <>.' reminiscence. j The main thing to consider is the itn- ' portant fact that the bankers them- ; selves are l:eginning io realize that the-,. ; is real necessity for reform along some | lines advocated by those who, tw"lve i months ago, were labeled as “agitators.' ' Se.'ing the necessity, the bunks do not ) hesitate to agitate, and we think it is a ) wry’ good thing that they are willing to do so. They’ proceed, too, in a bus inesslike way. They issue a call for a convention —which we )mst will contain a representative from every southern blink, for the reforms proposed are of vital importance to this section —and then when the convention meets there will ensue the agitation of discussion. Let us hope that this -event will give to “agitation” its proper meaning in the minds of business men. Reforms can not be carried without it; relief can only be obtained as the result of it. Il is true that there is no prospect that the republicans will pay any attention to the demands of the southern banks. In deed. it is certain that they will oppose the most important propositions put for ward by the Atlanta bankers in their platform. But that is no reason why agitation in favor of them should not begin and go on until the people of all sectior..: are brought to see their impor tance. In this way the national plat form of the democratic party will achieve its triumphant vindication. He Has Had Enough. Editor Watterson again serves notice on the bolters that he has had enough of their tomfoolery. He doesn’t call it tomfoolery, but if it were anything better, we may be sure that the editor of The Courier-Journal would not come out from among them, fetching a big sigh of relief and smiling a broad smile of satisfaction. This last proclamation by' Editor Wat terson is called forth by’ a long and somewhat hazy letter from General Si mon Bolivar Buckner, now known as the "Sage of Glen Lily.” We don’t know when he became a sage but certainly it was after the death, of General For rest, who bad some rather warm views on that ami kindred subjects. But no matter, General Buckner, “the Suge of Glen Lily” (and other things), remarks in a column or more that the bolters who bolted the democratic party, and then, to keep their hands in, bolted their own organization, should retain :.t com pact organization, defying the den; icrats on the one hand and opposing (he re publicans on the other, until “the so.et second thought of Ihe people,’ and so forth and so on, world without < ml. Mr. Watterson prints the letter of the “Sage* rtf Glen Lily,” and thereupon issues a proclamation on the subject, in the course of which he make- th"se remarks which we commend to “the so ],er second thought" of bolters ewiy where: Test <1 in V9G in tiie nation, and in 1597 in a few of the states, though notably and conclusively in Kentucky, the sound tnotu v organization, which took tii. nam -of tin national <l<mo.-racy, showed its If both an illusion and a. snare. The instinct of th. Vo:. r.-1 provfi wiser than the judgment of their leaders, it th. voters had followed tin leaders Jhe first object of the move mi ni—the overthrow of th.- fusion which niem-e.d the eonntry with tint money and n,. tiona 1 fil -i red: l would have b- 'nd- l. at , ,|. Its second <>!■!> ■: was tbeen at ion of a h democrats miglit rally and re-.ra niZe a: i;. K> ii'.u-'ky . s than 10,000 earn s:, enlightened, devoted m. ii accept, fi this opportunity in an actual poll of 375.000. and a po ible poll of 4-iii,u:io. Th.- faithful in. n are not enough for ... <ii corn: and ti y !>-ok in vain for re < i■'> meat i-isewh. r . Th. <’<iuri'?r-Journal is as responslb'e as. p rival's more r< sponsible, than, any' other a:-- r.ev for all tiles I'l l’;,-;. It admits its r. sponsiiillity. But it refuses long, r lo <le • ■ ve il.-ea' a:st such aii array of facts; acai, yielding n ine of the pri.iclpi. s at stake, it is not wflang to deceive anybody els.-, either friend or foe. T:i. issue was Ina. l . 1 in th'.' last <.ani;>..ign -so distinct that co inleii:;;.nt man ..ould misunderstand ii Ii is woolly uawo.-ihy and beside—th" pur pose to set up the pl. a that it was ‘ (.tie lo al colit sts that dio it.” To claim this is to e!'.ar-..e that tn. ; -opl.. wre . itli. r too ignorant to eonipr. io-ufi, or too treach erous lo be lion. SI. T'n. v w.-r.- neither Th. ,v w. re opposed to ta.. plan, or indiffer ent to ii. in . Über -e th . lesson is '.lie s. to ii.v anil. w..--'etig <>•. l-spe, J ; ( y thus, who want moi. of it. w shall a.-eept no t ull her leadershl;i. as -1 an- no furtti.-r r. spoiisJhlities, on Hint line, for w.- have All oi this is iiiter.'-ting, because it is ti. until cleverly put, and because it repres.-nts the views of all semi ide <1 mccrats who wore led by disappoint ment or by pa.-nion to detert’their party last year. But we notice in this proc lama, on--it i.s tilin' ecssary to quote the pht ideology- and in others that. Mr. Watterson has tna<l since the collapse of the hillbynum party in Kentucky, a tendency lo abuse the party with which 1 he proposes to as.:oc;ate hcreati'er. 1 iiis, we think, is very bad policy. The democratic party has dore Mr. Wat-, terson no harm. If a few democratic edit.irs have abused him, the party i.s not responsible for that. Thought- : fill deiiicvr.-it.; everywhere have main- • mined a different altitude toward Mr. Watteu-on than they have toward any other leader among the bolters. They have continued to appreciate the ser-; <:.<,• lie iia.s dine tiie parly; they have, cciitini . d .o admire hi.-s c haracter and his ability. They believed his course to be wrongterribly wrong and he has ' acknowledged that by leturning to the party. That being so. why’ should Mr. Wat terson explain ids conduct by saying . that he prefers to act with a pariy of fools rather than with a party of I knaves? As a minor exhibition in rhetoric the' phrase will do very well; ) but of all men in this world, Mr. Wat-; terson has the least reason to sacrifice h's friends io rhetoric. if the political . contest in this country is between! knaves and fools, sensible men would do well to follow tiie example of the “Sage i of Glen Lily,” and wrap themselves' about with a fog of words. The demoreatic party was no more re-j spon ible for Mr. Watterson’s going out) than it is for his coming in. I' <!i<> , not ask him, in the first place, to advo- i .ate any doctrine on the money ques- ) lion that his newspaper had not al ready advocated, and it does not ask him ; now to surrender any conviction that is ! necessary to his peace of mind. It s enough that he has seen the fol ly of the billbynum business. It is! enough that he realizes the fact that the! democratic’ voters of Kentucky ami oi ' the country reft'.'e to repudiate their party or their principles. It is enough that be realizes that he has had enough. Therefore, we repeat that there is no reason in the world why Mr. Watterson should return to his party with bard sayings in his mouth. The logic of his return stand', for all explanations tnat may be expected. An Echo of Misery. The Springfield Republican gives the following a prominent place in its edi torial columns; A New Haven shop girl writes to The Jkegiste-r a dismal Thanksgiving letter. Within three years her weekly wages in a dry goods store have been cut from 58 to $3. and “my case is one of many,” she says. “The wages paid to female help i:i the stores of this city have fallen steadily since this j ear opened, until al last they are so small that they wiil not buy .-•■ulH eient food.” This girl has also to support her mother—pay rent, feed and clothe two persons on 53 a week. She inquires: “If it is a fact that prosperity i.s returning, why ar.- wages steadily reduced?” And finally she asks: "On tiiis Thanksgiving eve I pleat for a rescue from this misery. With ail the money spent in this city, isn’t there profit enough to at least k.-ept body and soul together?” Tiie class in sociology may answer. The class in sociology! Yea, and the class in theology, too. And the class in moral philosophy. And all and sing ular the students of humanity. Let them all stand up and give an answer to tiiis cry of misery. It is but a faint echo of a great cry that is going up ah over this land today—a. cry that is like ly to grow louder and louder as the Han nas get their innings and the gold syn dicates rake in their winnings. The fact that makes it significant, is (hat it rises in New England -rich ami pro.-1 oro.is Now England—where the boom tor “sound” money has taken the place of religion; where the preachers rose or knelt down in their pulpits and publicly worshiped the golden calf and advised their congregations to do the same; and where the effort io prevent the robbery of the producers of wealth through :i eon antly appreciating stand ard of value was denounced as- “repudia t ion.” The j'oo'- shopgirl gives ]><>r testimony to the effect ilttil her case i.s one c* many. It is something more than that, it. is one of millions. It is not the re sult of stinginess on the part of her em ployers. They would be glad to pay her $8 a week today if their business would justify it. But in the propor tion ilia' her wages have been < ut down, just in that proportion have their busi ness and prefits been cut down. This is otic of the notes of McKinley prosper ity. It has come upon New England with a vengeance. The president can make maxims and he can also make republican jirosperity “It i.s better to open the mills to labor than to opi n the mints to silver.” Ami the mills opened to admit “prosperity.” “By a protective tariff we enable manu facturers to employ mo:* labor at bet ter wages, and better wages mean en larged and profitable markets to the farmers.” Oh, the sweet anil precious joy of max im-making! Would you save the na tion? Make a maxim! Would von re store prosperity? Make two maxims' \t.d -l.'ii d-sdare that the only way to mtik'? < v<rybody happy i.s to make nine ten ths of the people poorer. We were chatting with The Spring field Republican the other day about un der consumption. The cases of which the Now Haven shop girl is a type give a very vivid illustration. How much mocy for trading pttrposes i.s left, out of a week, when the sum must sup port two? How many frocks can\‘he two afford to buy? We have no hope whatever that the New England people will ev- r he aide to see what i.s destroy mg their indus tries until it is too late to save them but we are pretty well convinced that The Sprin'-Ti- Id Republican sees and knows. The trouble i.s that the money dealing class is too powerful in that .sec tion of the c.ountrv' for a newspaper to antagonize its gr< < dy i ’ogr'tmme. The Increase of Crime. On the heels of (he announcement, that the number of murders has doubled in South Carolina during the past year, comes an address from Bishop lAli.-ir (’afters to the clergy of his dioct. e, which cover., the .■'tali*, fixing Dceem'ie.- Ihtii as the day winn (hey .-,'t.il! prericn against the crime of murd 'r, and invit ing Chrtsthin minister;: of al! demoni nations to unite on that dry in upholding the sacredne.-.s of tinman life and the honor of the state. The movetm ;it i.s a good one. (’reach ing and prayer are as effective now :r0 they wet." in the old days, <nly, in inc <'ompl-'xity of our civilization their re-! salts are not so ideally manifest. But! the most effective work that can be! done, both in Georgia and in South Caro- ; lina, is for the courts to make it clear-' ly under.stc'id that the matt who com-' mils murder will .suffer the extreme pen- : ally of the law. We have d:.scti.sse<l this question on former oci asions, iml have considered it from every possible point of view. Ther<- are bur two ways of accounting sot the astounding and threatening growth <;f crime in Georgia and otlu r state.-) during tli<’ past few years. One is tha ! the l:'.v i" ineffectual and therefore' rankly nnjn.st to society, and the other is that the courts, by consenting to pest- , ponemenß tied d'ehiys and in giving! inipe'.’iani e to technical quibitles, are ••tigered in fostering crime. While on this subject The Cotistitu-; tion lakes occasion to reaffirm its- hearty i".horsemen' of last year of th.' mea-- ttre which Ims iasM th" --emtio pro j riding for tiie election of judges and so Heitors i.y the people. We do not know . that lhe choice of those officials by the] legislature lends to corruption, but we ) do know that it leads io bargains and j dickc.s in which the true interests of; ihe people are entirely lost sight of. t We are not afraid of the people. W<> i think that their judgment is better than ; that of any smaller body of men. The.v ) are not infallible, but when they make i a misiake they knew how to correct it, I and they rarely repeat it. The choice of judges tnd solieite.rs by : the people may’ not better the choice: of tiie legislature in every resnect, but. ) it would nut an end to some very ques . tionable practices which have sprung' up as the result of elections by the leg - i.slature. The people are not as like ly to make a mistake as the general as- i sembly. for their choice would be in i the open, and the voters would not he I likely to support a man who was in any . way unfitted for the responsible offices. I Then, wi.li the people to please, and wiih | Ute great, majority of the people in fa-! vor of a vigorous prosecution and pun- ' ishment of ofi'endens, officers of the 1 court, would feel a stronger sense of their responsibility, and would put an end to tiie practice and procedure which have given the criminal classes and a large part of the order-loving public contempt for the law. We trust, the house will pass the bill. It is thought that Mr. Wolcott will now be a gold statesman. This would account for the air of mystery which he brought back with him. In Massachusetts they send a man to the house of correction thirty days for assaulting a woman. Really, this is not. giving the men a chance. Why not. send the woman to jail for a term of years? The European nations will begin to discover after awhile that, the Monroe doctrine has a long arm and heavy whiskers. DEFEAT CH VICTORY IN 1900? From The Louisville, Ky., Bost. Organized parties light to win. merits of parties fight for mere gloi>. ' have great respect for The Atiante Consti tution, but w<- do ii"i understand its theory of political warfare as expre-sed in tn'-e paragraph: ‘•Rut if we are to consider merely the policy of returning to the old practice ol deception and evasion for the purpose o. carrying tiie ‘pivotal states,’ let us .o k a :ii| sides of it. Suppose that. I'.v ‘‘! : . with platform declarations, the part> < • squeeze through in New York and Jers"'.', is it not morally certain that t eie would be a revolt in other states? M'>’'•)• not Kentucky. Virginia. North ' a,< ? ) , and other states l»e hopelessly lost. ’' ll ') the party carry any southern states too ij on a platform that would be pleasing i ; (he political agents of tiie nmn ■ Wo are inclined to doubt it most capiml '- Let us get down to business by t is 1 fining what is meant by •'the "id practi of deception ami evasion.” 1 >ur Atlant i con t • :n "or irv would .-<> clri t ae( erize t"" platform of 1892, while it -peaks of th' platform of 1895 as the courageous expres sion of a party’s purpose. As fir is The Even ng Post 1» con c irneil it nevi r stops to quarrel with descriptive adjectives. Trie platform of K 92 was good enough for tiie democratic party and the i people in 1892, so we do not care whet "er it ■ i.s denounced as a coward.y subterfuge, a ■ mere makeshift, ar. evasion, n trek, a trap, or a time-serving dev'ce. or win tber | it i.l. 'i-'l a " se, discreet, carefullj | phrased avoidance of point's "f dis gree ;mi nts. So dropping th. a.i - liv. lei u | contrast tiie effect po! ticWl of the two I platform:! of 1892 and 18!>:. ' In 189:1 the ticket named and pl i< e1 .m the platform wns elected. Tiie vote -to "I: t'iivel.'tml 277 votes, Harr.son 145 vot-s. Weaver 22 votes. <ln tiie piatfonn of I'<"i the party went to di Teat. Tiie vote stood: McKinley -.1. Bryan 17'1. This is marly an exact re versal of (lie electoral vote of 18ii2. But let ins analyze lite vote in the e.ector.il college and see just wli.it we iost, w.iat we gained and where tiie changes took The following Cleveland slates voted for McKinley: California 8 Connecticut “ I' Ii« are 3 Ii inois- 21 i..di i'i i . . .. ■ ■ ■ ■ 15 .Aentueky .. .. 12 Marylandß Michigan 5 N' w .I. rscylo New Vork3s North H.ikota 1 1 Ohio I : Wisconsinl2 j Totallß Ix-t it be remembered that the vote of K< n.ti.'l:y and California was <1!vl !■ d in :Stn;, as was the vote of Ohio ami North ; • ■ I 1592 We I Vi merci the (’leve land votes of 1892 th it w.-re McKinley votes n 1896, a total of 14) <■ e(o al vo; 10-" by .a.banfioning the politic noi'ey for one of extremism. Now with these states In mind constitut ing the seat of empire, let us see wlia: w.' gained, lb re are the votes east for Har rison in 1592, which Bryan seemed in 1895: t’lliforn'a I Monttimi 3 Nebr."-k;i 8 South I fakota . 4 Wyoming 3 Total 31 That is. of fit' 115 votes that w-r f.- Harrison in 1892. only 23, or one-sixth, w nt t,. Bryan, whereas of tiie 277 t ue.s for <.-I ind in 1892. ill. or ntote than oie li , f. went to M"Kinley: There remain.-', only the Weaver vol • to consi'l.-r. Os that vote the following w.-nt .i Bryan: Colorado -I Idaho :. N'-v.. Lt. ... ... 3 Tbs' is. by means of the Bryan pto ",r.i:ome th. democrat <■ parly exchang.-d ;!t t 'leveland vo.es in th. electoral college l. r 23' 1 larrison '.nd 20 Weaver votes, and of t tes" states, with 43 vol' S. Kan. as w. t it-, lo votes lias gone bek to th rept bl.can party. T'>. e are <*.->ns'fi. r t'.ons which w'll force tlicmselv s on tin- attention of the demo cratic national convention of '9 in. and (■ <• "inot b" that such tin assembly wl.l ig nore I lie les.-.on of experience which such a t omi'.irison enforces. I ut aside front tile d nm." atic pirty. the ..-oiith has a profound inter.'.-t in t i . tap , t :.-on. The Atlanta Com titution is (be representative of the tild ronin ami o. (!>.- ii’-w: of that “new south’’ born in I I-'" from the ashes of tne old son'll .•atl( red at Appomattox. It has stiff red long ind it has endured much. For a full con t'l.v under one gr.-at b-toles .-titer an other from Jefferson and Calhoun to H a :ml Lamar, the south has been the in veterate foe of governin'utal aggr.tml?.:- i" -nt ami tiie defend- r of mT mi .1 fr e lorn ar.d local self-government. Now as we :t ppr. aeii the contenni.il o lite <l. moi rat' ■ party, is the -<i tit t > t i . Its back on its old aides :n the north; ! it lo abandon its old fro nds, ch .ng ia political priniaples. its political preju i'c-s, if you will, that it may again k : 1 a 10-- orn itar.it of parentaiists. calb'u pop tii-t--, again to inev:i:tbl.- def. at? We itope not. We think m t. Tiie Con stitution Is the exponent of a spirit o '.ope util coolidtneo, bitt it must know tlia: faith without ni"ans is vain. The south is s'.i:l under th" can of public opinion, dny it as we may. There :s even among our best friends in tiie north a distrust of our wisdom, our judgment ami our s'li-i-.- str.a.nt. That should no destr-.yofi; that should b" removed. We doubt not it wi; ! lie removed. The smith is pissloint a ! tim.-s, but it is thoughtful, it is poor, bit I not lii'scouraged; cast down, but not for saken. It has a future brighter titan any chapt r I in its past; a (loldica: I’lltllie, an in.ln tr al i future of equality xnd independence. Ba we submit this question to Hie sober jti ,g m.-nt of our Atlanta contemporary: Is it better for us to seek our allies from lit s.- slates: t ’ KTFOR NI A. CON N KCTI CM I’. I>K LA - ILLINOIS. INDIANA, KHN TI’.’KY. MARYLAND, MICHIGAN, ’. .. \\ JHRSI'IY. NKW YORK, Oillo AND WIS C< -NSIN ? Or from tiiis list of western .' t iles th it know n«.thing, and < are ess, about tne true principles of popular government: MONTANA. NEBRASKA, THE DA KOTAS, WASHINGTON. WYOMING, <'. ii .< >!IA I'O, IDAHO, KANSAS AND NE- ! YADA? 'lite matter i.s more serious, as it seems to ns, from the standpoint of i e new south and the old. than f is from tae standpoint of a democrate parts .ii. Th r< cent el< etion gives us time for titot g it anil for consideration. It pioc..ums alivel,- dLeon'cnt among our old allies, with th ■ domination of tile republican party, but <1 , not let us suppose for a moment‘that this vivst central empire is ready to seek re' es in the doctrines of extreme populism. It js democracy, and not populism, '.’or which 1 longs. “Songs of the Soil” By FRANK L. STANTON. The Mo lel Legislature. Talk ’bout the legislature not passln’ any To legislate a fence law, or move the moon- The good Lord bless you, brethren! there s too many bills been passed. Thank heaven for a legislature that gives us a rest at last! There’s been bills for dogs and ’i»ossums bllls from the hills and rills; Bills like tiie springtime blossoms, ami a few tiv-dollar bills; Bills from “the bills of Habersham’ -bills from "the valleys of Hall, Thank heaven for a legislature that plays football with ’em all! Too many bills, dear brcthi’fn! rnafs wnat the trouble’s been; It was left for this legislature the finest record to win By simply "a-doln' of nothin’” since first they met in the fall; — Thank heaven for a legislature that pass-s no bills at all! Thank heaven from the southwest lowlamlJ tiiat dream in the plnctree’s shade From (he winsome wilds of tiie witegiaSsi to the icy deeps of Dade! j The good fad'd bless you, brethren! there s • too many bills been passed; Thank heaven for a legislature that gives us a rest at last! A Song of Her Love. There’s a song of a bird in a blossoming ' And ongs in wind-trebles above: But tile sung that is ever tiie sweetest to me Is a d".ar little song of her love! Like fairy bells ringing \\’h< re roses are springing. Is th" song Os Iter low tii.H my glad heart is singing! O the bird li> tii** blossoms u .th ni* lohy charms And th** \vin<t'* sing lb • bhio fields above; But of rosy-red lips ami (wo lit’.!., white arms Is tiie dear little song of my love. Os red lips that kiss m- And tenderly bless me, And arms like a net klaco that clasp and caress me. Sing i v. r. y<- birds, (n the blossoming tree Ami. winds, pirn, your music abow ; Her brown carls are brighter than blos soms ’o mo. And I ni s? ging a song of her love; I ike fairy bells ringing here roses ar" springing. Is th" song of her love that my glad heart is singing! Kiss Him Right Awake. Win n be in his cradle sleep!."’, Wid dat purty smile o' his, His mammy come a-creepin' En wake, him wid a kiss. Fn den it’s “Go ter sleepy. Sweetheart, fer mammy’s sake;” Tint ain’t, a bit o’ uso in it, Sho kl«s him right awake! She always dar a-pe'pin' En talkin’ out like dis; "Hk look so purty, sleepin’— 1 ’bleege ter steal a kiss!” En den it’s “Go ter sl< epy. Sweetheart, fer mammy’s sake!” But ain’t a bit o' use in it She kiss him right awake! Who He Favors. Ain't he like his mammy? Favor ’bout de eyes; Calls ter mind bis daddy, Settln’ up so wise! Favor ever'body. Till ain't a favor let’; But I tell you who he favor mos”. His own, sweet, purty se’f! Cryin’, looks like grandpa— Wrinkle makes him kin; Bur. tell me who he favor When he laughs de dimples in! Done favor ever'body. Till ain’t, a favor let’! But I tell you who he favor mos': His own, sweet, purty se’f! My Friends, My Books. Give nte my books Some patho-' to t re: i d When Homer harp.-d ids songs for hr. ad; Where in some quaint and dim old inn Dan Chaucer m-u y a night liiitlv been, And told tii.- story and the joke (if famous Canterbury folk; Where S| onset 's fiO'Cy talcs abound And Thomson rolls his “Seasons’’ round; Where Shale sp are ga»e u. thotisasj nights Sublime or riotous delights (And taught mankind to s.-alo the heights.) Ol<i friends am! new, with winsome looks Give me my books' Give m.- my books .... I warrant you There are your friendships swot and true, For all tiie title i. nt ashed weather We clasp hands and grow young togetln-..! For all the winter':? frost and chill They sing there at my fireside still, 1 ope the doo:, and friend on friend Comes to me from the far world’s end! Jack Falstaff lat and t.imous J ck - i'lntirs my inn and calls lor sack, And many a tare, toast doth propo.'" While burns tl>.- 1!;. on Bardolph's noSe; Or aneb iit Pistol, will'. I. might Murders dull Latin half the night! Or Justice Sli tll'iw -oid and \ ain- Tells the wild tales of youth again! I me<t them til witli welcome looks— Give me my books! Give mo my books .... Trim well tho lire And lei the singing blaze leap higher Till spark- I’.a: tqi the chimin y race Elash l!".bt: on .-v ry friendly fa- ! \\ hat cat" 1 for the winter’s cold? H. ro are my friends--then' hands 1 hold, i'bo'ir virtu. -, praise, th. ir faults condemn, And warm me ■t. tile I: arts of tin m! Svvact friends ami true! I yearn io you— lit" old as dear still as the new! • ’em. I' I II" Still -.'me .Ks, *My friends- my books! With tenderer story, sweeter rhymes, Conte to me al the Christ mas Him W li. n al! the. bells in music chime! And where the holly berries gleam Give me the olden, golden dream! Come to me wiivn the yule log glows And though without beat winter’s snows, W itliiti snail bloom Kpi'ing's sw' .-test rosul Be gifts to those I love the best— Sweet, tender thoughts to every breast, And heavens of delightful rest! (jive them your brightest, merriest looks. My Christmas books! Mass Lindy’s Coldness. Las’ time I Miss L:nd.v , bile hoi iter head so iiign Sin n v.-r know de way I go- M:.-s 1. i uy pass me by! Gh. Mi'" I a.dy Utah’s yo’ lever true: De weddin ring Is a purty tiling, En de weddin’ ring's fer you. Las’ time I st e Miss Lindy Aly heart beat loud en fas’; She l;e-ili de solin', but don’t look ruv.'.a Fn des go sailin’ pas’! Oh. Miss Lindy, Heah’s yo’ lover true. De weddin’ ring Is a puny tiling, En de weddin' ring’s fer you! A Love Note. We smile, ami deem Love’s sun is set, ...d 11 ' Ktve tho rose our tears, W h"0 love may be a violet I hat blossoms unawares.