Newspaper Page Text
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THE GOHSTITOTIOH
CLARK HOWELL Editor
W. A. HEMPHILL Business Manager
Catered al <ba Atlanta Paataflea aa Heo®ad
Mall Matter, Mar. 11, 1873.
TH* WEBKLT rONsTITVTION. aaly 91 I" an
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please allow ua a a eek tn get the names on th* list
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a week la every hr-tato'e. ns we one the greatest
uidgenu to g* t them on our mailing IM.
Our Duty in Philippine*.
In another column will be found the
comments of The Washington Post on
an address recently delivered In Buf
falo. N. Y.. by the editor of The Con
stitution. and side by side with it. the
comments of The Charleston News and
Courier on the editorial article of The
Post.
A careful consideration of both ar
ticles will discover to the reader a
curious r.i xtnre of ideas, motives and
sentiments, showing how the human
m‘nd finds itself at war with every
view that runs counter to its preju
dices. lUonse we are advocating a
clear and consistent democratic poli
cy. The Post desires us to embrace the
republican party and indorse It. and
The Charleston News and Courier has
suddenly become so solicitous for Mr.
Bryan that it Is !n quite a state of
mind for feur that the editor of The
Constitution will say someth'ng or do
something contrary to the views of
the democratic leader.
Well, while we have ticketed the ar
ticles of our esteemed contemporaries,
and placed them on exhibition side by
side, we cannot undertake to do full
justice to their considerate aspirations
in our behalf.
In this Philippine business, the re
publicans have been compelled partial
ly to advocate a policy which has been
democrat’c ever since Jefferson organ
ized the party. It is a policy so im
portant that we feel compelled to in
sist that it can be carried out more suc
cessfully and more in accordance with
the desires of the people by the demo
cratic party than by the syndicates
which now represent the republican
party
ReaLy, we think that our contem
porary’s momentary devotion to Its
own views Is responsible for its desire
to place The Constitution in a position
which The I •ost consistently refrains
from taking. The Constitution Is not
independent, that is to say. It Is not
Independent of the truth it finds In
democratic doctrines; It Is not inde
pendent of its own beliefs. And it
believes very sincerely that the dem
ocratic party is better equipped, by
virtue of Its experience and traditions,
to deal with this Philippine qu stion
than the rep'iiblcan party.
It w.ll be ol»servea mat The Charles
ton News and Courier announces that
It has not been converted. Our nat
ural regrets in this matter are some
what mitigated by the fact that, so far
as we know, the editor of Th© News
and Courier h-’s never been converted
to any bing beyond the reach of his
elbow. He has his views, as he has
a right to have them; they were born
with him. and they cannot be change,!
by study, reflection or argument. In
this respect the editor affords as in
teresting a phenomenon as can be
found in any part of the country. So
far as his views are concerned, the
conditions existing In th© south are
precisely what they w«re forty years
ago.
So far as we know, his mind has tak
en but one flip-flap in many years.
Awhile ago he was the mos: violent
anti-Bryanite to be found among the
of the United Stater, but now.
If we are to take his commets seriously,
he is extremely solicitous lest The Con
stitution shall “differ with Mr. Bryan."
Differ.ng with Mr. Bryan himself, and
opposing pretty nearly every impor
tant policy of the democratic party. The
News and Courier takes us to task
because it fears we do not agree with
Mr. Bryan.
Well, genuine democracy Is the salt
Chat will save both The Constitution
and The News and Courier. It
should be borne in mind that the dem
ocratic policy with respect to the spe
cial details and bearings of the Philip
pine question has not been formally
declared, has not tx-en clearly defined
so far as the party is concerned. Thus
it has been a fruitful topic of discus
sion among democrats, and as there
can be no discussion without difference.
It follows, a. a matter of course, that
democrats have differed among them
selves as they always do upon the ap
pearance of questions which the party
Is likely to define.
In point of fact, however, the Buffalo
* address delivered by the editor of The
Constitution Is not inconsistent with
the declarations of Mr. Bryan and
other well-known democrats.
Parties, as well as individuals, have
to take things as they find them and
make the best of them. The human
m>d can neither foresee nor fore-
■tan event*; It can only atrlve to ad
just the results of events conforma
bly to some system or point of view,
or policy or principle with which it
is familiar. Our responslbilties in
the Philippines began when Dewey
broke and destroyed the power of Spain
In those islands. Mr. Roosevelt will
tell you that he is the man who is re
sponsible for the whole affair because
he assigned Dewey to command In the
Pacific; but Mr. Roosevelt knew as lit
tle of what would happen as Dry-Dol
lar Sullivan of the New York bar. We
sailed In freely enough, but we were
not free to sail away again, because
we owed some responsibility to the in
terests there—to the interests not only
of commerce, but of religion. Left to
themselves, the followers of Aguinal
do would have looted Manila, sacked
the convents and murdered the friars.
That was their programme, as all
know*.
When they were foiled in these de
signs they turned against the I nlted
States troops, and made war on the
flag. Now, policies are made by events,
and there has been but one policy to
pursue In those islands in view of the
events that have occurred. So far as
we know, the only objection to tb®
policy made necessary by the sltustion
comes chiefly from disgruntled repub
licans and disaffected democrats.
Now. what is the position of leading
democrats? Which one of them all
advocates the abandonment of our ob
ligations in the Philippines? Not one.
On June 23. 1899, Mr. Bryan wrote to
the editor of The Constitution outlin
ing his position, and in referring to
the Bacon resolutions, said:
My position Is that the United States
should at once give to the Filipinos as
surance of ultimate Independence. Just as
the president has given this assurance to
the Cuban*. The Bacon resolution reads
as follows:
That the United States hereby disclaims any
dlsixxltb-n or Intention t» ex.n lso iwv.retgnty.
Jurisdiction or control over aald Islands; and
MFsvrt th* ir determination when a Mabie and In
dependent rovemment shall have been duly
erected therein, entitled to recognition as such,
to trnnst-r to sal-1 government. upon terms
which shall 1-e reasonable and Just, all rights
secured under the csslon by Spain, and to
thereupon leave the government und control of
the Island to their people.
You will r©e that the Independence Is
not to b<- granted until "a stable and In
dependent government shall have been
erected therein.- entitled to recognition as
such.”
I have gone farther than the resolution
and assorted that we should n--t only give
the Filipinos pelf-government, but that
we should protect them from Interference
while they work out their own destiny. I
advocate treating the Filipinos as the
president has- promised to treat the Cu
bans.
There is not one word tn that that
varies from th© position of The Con
stitution. Speaking further on the
same line, Mr. Bryan telegraphed The
Constitution on June 15th. In denial of
reports which were being assiduously
circulated to do him injury and which
.sought to convey the idea that he fa
vored the immediate withdrawal of our
troops from the Philippines. Ills
telegram was published at that time,
and in It he stated emphatkally:
If 'the administration had given to the
Filipinos the assurance of !ndepend« nee
which was given to the Cuban* there
would have been no bloodshed. If that
assurance f« given now- hostl.ities will
cease. No one proposes to withdraw the
soldiers until a stable government Is
established, tut it Wil be easy to estab
lish a stable government when It Is known
that our occupation of the Philippine
islands Is only temporary.
Early In September. Senator Jones,
chairman of the national democratic
committee, wrote to each member of
th© national committee asking their
opinion as to questions of party policy.
The editor of The Constitution on the
21st of September answered the Inquiry
as a national committeeman and in
reference to the Philippine question,
said:
The party should make declaration in
favor of extending to the Filipinos the
same guarantee of ultimate lnd<■peiiden< - e
that has been assured the Cubans. It
should not. however, permit Itself to be
priced, even constructively, in a copper
head attitude; and to avoid Illis It should
make clear the fact that it Is opposed to
withdrawing our troops from the Philip
pines until they have restored peace and
order.
It should emphasise the fact that a
definite declaraton of poll -y by -this gov
ernment, guaranteeing Filipino Indepen
dence would be the surest and quickest
wav to bring to an end the insurrection,
and permit us to proceed, undisturbed, to
the establishment of an orderly govern
ment.
To this Senator Jones made the fol
lowing reply, under dat© of October
*Cth, on bis return from Europe:
Your letter is received and It has been
read with pleasure. It seems to me that
you are eminently correct in what you
say. and 1 think that the party in the
national convention will agree with you
in the main.
What has been the result of all the
backing and filling on the part of a
certain element which is more repub
lican than democratic? It has had the
effect »f stiffening the backs of th© un
fortunate* who are striking nt the
hands of those who would carry them
liberty and peace and prosperity. Here
are the prophetic words of one of the
bravest men in the army—a soldier
without reproach—words written by
the late General Henry W. Lawton,
and received here after his death from
a Filipino bullet:
'I would to God that the whole truth
of this whole Philippine situation could
be known by every one in America as I
know it. If the real history. Inspiration
and conditions of this insurrection, and
the influences, local and external, that
now encourage the enemy, as well as the
actual possibilities of these Islands and
peoples and their relations to this great
east, could be understood nt home, we
could hear no more talk of unjust ".shoot
ing of government" into the Filipinos, or
of hauling down our flag in the Philip
pines. If the so-called anti-imperialists
would honestly ascertain the truth on the
ground and hot In distant America, -they,
whom I believe to be honest men misin
formed, would be convinced of the error
of their statements and conclusions, and
of the unfortunate effect of -their pub
lications here. If 1 am shot by a Filipino
bullet it might as well come from one of
my own men. because I know from ob
servations, confirmed by captured pris
oners. that the continuance of fighting Is
chiefly due to reports that are sent out
from America.
Th:* is a letter w* It ten to Hon.
THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTION: ATLANTA. GA.. MONDAY. JANUARY 1. 1900.
Jbhn Bkrrett, ex-minister to Slam, a
strong and consistent democrat. He
Ci* been struck down and bls ghost
may well appear to confuse those who
ar© advocating the withdrawal of our
forces.
Ther© Is no room for discussion in
the situation as it now exists. Our
government must be defended, and
those who are striking at the flag must
be brought to terms. There should
be no disagreement here.
As to the policy that Is to be car
ried out when peace has been restored,
and the various islands ar© free from
disorder and tumult—that is a subject
for discussion, and the democratic par
ty will take a position in accordance
with Its principles and Its traditons.
Ultimate independence should now be
guaranteed, but the laying down of
arms against our government should
be made the condition precedent to
everything done to that end.
Fourth Class Postmaster*.
The present congress has been called
npon to consider the compensation due
fourth-class postmasters for their
work.
i It may be stated, without charge of
i exaggeration, that the fourth-class
I postmaster is the advance guard ot
civilization and progress wherever he
goes. He is the man who keeps up wITh
the frontier line and establishes com
munication between the smallest ham
lets of the country and their more pre
’ tentious rivals of the city. He be
conies at once a great public agent for
the local good, a representative of the
government and an enlightener
through whom the whole world is
brought within view of the little com
munity in which he lives. Strange as
it may appear, the effort of the gov
ernment heretofore has been to belittle
I thelimportance of this olficer, and to
| so cripple him in his resources that
he can have but poor encouragement
in the work which be has undertaken.
The proposition, therefore, to give a
proper recognition to the country post
master, Is one which has been too long
delayed, and which should receve im
mediate and sufficient attention. These
1 men, scattered in ever}' little valley
and at every cross-roads throughout
j the whole country, come nearer to the
heart of the people than any other equal
number of inhabitants. They perform
; a public work which cannot very well
■ be described because unimportant as
their office may seem, it is the first
i connecting link which binds the new
community to the older settled portions
: of the country.
<»ne reason for the neglect of the
country postmaster has been his iso
lation. While postmasters of towns
and cities have been able to gather in
convention and to press their claims
upon congress, the country postmaster,
on the contrary, has been unable to
do this, because very often the re
ceipts of his office for an entire year
would not pay a trip to Washington.
The Constitution, fully recognizing the
importance of the country postmaster,
his necessity to his neghborhood and
his value to the general government,
feels a peculiar pleasure in being per
mitted to become the mouthpiece of
these worthy public servants, and to
demand in their behalf that considera
tion which should be given to thfm.
While postmasters of second and
first-class offices ran be employed at
far salaries which will sufficiently re
ward them for their labor, the work
of the country postmaster Is not to be
Judged by the number of letters which
he Is able to exchange between the
sender and recipient. If he delivered
but one letter in a year from h's office,
he has performed that great public
function which the government owes
to all of its inhabitants, and for its
performance he should be given a com
pensation adequate to the public char
acter of the service, rather than being
measured by its quantity. There are
a thousand ways in which the country
postmaster acts as a leader and a guide
for the people of his community. Ho
is the seat of intelligence, acquaint
ng the people with government doings
and requirements, which would be dif
ficult otherwise to reach them. He
has never been considered at his true
value heretofore, but from now on, so
far as the power of The Constitution
extends, that consideration shall be de
manded for him which Is his due.
In another column will be found a
comprehensive statement of the pres
ent condition of the claims of the coun
try pos’master in Washington. Our
friends of the letter box have it in
their own power, by moving unitedly
and at once, to bring about the changes
suggested. That cohesiveness which
they have heretofore lacked can now
be supplied, and The Constitution will
feel itself privileged to be permitted to
become their spokesman in the cam
paign now on for this purpose.
—
Tn a Nutshell.
It is not often that the injurious
effects of the gold standard are more
tersely described than they are in the
dispatch from Bombay in today’s
Constitution. In that dispatch it is
stated that “the Indian congress has
declared its dissatisfaction with the
currency measures of the government,
alleging that these have the effect of
depreciating the value of the savings
of the masses, virtually enhancing rent a
and debts and Injuriously affecting
manufacture*.’*
The currency measures of the Indian
government consist of the closing of
th" mints to silver, and the substitu
tion of the gold standard for the silver
standard, a most drastic proceeding,
which among other things, precipitated
a famine In the midst of plenty. The
mass's could not buy food with the
metal which for centuries they had
used as money.
Our own people have had a taste of
some of the evils of the gold standard
tacked on to the most unscientific cur
rency system the world has ever seen.
The Spanish war and the short wheat
crops of Europe and Asia have lifted
I us momentarily a!>ove the effects ot
the gold standard—the wheat famine by
Increasing the price of wheat and there
by placing more money in circulation,
and the war by the immense cash dis
bursements that would not have been
made.
To this extent, Mr. McKinley’s ad
ministration has been extremely fortu
nate. and the people have had consld
! erable relief; but there are various
ominous signs in the sky. We have
now a vast aggregation of concerns
i over capitalized to such an enormous
extent that only a breath of wind Is
I necessary to send them all tumbling
into ruin; the Coxey yell for more
money is heard in Wall street more
frequently than ever before; and in
the face of a balance of trade in our
favor for the one month of Novem
ber of >54,000,000 we are sending out
gold in rapidly increasing amounts.
We hope and trust that these omi
nous signs will pass away without cul
minating in the troubles to which they
point; but the fact remains that the
supply of money cannot be larger than
its source, and the sources of gold are
fortuitous, accidental and uncertain.
In addition to the gold standard, we
have a currency system that has an
invariable tendency to drain money
from all parts of the country to New
York and to keep it locked up there,
especially at a time when there is the
greatest demand for it.
Centering in New York.
The announcement that Secretary
Gage, after the expiration of his term
in the cabinet, will become president
of the new National Government bank,
which lie has favored by giving it a
monopoly of the internal revenue re
ceipts, is not surprising.
There was a time when the federal
cabinet was reached through a long
term of fatlhful public service, and
membership therein was sought as the
culmination of a laudable ambition,
which thereafter would retire to enjoy
the plaudits of a well-served constitu
ency. Such men spoke from their re
tirement as sages, whose words were
received with attention and occasion
ally, in emergency, they were called
back to the field of action. Os late
years, however, all this has changed,
and a term in the cabinet comes as
the result of some brief personal ser
vice in a party campaign, and it is
used as the stepping stone to corpora
tion presidencies or similar purpose.
To mention names would be invidious,
and a mere reference to the general
fact is enough.
It seems to be probable that Mr.
Gage has overstepped the limit of en
durance in the present case. Even
so faithful a republican organ as The
Philadelphia Press objects vigorously
to the sep thrown over the treasury
wall to the National City bank of New
York. While approving the deposit
ing in banks of the revenue surplus
ns better policy than hording it up in
the treasury, The Press is of the opin
ion that there are other banks than
the National City and other cities than
New York. Asking the question: “Is
It wise to make anv one bank the
central point of distribution for the
whole country?” The Press goes on to
sav:
All the larger cities should be treated
alike. Internal revenue receipts gather
ed near each city should be deposited
In some bank in each, and if this bank
wire nominated by the clearing house
committee of each city, subject to a final
selection of the secretary of the treas
ury, the head of the treasury depart
ment would be saved from a serious and
onerous responsibility, sure some day to
lead to real or apparent scandal. But
however selected, these daily receipts of
internal revenue should not be given ns
a monopoly to New York city banking,
but deposited over the country. In these
days of the long distance telephone and
tile telegraph it is as easy each day to
know tiie total of these deposited receipts
in a number of cities as In one. Once
known, the equitable distribution of these
deposits Is as easy from several centers
as from one city.
Secretary Gage has undoubtedly follow
ed corporation precedent and practice in
gathering all these deposits of Internal
revenue receipts in New York for dis
tribution, but the . United States govern
ment is more than a < orpo ration. It has
common responsibilities to all our cities
and Is bound to give them ali equitable
treatment. Moreover, If the privilege of
receiving these deposits is wanted, it is
because It. is valuable; if it is valuable,
the privilege should bo paid for. whether
it is held by one bank in one city or by
several banks hi several cities.
Let. the political procession move on!
It is well for the people to become
acquainted with all the facts, so that
at the proper time they may pass upon
them.
Why They Went to the Rescue.
Commenting on the recent collapse
of values in Wall street. The New
York Sun thinks "there is something
humiliating in the spectacle of a com
bination of financial magnates aided
by the secretary of the treasury of the
United States, solemnly taking counsel
together to shield a lot of stock specu
lators from the losses which their own
folly had brought upon them.”
This may lie so, but a great many
people who have had their eyes opened
by recent events have discovered that
the "stability” which was promised
them as the result of the gold stand
ard is a mere matter of moonshine. We
may be sure that the financial mag
nates were not actuated by motives ot
benevolence or philanthropy in rush
ing to the aid of the speculators. They
were intent on business of the most
important character. They were bent
on preserving ther financial theories
from a further coilap e.
If the democratic party had been in
power and if a bill for bimetallism had
passed the house, these financial mag
nates would have allowed the bottom
to fall out, as they did in 1593, when
Cleveland was carrying out his con
tract to wreck the democratic party.
If they had allowed matters to take
ther natural course last week, the re
sult of the passage of the gold stand
ard mesure in the house would have
precipitated a panic as far-reaching as
that which occurred in 1593, as the
result of closing the Indian mints to
sliver.
But in this matter the gold standard
was involved. Its “soundness” and
“stability” received very black eyes in
the collapse of last week, and if the
crisis had proceeded headlong to a
panic, the business interests of the
country would have asked themselves
if the gold standard Is what it is
cracked up to be, and they would have
found the answer in the general con
ditions that go hand in hand with a
widespread depression of values.
There Is another reason why the
financiers came to the rescue
of the speculators and why they will
continue to do so, even though they
should lose millions by the operation.
A panic now, falling on a time of com
parative prosperity, would be the un
doing of the republican party, and
would destroy the whole programme of
the McKinley syndicate for the next
campaign. 'Therefore the financial
magnates, great and small, will come
to the rescue of the speculators just as
often as it is necessary.
But we should behold a different
spectacle and hear a different tale if
the collapse had been coincident with
the discussion and adoption of.a meas
ure looking to bimetallism. We should
see the magnates take a different atti-
tude for the purpose of teaching the
public another “object lesson,” and all
our gold standard friends would be say
ing, “We told you so!” But the facts
are far different. The collapse was coin
cident with the discussion and adoption
of a gold standard measure, and with
the export of gold in the face of a large
supposed balance of trade due from
Europe. We have here ail the symp
toms of 1893, save the determination
of the magnates to allow matters to
take their own course. These mag
nates know very well that, a panic now
would prove disastrous to all their po
litical calculations.
But tiie collapse of last week will
prove to be more far-reaching in its
effects than casual observers would
imagine. It has put ot least a tem
porary end to the rise in prices, and
the losses that have resulted and the
confusion following so sudden and un
expected a development, have had a so
bering effect in all directions.
Sensible people are asking themselves
whether this keen demand for money
and the evil results of a lack of it
would be modified under the operations
of bimetallism. To that question
there is but one answer, and those who
are the victims of the money famine
in Wall street are beginning to per
ceive what, that answer is.
Hint to School Workers.
Sometime ago The Constitution drew
a parallel between the Germany which
lay prostrate upon the field of Leipsic
and the Germany which came out ot
Sedan the arbiter of Europe.
While there are those who will as
scribe this representation to the power
of arms. The Constitution went fur
ther back for tiie cause and found It
in the school teachers. When defeat
ed Germany began to think for the
future, she decided that her escape
from thraldom was to be won through
education. The schoolmaster dis
placed the man of arms and for fifty
y ars every shop was turned Into a
technological school, every apothecary
into a chemist's laboratory, every
church the site of a literary school, and
expert agents went from farm to farm
tnstrncting the tiller of the soil as to
how he could bring th' l most out of
his work. The result was that when
Germany again went to war it was
with men multiplied in educational
value.
As an illustration of the practical
methods by which Germany conducts
her educational system, a recent report
of the United States department of ag
riculture gives an insight. Most of the
common schools in the smaller villages
o' Germany have attached to them a
small garden. This garden is intend
ed primarily for the use of the teacher
of the school. It serves his table with
a few fresh vegetables and fruits in
their season and thus indirectly adds
a mite to his modest salary. In most
instances this garden Is used solely as
a source of income and pleasure to the
teacher. Occasionally, however, some
especially active and wide-awake
teacher sees in the garden a means of
instruction. Here plants can be
watched in their development from
seed to flower and fruitage; the curled
loaves on a choice plant may show
where an insect has made its home;
a heavily laden apple tree may sug
gest the value of pruning; a few pan
s os or a rose bush rightly placed may
awaken ideas of beauty. And so the
garden becomes a field for observation.
The teacher’s nature study charts are
supplemented with real Howers and
fruits grown in his own garden and
with insects, birds, bees and low forms
of life that make their homes in his
own hedgerow or feed upon his choic
est plants. Pupils working among
these flowers, pruning trees, or gath
ering berries from vines planted and
tilled by themselves, may acquire an
interest in nature and husbandry
which will remain with them through
out. their after life. Certainly they
will acquire a practical knowledge of
the ways In which fruits, flowers, and
garden vegetables are planted and
cnreil for which will be of value to
them in their future work as farmers
or the owners of homes and gardens.
A school of this sort, located at Alf
ter, a village of some 2,000 inhabitants,
in the German Rhine province, between
Bonn ami Cologne, is a typical exam
ple. The whole region lying round
about the village is intensively farmed
and forms practically one vast garden.
Vegetables alternate with orchards,
with occasional strips of grain or for
age plants. The school is what is
known as a "people’s school.” 1 his
is the common school of Germany.
Only the fundamental branches are
taught, in these schools, and the whole
course is completed in eight years.
To those who want to make educa
tion in Georgia more practical, this
furnishes a good hint. Let us adopt
the German’s method and we will es
cape from the slough.
Corndodgers and Flour Flxin’s.
Some of the writers in the newspa
pers appear to be about to engage in a
discussion as to the relative nutritive
value of the food products of wheat
und those of coru.
We do not perceive any grounds for
a discussion. Corn meal properly
ground and properly cooked, not
only provides a great number of del
icacies, but is as palatable and as
stregthening in its plainer forms as
wheat bread. Much of the flour that
we get nowadays is adulterated with
corn meal, and, as a matter of fact,
maize will make flour that is hardly
to be detected from the wheat product.
It Is to be presumed that corn meal
!s unpalatable to those who have had
no experience in its preparation; but
on the other hand, what is more un
palatable or more indigestible than a
badly cooked biscuit?
CURRENCY MEASURES NO GOOD
Indian Congress Now Enters a Vig
orous Protest.
Bombay, December 29. —Tiie Indian con
gress has declared Its dissatisfaction with
the currency measures of the government,
alleging that these have the effect of de
predating the value of the savings of the
masses, virtually enhancing rents and In
debtedness and Injuriously affecting man
ufactures.
THEY DO NOT WANT BYNUM.
Washington, December 28.—The Post to
morrow will say: "in a few days charges
will be filed before the finance committee
of the senate against the confirmation of
ex-Representative William D. Bynum, of
Indiana, as democratic appointee for the
New York board of appraisers. The minor
ity of that eommi: tee are determined to
resist the installment of .Mr. Bynum in
that position. They will do so on the
ground that he is not a democrat, but
<has openly affiliated himself with the re
publican party,”
“COMES ONE WITH A SONG.”
By FRANK L. STANTON.
The World-Voices.
I-
Do tiie voices’of the world
i Upon Thy natal day.
Sweet Christ, whose dying hath sufficed
To purge its sins away.
Ascend to Thee where, throned above.
Thou sittest, crowned of love?
11.
The voices of that world
Where Thou, In days long dead.
Had never place, for all God’s grace.
To lay Thy weary head:
Where Thou dlds’t walk, all plteosuly,
j To crimson Calvary?
HI.
Surely, Thy heart must ft el
| The olden throb of pain;
And the thorn-crown send trickling down
The red, wrath drops again.
Where a new Calvary near Thee stands
To pierce Thy holy hands!
IV.
What do the voices say,
Rising from near and far
In the white light, in the black night—
Thrilling from start to star?
The voices o’er the world so wide
Os men for whom Christ died?
V.
Behold, O Christ. Thy world!
Here slilneth Love so sweet:
Here liove may trace by Thy sweet grace
The print of Thy dear feet:
Here Dove doth patiently abide
Still to be crustfied.
VI.
And dally on the Tree
Love’s willing hands are nailed;
The crimson tide flows from H:s side,
i By the sharp spear assail'd.
i Yea, Love is here, and still will be,
I To suffer, Christ, for Thee.
VII.
Yet from the world a cry
Shakes the strong gates above:
The bests of Hate predominate.
Anti trample down Thy Inve!
Tiie martyrs from the dungeons lone
Still to the lions thrown!
vin.
“The roar of rabble hosts
I Past all Imagining:
| ‘O Pilate, chief, release the thief
' And crucify the King!
I Unto our wrath do not deny Him—
Crucify Him! Crucify Him!’ ”
IX.
Still doth that cry ascend
To the high courts above.
While keen swords stain with reddened
rain
The lilies of Thy Ix>ve!
They reap and wreathe the red thorns
now
To wound Txive's beauteous brow!
Seest Thou the wayfarer
Fallen among thieves, and left
To bleed and die beneath Thy sky.
Os even God’s love bereft?
How men. beholding, robed in pride.
Pass to the otjier side?
XI.
Seest Thou the woman, led
Before Thee, as of old,
Stoned in despair from temples fair
That show Thy cross in gold?
She that was told by Thee, of yore,
| To go, and sin no more!
XII.
Seest Thou the rich—the great,
■ In purple garmented.
While prone before their Iron door
Some I.azarus wails for bread?
Dying alone, in Hunger’s thrall,
Denied the crumbs that tall!
XIII.
Seest Thou the little ones
For whom the Christ-heart beats.
Wandering far where wolf-fangs are—
Starved on the city’s streets?
Os whom Thou salds’t all tenderly,
“Bld them come unto Me!"
XIV.
Yet there is Love that knows
No mingling with the dust;
Tea< h us the way, and if we p.’ay.
Still give us strength to trust!
Teaeli us, whate’er Thy world befall,
That Ixive is all-in-all!
TWO VIEWS OF THE PHILIPPINES AND
RECENT ADDRESS OF MR. HOWELL
Expansion at the South.
From The Washington Post.
We find floating about in the newspa
pers a great many commendations of the
address delivered at Buffalo, N. 1., the
other day by Mr. Clark Howell, of The
Atlanta Constitution. A traveling gen
tleman gave his views to The Post s
special commissioner quite recently, and
v' as thus reported in our edition of Sun
day, the 24th instant:
• "The speech of Editor Clark Howell at Buf
falo the other day reveals the real sentiment
vs the south on the expansion question,’ said
Mr. G. M. Currie, ot New York, at the Shore
ham.
• “My business causes me to travel tn near
ly every southern state, «ind it tn in strict
accord with truth to declare that an over
whelming majority ot the intellgent people
of that section are In favor ot holding onto
our possessions in the east. They look at
the question from a business standpoint, and
argue that an extension of our oriental trade
Is bound to benefit the cotton planters and
manufacturers of the south. But in addi
tion to tiie commercial argument they do
not take stock in the Atkinsonlan Idea that
we should abandon the Philippines to the
natives after the expenditure of so much
treasure and tiie loss of so many lives. F.d
itor Howell voiced the real sentiment of his
countrymen in eloquent English, and on this
question he represents them far more accurately
than their political Idol, Colonel W. J.
Bryan.’ ”
All of which is no doubt true. The
south is now reaping, in proportion, the
bulk ot the prosperity which has come
to the country, und we know, by unques
tionable testim"#?’, that southern indus
tries are prospering through our expan
sion policy more than any others. Only
a few weeks ago we had occasion to dis
cuss a very eloquent statement of tl:e
situation prepared and Issued by the cot
ton mrnufacturers of South Carolina. It
w; s comprehensive and unanswerubl.
But unat we said then is now equally
applicable to the very intelligent presen
tation of the case just made by Mr. Clark
Howell, of The Atlanta Constitution. It
the southern people are so wedded to ex
pansion, und so distinctly its beneficiar
ies, why d<> southern publicists and news
papers unite in opposing the party whose
policy makes expansion possible? Why
go they aopkiud mid support with ;*.i
their energy the men who oppose expan
sion. and who. if they had their way.
vould obliterate the conditions under
which the south is now reveling in pros
perity? It is all very well for gentlemen
to issue pt< clatxitions or deliver power
ful addresses lauding a policy which en
riches them, but it is neither beautiful
nor consistent for those same gentlemen
to antagonize politically the authors of
that policy and to fervently advocate its
implacable traducers.
The Post is the south’s ardent and eon
ristent fr end. The Pest rejoices in the
south’s betterment and progress. But we
cotifess our inability to sympathize with
the south’s noisy laudation of a policy
tiie champions of which it industriously
antagonizes. It seems to us that if our
southern art getting rich on ex
pansion, they can ill-allord to defeat the
party of expansion. That, from our point
of view, is pa/ing much too high a price
for sentiment.
XV.
That not upon this star.
Illumined from above, -
Framed in far space before God s face.
Is aught so sweet as Love!
That Love which lifts from darkest nignt
A brother to the light!
> XVI.
That Love which evermore
In humblest service lives;
That bears the cross, enduring loss
That suffers and forgives!
That kissed—who would that kiss com
demn? —
The Christ, at Bethlehem!
xvn.
That Love which shares with *ll
Thy roses and Thy rest;
That ne’er forsakes, but sweetly take*
The whole world to its breast.
With never scourge, or chains to bind—
A brother to mankind!
XVIIL
Sing it, O holy hills.
Bathed In the new-born light!
O seas that moan through ages lone!
O voices of the night!
Sing, till Love’s banner be unfurled
Over the rolling world!
XIX.
Then shall the brighter day
Color each breaming clod;
Then shall that song, o’er wrath and
wrong.
Rise to the stars of God!
And earth roll nearer heaven above
In the broad light ot Love!
Christmas Day In Billvill*.
We had a jolly Christmas from BillvUl*
up to Brown;
With the gray of early mornln’ run the
marshal out o’ town.
An’ had the country to ourselves from
here to Kingdom Come,
An’ you bet we made her whistle, an’
you bet we made her hum! -
Th? mayor—he climbed the greasy pole—
ihe come right to the scratch!
The coroner an’ sheriff <iad a flrst-class
wrestlin’ match;
An’ BlllviUe’s representative the merry
fellers follered.—
Turned somersaults —stood on his head,
an’ kicked his heels an’ hollered!
The mules went scamperin’ through the
town with Jest the loudest brayin’; ,
The one-legged veterans frisked aroun’
’ ’to hear the bands a-playin’;
The fiddles goin’ all serene, each mad
an’ merry minute;
We danecjl a quadrille on the green, with
all of Billville in it!
An’ talk about yer eggnogg--lt Cowed, an’
flowed, an’ flowed.
Till we couldn’t keep our balance, or the
middle o’ the road!
It was glory halleluia from the mornln’
to the night.
While the town went whirlin’ round us
in a slzzin* blaze o’ light!
The mayor—he couldn t stand It he
•wavered at his post;
The sheriff took a tumble an’ yielded up
the ghost!
An’ Jest about the time we saw the even
in’ shadders fall,
The coroner —who sjood ft best —sot down
upon us all! *
The Greater Gifts.
Give us. New Year, the Light
Along the lonely way;
Some Star to make the night
Hold kinship with the day!
Over the storms of life
Arch thou the rainbow-ray!
Give us. New Year, the grace
To bless a world in need.
To stand before God’s face,
- Pure with the dream and deed!
To soothe the souls that mourn—
To bind the wounds that bleed!
So shall thy coming be
Blest of each cot and clod;
The seed shall flowerlngly
Brighten the desert sod.
And the world roll nearer heaven, ,
Under the smile of God!
Doesn’t Hang Together.
From The Charleston News and Courier.
Clark How> I’, editor of The Atlanta
Constitution, made a speech In Buffalo,
N. Y., last week, in which he came out
stieng for the policy of expansion, which
is the policy of the McKinley administra
tion. IVe have not been converted by
Mr. Howell’s argument, but it has made
a favorable Impression upon the imperial
ists who are ready to weicome all re
el ults. 'lhe very able and embarrassing
ar.d sometimes truthful Washington Post
says that “the south is now reaping, in
proportion, the bulk of the prosperity
w hich has come to tiie country, and we
know, by unquestionably testimony, that
southern Industries are prospering through
our expansion policy more than any
others.” That is a good enough story to
tell the mari*.-s, or the Gridiron Club,
but nobody will believe it, of course, who
remembers anything of the genesis of the
war with Spair* and how a struggle for
humanity speedily drifted In a cowtest
for outside markets for American goods.
But The Post describes Mr. Howell’S
speech as a "very Intelligent presentation
of the case” from a criminal point of
view, Mr. McKinley having described tha
war in the Philippines as “criminal ag
gression." And then The Post puts Mr.
Howell io shame as follows:
If the southern people are so wedded t®
expansion, and so distinctly its beneficiaries,
why do southern publicists and newspaper®
unite in opposing the party whose policy
makes expansion possible? Why do they
applaud and support with all their energy
the men who oppose expansion, and who,
if they had their way, would obliterate the
conditions under which the south is now
reveling In prosperity? It is all very well
for gentlemen to issue proclamations or de
liver powerful addresses lauding a policy
which enriches them, but it Is neither beau
tiful nor consistent for these same gentlemes
to antagonize politically the authors of that
policy and to fervently advocate its Im
placable traducers. The Post is the souths
ardent and consistent friend. The Post
rejoices In the south's betterment and progress.
But we confess our inability to sympathize
with the south’s noisy laudation of a policy
the champions of which it Industriously at>
tag’onlzes.
Mr. Howell Is committed to Bryan, who
is opposed to expansion. He stands by
Mr. Bryan’s iMirty, which will do its
must effective fighting In the next presi
dential campaign upon the anti-expansion
issue. He dees not agree with himself,
but when Mr. Howell was speaking in
Buffalo he was speaking in Buffalo, and
when he is electing Bryan he is electing
him In Georgia. There Is a great differ
ence In the point of view and in the in
clinations of an audience. Happy the man
In these parlous times who can catch
public sentiment "a-cotnin' and a-gwine.”