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~ i Ssse Life and Times i' /Sh 11 „'" *„„ I
• & *'• | Thos. E. Watson, j
+ v r 07’ Mr •: , *
• ' •{ * .Author of •
| Thomas Jefferson J «p |
• Being the First Part of a History of the United States ;'*! t c„ M rw, > 9 os. bi > th o .. e. w a t*o n ...jnt Right* n.iwd +
. ......... * *H 4>
CHAPTER XXXV.
Out of the committees of correspondence
, grew the congress, suggested by Massa
chusetts and brought into being by the
prompt, warm-hearted action of South
< aroltna. Out of the congress grew the
articles of confederation. The principal
defects of these articles were: (1) They
gave the general government no right of
taxation: (2) no power to regulate com
merce; (3) no power over the citizen di
rectly; (4) no power to enforce its will;
(5) no real executive.
Congress might need money and troops,
but it could not directly raise either.
Requisitions had to be made on the
states; and when the states refused to
honor the requisitions the general govern
ment had no power to enforce its de
mands. Every state could lay its duties
upon commerce, and thus there could be
thirteen different, antagonistic systems in
operation within the confederation. Un
doubtedly this government was too weak.
The central power was not a power. The
thirteen sovereign, independent states had
too jealously retained their own sover
eignty.
Against these defects Washington had
struggled as best he could dining the
war, but with the deepest conviction that
no effective government was possible un
til they were cured.
The central power sank Into contempt
after the peace. Members of congress
often stayed at home, leaving their states
unrepresented. There were practically
no natural revenues with which to pay off
the war debts. The army dwindled to
less than one hundred men. Between citi
zens of Pennsylvania and Connecticut
there was much fighting, much property
destroyed, and many lives lost. Wyoming
valley, which bad been swept with lire
ana sword in 1778 by British, Indians and
Tories, was now laid waste again by the
troops of Pennsylvania—the victims this
time, being settlers from Connecticut.
The dispute was over the title to the
land.
New Jersey and Connecticut were em
broiled in a commercial war with New
York. It had reached an acute stage,
where it seemed certain that powder
would soon burn and bullets fly.
Shays' rebellion broke out in Massachu
setts, and while it amounted to nothing
and was soon put down without blood
shed, It did not strengthen the govern
ment which survived it, as most rebellions
do.
People who wanted a stronger gov
ernment made immense capital out of
Shays' poor little disturbance, and it rings
with distressing loudness in federalist
histories till this day—the writers draw
ing lessons from 1t directly opposite to
those drawn from the whisky rebellion in
Pennsylvania after the federalists had got
what they wanted.
Delegates to adjust commen ial differ
ences between Virginia, and Maryland,
growing out of navigation of the Poto
mac. meet in Alexandria, and Washing
ton is there. wne go I ’ ... - .
Vernon.'and conferences with Washing
ton take place Another commercial
meeting is called on a larger scale, and I
now James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, I
John .lav and Edmund Randolph become ■
active. The Annapolis convention takes ■
good care not to regulate the commerce ;
which needed regulation, and the scope
of the movement is skilfully broadened .
until it becomes a constitutional conven
tion. to meet at Philadelphia to amend the l
articles of confederation.
The manner in which this apparently
local and unimportant commercial move
ment was nursed and fed and disguised,
until it became a national convention,
determined upon the creation of an en
tirely new government. Is a wonderful
Instance of political finesse and manage
ment. As a specimen of wire pulling it
Is incomparable. A few able, expert,
long-headed gentlemen recognize the ne
cessity for a strong government, in which
the democratic features shall be s ibor
dinate. They know that the least ex
posure of their scheme means death to
it. Thev keep the real purpose hidden
from sight. Just as the fiction of loyalty
to the king had been kept up until it was
perfctly safe to ring the Liberty Bell,
so now the subterfuge of regulating com
merce was used as a screen for the con
stitutional convention.
Had Washington. Mason, Randolph,
Hamilton and Jay been frank with the
people, and told them about what was
contemplated, there wutld have been an
insurrection. For the real purpose of the
manipulators of the movement was to
frame a government in which the peo
ple, while seeming to have all the power,
should have almost none.
Neither Washington Hamilton. Jay nor
Randolph believed that the people were
capable of self-government, and they
meant to frame a constitution In which
they should not have it.
Tazewell Hall. Hitting on its green ter- j
race at Williamsburg, was a fair sped- .
men of th- old-fashioned home In Vir- |
ginia-the house of scholarly, hospital '
John Randolph, royal a'ttoiney general |
of the colony during the time of Jxtrd i
Dunmore. I
This was one of the centers of fash
ionable life. Crown officers were at ease
here: and whatever lord o r lady from
the mother country happened to visit
Williamsburg was sure to be entertained
at Tazewell Hall.
Here also were seen in familiar social |
intercourse with the Randolphs and with I
each other such men as Washington, i
I’a-e Lee. Nelson, Wythe, Pendleton,
H-u r’ison. Tucker ami Jefferson Many a >
time the large barn-like but must com- |
• sortable old mansion was tided with
music as 'he king's attorney bent loving
iv over that celebrated Cremona violin
and played a duet with the freckle-faced
• nd- of’ Monticello. Many a time Eord
Dunmore. guiltless as yet of burning
Virginia towns and attempts at negro In
surrections. chatted contentedly her., with
councilors, lawyers, farmers and Murray
relatives Scotland. Through these
large rooms sounded footsteps which yet
echo in the corridors of time; within them
were heard voices which history sha.l
’ r hear The only son of We house,
a beautiful, dark-eyed, manly boy. .listen-
. tn what Patrick Henry said.
ed S °t t the lie* «" d Je,Terson and
to what the * wh .. n hl3 father
Washington said DunnJ ore, and
fOl^: e himself to London, he. Edmund
1? « tnh cast his lot With the patriots.
service on
■
the Donors Washington's private
assigned the care interests in Vlr-
affalrs, his complicated
"When the Randolph
Jl?en n upon his brilliant nephew; and ai-
though congress pressed office upon him,
and Washington reluctantly gave him a
furlough from the staff, we find the
young lawyer accepting a poorly paid
judicial position in Virginia, and serving
in the state convention of 1776. Having
served there with Lee, Mason, Henry,
Mann Page, Madison and Bland, on
terms of equality, he became the first
attorney general of reconstructed Vir
ginia, filling the. place with conspicuous
ability. In 1780 he was in congress and
in 1786 he was governof of his state.
In the preceding January he had been
apoointed at the head of the commission
of eight which the Virginia assembly se
lected to meet the commissioners of other
states at Annapolis.
The ostensible business of these com
missions was to regulate commerce.
There is no evidence that Edmund Ran
dolph turned his thoughts to Imports
and custom house regulations, but there
is proof that he immediately began to
concentrate his mind upon a new consti
tution.
His correspondence with Madison and
Washington throws a bright light upon
the inner workings of the federalist
movement.
Anxious as General Washington had
been for a stronger government, he was
not at all sanguine. The AniXtpolis meet
ing might possibly lead to something,
and must therefore be encouraged and.
attended. When the Philadelphia conven
tion was ordered he was still in doubt
as to its results, and not at all confident
nor Inclined to commit himself by tak
ing part In the proceedings. He had
publicly declared that he was done with
public life; his private business demanded
his attention; besides, he had the rheuma
tism.
Edmund Randolph, realizing the im
mense Importance of Washington’s per
sonal attendance at the Philadelphia
meeting, was unceasing in his efforts to
remove the general's objections—to over
come his inertia.
Even Madison was not sure that Wash
ington should identify himself with a
proceeding whose results were so un
certain. He rather deprecated the urgent
zeal with which Randolph Insisted.
"Would It not be well,” writes Madison,
"for him” (Washington) "to postpone his
actual attendance until some judgment
can be formed of the result of the meet
ing? It ought not to be wished by any
of his friends that he should partici
pate in an abortive proceeding."
In this correspondence, in which it is
Interesting to note that Randolph refers
to the states as "our associated repub
lics,” It clearly appears that Washing
ton’s attendance upon the Philadelphia
convention was due, more than to any
other man, to the Influence and the in
sistence of the governor of Virginia, Ed
mund R|Z‘dolph.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
Two of the youngest members o f the
there with ready-made constitutions In
their pockets. Alexander Hamilton car
ried one, Edmund Randolph the other. |
Hamilton's plan was so frankly aris
tocratic and monarchical, in body and
soul, that it was Incontinently cast aside.
Randolph's plan was in form republi
can, in spirit far from democratic.
The sitting of the convention began May
25. 1787. There were fifty-five delegates.
Some of these were not present during
the first few weeks of the session. Ten
other delegates who had been elected did
not attend at all.
Benjamin Franklin, aged 81, was the
oldest member of the convention; the
youngest was Jonathan Dayton, of New
Jersey, aged 26. Alexander Hamilton was
3 . James Madison 36.
General Washington was president of
the convention, and the work which quiet,
studious, learned and Industrious James
Madison performed fairly entitled him to
tile proud name he afterwards bore, "the
father of the constitution.”
Three great compromises had to be
made before a new government could b'e
: established.
1. The Connecticut compromise gave
. equality to all the states in the senate,
! while preponderance was given to the
1 larger states In the house.
2. The slavery question, carrying a dis
pute between free states and slave states,
; was settled by allowing three-fifths of
the slaves to be counted in tho census,
upon which was to be based
’ tlo n in congress.
3. Between the agricultural and com
mercial states the fight on the tariff and
the slave trade wag intensely bitter; but
it was finally arranged that congress
should control commerce, and the import
ation of slaves should cease In 1808.
By the 17th day of September the great
convention had completed Its task—“the
noblest work ever struck off at a given
time by the mind and purpose of man.”
according to Mr. Gladstone.
When the secret convention threw open
Its doors, and published the result of its
labors. the world saw a constitution
which was, in form, Randolph’s, yet, in
spirit, so wholly foreign to its author’s
intention and so akin to Hamilton’s, that
the New York statesman (who had quit
and gone home) Immediately ran to Its
support, while Randolph stood aloof,
doubtful what to do. Like George Ma
son, refused to sign the new consti
tution. and was classed with its oppo
nents.
By the time the Virginia convention I
met, however. Randolph had decided to
throw his whole weight into the scale for
ratification, and George Mason was de
nouncing him as a Benedict Arnold.
Luther Martin, of Maryland, had quit
the convention in disgust, because so
much power was being given the central
government; and he vehemently opposed
the adoption of the constitution In the
Maryland convention.
Patrick Henry had at first been in
favor of the movement toward a stronger
government; but the astounding treaty
which John Jay, secretary of foreign
affairs, had negotiated with Spain—a
treaty in which the rights of the southern
people were traded off in exchange for
commercial advantages to the north—cre
ated such a bitter feeling in the south
that jealousy of the power of congress
became a passion. Southern men had
fought their way to the Mississippi, suf
fering all the hardships, paying all the
costs, asking no help from congress or
from other states. An empire of almost
boundless wealth lay in the future of thd
domain which had thus been brought
Into the union. Fort Jefferson flew our
flag In the far west, the visible sign of
. the conquest Boone and Kenyon and
Clarke had made. Even the British had
respected our right, to this western land,
and had conceded It to us by the treaty
of Paris.
And now, by a cold spurt of the pen
THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTION: ATLANTA, MONUA 5 AUGUST 17, 1903.
John Jay, aided by a secret committee
in Congress and doing the work in se
cret, virtually proposes to haul down
tho flag and destroy for twenty-five
years the value of the conquest. The
Mississippi was to be closed to Amer*
lean commerce; Spain was to have abso
lute, exclusive control of the stream!
It was this astonishing bargain between
the Northern men in Congress and the
Spanish minister which aroused tho
first outbreak of sectional feeling af
ter the war. It was this which changed
Patrick Henry and so many others, and
caused them to fear that in the new con
-Itutional government the Southern
States would be nothing more than trib
utary provinces to the North.
To Washington's overwhelming In
fluence the success of the Philadelphia
convention had been due. But the ver
dict of A irginla herself was yet to bo
rendered. Whether the new Constitu
tion would be accepted by her was ex
tremely doubtful. Washington put forth
all his strength in favor of ratification,
but did not himself attend his State con
vention.
1 he brunt of battle was borne by James
Madison and Edmund Randolph. It
might be altogether more accurate to
say that it was borne by’ Edmund Ran
dolph and James Madison.
While the Governor had refused to
sign at Philadelphia, and while he had
been extremely reluctant to give the new
Constitution his support, he had decided
to do so, and to whichever side Ran
dolph went he was a tower of strength.
ft may that there was some defect
In Edmund Randolph's character which
kept him from carrying the weight of
such men as George Mason and James
Madison; but any one who will take the i
pains to study Impartially the records I
of that epoch will be pretty sure to reach
the conclusion that, in mental equipment,
Edmund Randolph equaled any Ameri
can of his time. There was a clear pen
etrativeness about his mind, a faculty
for easily mastering the most compli
cated questions, a fertility of resource
in debate, which made up a combination
possessed by few of his contemporaries.
When he was in his prime, ho was in
tellectually’ a giant. The disgrace which
fell upon him during Washington’s ad
minlstraTton withered his laurels; other
wise It is hard to account for the fact
that he receives so little credit for the
victory’ "which the Federalists won over
Patrick Henry in the Virginia convention
of 1788.
Hie calAily contemptuous manner in
which biographers pass by Randolph to
laud Madison is first cousin to the ig--
uorance, or the Injustice, which chisel
ed the name of John Eager Howard so
obscurely on the Cowpens battle-field
monument. Madison was great, but he
was a man of the closet, a fighter wish
'1 S n ' claim him as an orator, an
pm',. ° de t b( ! ter 1,1 a r0,1 4»h-and-tuinble
fight, a match for Patrick Hentv hcf,.,-..
rocomu wno wns vrortliy of ITen
ty s steel in that convention was Ed
mund. Randolph—himself a master of
fence, tried on a hundred fields.
A profound lawyer, a deep student of
political questions, fresh from constitu
tional deliberation and discussion at Phil
adelphia, familiar from court house com
bats with every peculiarity of Henry's
methods, a debater whose varied gifts
of mind a.nd whose splendid physical ad
vantages captivated the ear and the eye
of every listener, a politician so popular
and so skilful that he had but recently
given Richard Henry' Lee a 'Waterloo in
the race for governor, Randolph was
precisely the man. wo would expect to
cross swords with Henry in this great
debate. Between these two, both lawyers,
both orators, both men accustomed to
think on their feet, both equipped with
every weapon of mental warfare, wo
would instinctively feel that the real
fight would take place.
James Madison—five and a half feet
high, a thin voice, awkward manner, no
flow of language, no single element of
the orator in his make up, not much ac
customed to public speaking, trained,
rather to work with bis pen and to cons.-r
with a group around a table, holding hi.s
h-at in his hand while speaking as though
uncertain what to do with it, using writ
ten notes, his voice so low that the re
porter often missed what he said, so
slight In stature that It was r.ot easy for
all the delegates to sea him. ill and feeble
and absent for two days from the hall
such Is the portrait drawn by biographers
who declare that here was the man who
bore off the honors in the great debate
! in the Virginia convention.
Thomas Jefferson was abroad during
this entire period, and when he learned
the results of Hie Philadelphia conven
tion he was alarmed and painfully dis
appointed. He had thought thiat the arti
cles of confederation needed amendment,
but he had not favored any such revolu
tion as this. There was no bill of rights!
No safeguards agaist monopoly; nothing
to limit terms of office. The president
seemed to baa poor edition of a Bolish
king, and be was not certain that the
good articles In the new constitution
preponderated over the bad.
After the constitution had been made,
and utter such friends as Washington,
Mladison and Randolph Were committed
to It, he would not oppose it. He even
became Its advocate, but with a condi
tion. He advised that nine states adopt
it, and the other four hold off until
amendments could be made curing the
defects which he pointed out.
Had Virginia and New York acted In
concert, this would have been done, and
they came very near acting In concert.
Clinton, the governor of New York,
failed to get a letter In time—a letter
mailed in Richmond In December, 1787,
and which did not re.aeui New York till
March 7, 1788. Then, again, New York's
reply did not reach Richmond rill two
days before the final vote, and lay un
opened on the table In the legislative
chamber while the great contest raged
In another hall!
Had there been no deJay, or trickery,
with these letters, the two groat states
would have understood each other, would
have acted in concert, and would have
compelled amendments which even Ed
mund Randolph thought ought to me
made.
While the American colonies had always
recognized their dependence on the crown
and had owed allegiance to the mother
country, yet they were separate, and dis
tinct as to each other, and in local mat
ters each had exercised acts of sover
eignty
Massachusetts, Virginia and Georgia
did not await the consent of Great Britain
to wage war upon Indians. They fought
when they pleased and made peace when
they got ready. England never sought, to
curb tin colonies in ths exercise of this
high sovereign power. The colonies made
formal treaties, just as independent na
tions of Europe do at this time. Alle
giance so the ciown was conceded, and hi
foreign relations England’s control was
admitted; but as to affairs here on this
continent, self-government was claimed
ami exercised. The revolution took place
when it became clear to the colonies that
Great Britain meant to put an eml to
this local self-government.
After the Declaration of Independence,
and its ratification by each state, each
one of the thirteen colonies most certain
ly considered Itself a sovereign state,
'the only' bond of union was a common
cause and a common danger. Their dele
gations to the congress did not bind them
to a confederation any more than their
committees of correspondence had done.
Their relations one to another were noth
ing in the world but a. hearty cooperation
against ft common enemy.
Virginia, for Instance, not only created
a republic with a written constitution
(the first on record), but created a cur
rency, ratified the. treaty with France, and
sent an agent to Europe to contract a
loan.
By states, the declaration was adopted
In congress; by states, it was ratified hr
the people. And, since the allegiance to
Great Britain had been thrown off. there
was absolutely’ no bond of union between
the thirteen states. They’ had simply
agreed to confer with each other on mat
ters concerning the corrimon cause, and
this conference was held through dele
gates appointed for the purpose, and the
meeting of these delegates went by the
came of congress—that was all.
At any time one or more of Hie states
could omit, to send delegates, and so drop
out. of the. conference. It was In the con
ference of May, 1775, that the first "ar
ticle of confederation and perpetual
union” were agreed on in Philadelphia.
In terms this was a confederacy, call
ed "The United Colonies of North
America.”
When independence bad been declared,
the word ‘'colonies” was changed to
"states” by' act of congress.
This confederacy existed until July 7.
1778, when it was abolished by tho com
munities which had made it. and which
had declared that it should, be perpet
ual.
Congress put aside tho old form and
adopted a new set of articles of "Confed
eration and Perpetual Union.” Again th.?
vote was by’ states in congress, and by
states on the question of ratification.
Not until 1781 did Maryland come into
this new confederation Where had she
been between 1778 and 1781? What was her
political status? Ohe was no longer a col
ony’ of Great Britain. She wjjs not a
member of the new confederation. And
tlie old confederation had been abolished.
If she was not a ?-,vr. oign, independ
ent '-tate, jyhat was ilu,?
eratlom A new cons'TArtArfu/A' -$
violation of instructions. These are sub
mitted back to the states, acting as
states— separately and In convention.
The ne-jt government is to go intp es- I
feet whenever ratified by nine states.
What right have r ue s " to break )
up the old government? The right of
partners to draw out. of the partnership I
business.
Nine states do ratify—others do not.
What is tiie attitude, of lb” new gov-)
ernment to those which tex not rati- )
tied? ,
Tho old confederation is iat troyed, the t
new government goes on itl >ut them— <
those outside are Ipdepenuit states, just
as Mexico, South Amerlc a d Canada t
are independent of the Hfw govern- <
When George Washingti ) was elect
ed president Rhode Isiai and North
Carolina -were not in tlvunlon. Were
they still in the old confe.’fttlon? That
had been abolished. If m tovereign, in
dependent states, to be de: with as the
new government, would <ll with other
foreign states, what werdiey?
At the time the delegal to the con
vention of 1787 were disrejding instruc
tions and making a ne Constitution,
it was uncertain how J their work
would be approved. In t first draft of
the paper (lio language led was tlie
same <?■ that Vshicij. had en used for-;
merly.
The old articles of confration bound
thirteen colonies by naim.
The Declaration of indttiesice claim- i
ed the independence of Irteen states I
by name.
The new article* of con ration bound !
lit: no v* tv. ' «> i. t u,i tn 1 tun UVUDU
thirteen stateg by name.
In the treaty of peacfFeat Britain
recognized the Independ' of thirteen
different states by named recognized
the right of each stats ea.l with the
estates,, rights and props of British
subjects in each state.
The first draft of thetetltutlon of
1787 used the words, "Wle people of
the United States of”-t*g the same
thirteen states which been -'United
Colonies.” But ina.sm.is no tone
could tell which of t fates might
ratify. It was decided 4ve off the
names. The reason wa.-tlie simplest
and the best; delegates ciiot possibly
know in advance what siU-ould agree ■
to the radical changes had made.
Yet upon this failure ame In ad
vance the states which 1 adopt the
new government In pOf the old
Daniel Webster built great con
stitutional argument.
To each state it w tnatter of
choice whether to go he new ar
rangement or to stay did the peo
ple, except, as they co ed the sep
arate states, had notlfhatever to
do with it.
The very delegates wile the con-
stitution and signed it the same
form of signature by Which had
been in use all the timwhere was
there the slightest Ind', that any
thing was conteinplateca compact
between states.
CHARTER 11.
Mr Jefferson had n -ltd Monti
cello before he receive^'President
Washington a presslngipn to en
ter the cabinet as sefeof state.
Had he been free to Jl- service
he liked best he Wouldwfurned to
Erance. Yielding to tbit brought
to bear, ho consented tlS.the cabi
net position, and In mM>, entered
upon the discharge oftlys.
In view of the fact, itngonlsins
wore to spring up dui tirst ad
ministration, which iliincd to
leave the republic into ©divisions
politically, it is a gr®hat Mr.
Jefferson was so lat< Chi ng the I
field. He did not got ®rt.
President Washingtcw'pointed i
Alexander Hamilton •ot the )
treasury; and this statesman had so
much force of character, so clear a con
ception of what he wanted to do, such
strength of will, energy’ of intellect, and
such skill in managing men, tiiat he
had well-nigh finished his task, won his
race, before Jefferson entered the con
test.
Hamilton’s great purpose was to create
a strong government, one which would
travel on its own legs without depend
ence upon tho states. Into the hands of
the central power he wished to draw the
attributes of national sovereignty—con
solidating the union. To give it perma
nence and predominance, he wisued to
bottom it upon the support of the rich;
and to win this support he meant to
run the government in their favor. He
had no faith in tlie people, was in no
sense a man of the people. Englund was
his model. He believed that the British
constitution was tho most perfect the
wi rid had ever known. As far as pos
Bible, he wished ours to resemble that
the president could easily be made to
wield a greater power than a king—tho
sixty-eighth number of The Fcderalis'
to the contrary notwithstanding. The
senate, judiciously nursed, might come to
be tho American house of lords The
house of representatives could be con
trolled, as the British house of com
moils was, by class interest.
The constitution forttade tho creation
of a peerage; but, after tall, a peerage
is but a privileged class, elevated by law
or custom above the vulgar, indiscrimi
nate herd. What had 'been done by law
or custom in all the governments of the
ohi world could be done in the new. We
might not call a citizen duke, count, lord
or marquis, but that was a small matter.
'I he gist of the thing was to create tlie
privileged class. This having been done,
the good results would soon follow here,
as in the old world. The government hav
ing made its combination with the rich,
could rely upon the support of the rich;
and tho rich would be here what they
were elsewhere in the modern world—the
strong.
Class rule could not be based here on
the land monopoly, as in England, or upon
monopoly of dignities and outrageous
feudal privileges, -as had been done in
Fran ce.
But it could be done, nevertheless.
Give to the manufacturing class the
right to tax tlie community for their own
benefit; give to the speculators a direct
connection with the national treasury;
create a national bank, whereby a few
capitalists should enjoy the enormous
sovereign power of controlling the cur
rency of the nation. Let these things
be done, and out of these germs would
grow a modem feudalism, a financial
aristocracy, which might one d'ay laugh
to scorn the wealth of hereditary dukes,
trample upon the feelings of the rights
of the unprivileged citizen with all the
contemptuous indifference of a marquis
yi'he people! Why. the people lfi a
great boast'” cried Hamilton, meaning
of course all of tho human race who had
“ t risen above the common herd. Greater
scorn fur the common herd few mortals
nave had than Alexander Hamilton
Eo! He could not create such an arts
ocracy as that of France or England
jet aristocracy could be created Let
the laws discriminate between man and
man, class ami class; throw all of the
p >wer of tho government to the aid of one
class, and against the other, and the re
fr-Uil would be class rule. And what is
aristocracy but the rule of a class?
Ja?t tho English system of class legisla
tion be introduced into the framework
>t the American republic, and the inevit
able result become just what ■
was, in all essential respects. A financial
, aristocracy would arise out of govern
ment privileges and discriminations.
I Having sprung into life by reason of leg
-1 islativo favoritism, tlie continuance of
| class legislation would be a matter of
I Belf-preservation to them. Thus they
would depend, on government for exist.
I ence, they would identify themselves
j with tiie government, they would sustain
i It. iu order to sustain their own advant
! ages, and thus there would be in America
, what there wag in the old world—a co
partnership between government and priv
ilege. in this way the interest of the
moneyed class and the government would
become identical. Revolt against the
dominant class would become treason to
the government. Batriotism would ni-an
love of class rule—for class rule and
government would have become synony
mous. Thus entrenched behind the safe
guards of law and of love, who could ever
touch it hair of its head?
As tin? priesthood cannot be assailed
without raising a n outcry that God is
i | being attacked, so the rule of the prlv
i I lleged class could never be threatened
without provoking the charge that the
government was endangered.
in the constitutional convention El
bridge Gerry, of Massachusetts, had said;
"All the evils wo experience How
from excess of democracy.”
Washington had thought that common
soldiers should serve their country fur
their victuals and clothes. Only the offi
cers should be paid. He regretted that
I the law did not allow him to lay 500 lashes
upofi the back of the common soldier who
broke rules. One hundred lashes, the
legal limit, was not enough.
This wag the spirit of the leading men
who threw aside the old confederation and
made the new constitution. It 1 3 all a
mistake to say that they meant to estab
lish a rule of the people. On the con
trary, they meant to make it Impossible
for the people to control the government.
In pursuance of this idea they exhausted
theij- ingenuity to keep the election of
presidents from the direct vote of the
masses. They meant that the electoral
colleges should choose Independently of
the people. They “ne.-Uit that the senate
should be outside the control of the peo-
And they meant that the judiciary
should be absolutely independent of the
people.
Men whose purpose it is to establish a
democracy, a government of the people,
for the people, and by the people, do not
go about It in that way.
But men whose determination it is to
create a centralized government in which
the form of democracy is preserved, while
all power belongs to the privileged classes,
could not, under all the circumstances,'
have framed an instrument better suited'
to the purpose than tlm constitution of
the United States.
Hamilton’s system depended upon three
great measures: Protection to manufac
turers at the expense of agriculture; a
funding system which should league the
speculators with the national treasury- a
banking system In which a law ahould
exercise the sovereign power of controll
ing the currency of the republic.
He had hardly taken off his hat and
settled himself in his office before he be
gan to write laws to please the rich, to
enlist the rich, to additionally enrich the
rich.
By this tariff system he proposed to
conceal ‘from tho citizen the true amount
of his taxes, and to levy tribute upon the
great mass of the people in the Interest of
a special class. Naturally he expected
this class, if not already the richest, to
become so by operation of law; and as
the law was the source of their fortune,
be expected the creature to revere the
creator.
Bonn sylvan la had already set the ex
ample of taxing the entire community for
the benefit of a class. Her tariff act of
1785, copied from English precedent, had
already shown what a demand there was
for class legislation; and Mr. Hamilton,
living in a commercial center like New
York, was far too shrewd to underrate its
strength. His position on funding and on
the assumption of the state debts by the
national government drew to him every
speculator in the land who dabbled in
script qr hungered for bonds.
His national bank measure not only fas
cinated the capitalists of the cities, but
gladdened the hearts of anti-democrats
everywhere, for it was the first great step
forward in the. boundless region of im
plloj powers.
Juggling with the two phases "Gen
eral Welfare” and "implied powers.” he
made blank paper of the constitution.
If those words meant all he claimed, it
had been a folly to waste time writing
the rest of the instrument.
Had Jefferson received his appointment
at the same time as Hamilton, if tlie con
test between the two had begun with a
fair start, It is possible that even then
the impetuosity and daring of Hamilton
might have prevailed. There were many
resources at his command, many a per
suasive Inducement by which he could
reach the wavering congressman. And
as Hamilton openly avowed his belief
that corruption was a necessary engine
in government, he would no doubt have
corrupted all who were approachable.
At any rate, Jefferson came too late.
Hamilton's plans were all under headway.
Some of them had been adopted. The
president and the congress had already
formed the habit of doing as Hamilton
advised. His cohorts had been mar
shaled. organized, and fed on victory.
To defeat him now would be doubly dif
ficult. Hamilton had called a lobby Into
existence; and this uncrowned monarch
was dictating legislation.
Not realizing the trend of Hamilton’*
measures, Mr. Jefferson did not at once
make any opposition. On the contrary,
h ■ allowed himself to be drawn into
Hamilton’s plans. There was a dead
lock In congress on the subject assump- I
tlon and of the location of the national I
capital.
......Hu plUw'JJ. irien
. , —H>. and did not want
Northern men claimed the
fedmai city, but also wanted assumption.
Here was a chance to log-roll. Jeffer
son was made to believe that th.- gov-
W m Pl-
over this dispute; and, bein? annealed
’’ by Hamilton. hp 3 „,. pr(1 so ™
influence to effect a compromfse.
lheie was a dinner, a coming together
'f southern members and northern m-m
- is, a sociable sipping of generous wine
a basking In the beams of Jeffersonian
ni to, thaW ' n * out k"
malitj, and) the birth of a healthy desfre
to come to terms.
iiT . S .° u,h Eave assumption to the ■
north, the north gave, the federal capital
south. So the crisis passed; and
- . Jefferson felt rewarded for his tron
tve ?h Ilef th; “ h ° had to
s»‘*ve the union.
Afterward, when he looked back at
lv ?rk P for n d SPren t 9 temper Was sor °- I
rkp. for it dawned upon him that he
had b< en egregiously duped by Hamil-
wbn\ e .?" th ff£ ' lned Was hington city, and
"hat the national capital has ever bee"n
worth to us it would be hard to s a - I
On the subject of the- bank, there was h
a battle royal in the cabinet. Edmund s
RHEUMATISM
’ An All the Year Round Disease.
■’ time fact ” Ot COn ’?~ and go with winter
- ZfW&V’feFTv Spring and Summer H. <. e Suffer more durin S the
d thebitodi 3 ch“X H L^- any erseason - wheu
O / irritatingpoiS lth H nc Acid ’ Alkali aud
zORIIA c o«ditioJ P forßheunmH the . Ss ; Steni is in tbe right
• is liable to come at M v't <le^ Op ’ and aa attack
y’ Rheumatism, \ ° r Suj ™r.
the body, and is sudden , lt l attack . s different parts of
1 < Witt, 'A\ h va riotis names such -is nt ° W \ n I^S ac ti° n > is given
r art ßular, inflammatorv CUte a " < ? cbronic > muscular,
■ Hlesame ’ o^ and sciatic, but it is
constant sufferers, while others have oulv •* Causes alt Some are
' tint either kind is wearing upon the cotmt\’f S^ na s P e ’ ls of Rheumatism.
; friffnessjn the muscles and joints, and sometiie n ;i and time produces
the blood settle upon the valves o e the SOmetlmes the acids thrown off by
heart and ends suddenly and fatally Portiere ,
It wonl do to let Rheumatism After bX Urrib^ 10 ’.^ 0 , 3 '
run on. It is a dangerous disease, and three years -with
youcan never tell where it is goiAg to tried well
strike. Home remedies, plasters, lini- ould B ' et no relief. And having
ments and such things as produce ° f T the wonderful effects O s
counter-irritation, are soothing and am to try lt , an a
may relieve the pain temporarily, but cured say . 9 iat 1 Wa3 entirely
the polluted, acid blood cannot be as I e’ver did tO WOrk aa well
reached by extermd applications. I cheerfully recommend 8. s q t,
Kheuinatism must be treated st d sufferers of this tAvrini
through the blood, and no remedy Oud wiu «ay that if thly ZvilT co’n’
brings such prompt and lasting relief ‘ iaue the treatment, as per Lrec-*
as S S. S. It attacks the disease in “°“ 6 ’ they -’>l find a permanent
the blood, neutralizes the acids, and H. w. sees
removes all irritating poisons and effete matter from the system
areModgedand washed oat ol the’.uusoks Vd joiataXohe lTS
rA
aa fety y byold an a d n young. be With
about their case will receive valuable helnfiFt^ 0 /" ite us
physicians, for which ‘no charge is made. We will ro.a 7 d ™ e J5 O _ m ° U F
book on Rheumatism, which is the result of years of noetic 1 our . s P ecial
treating this disease. It contains much interesting El lexpenenceI expenence m
kinds of Rheumatism. TUF g lnfornia rion about all
THE SWIFT SPECIFIC CO., ATLANTA, GA»
Randolph, attorney general, as well as
Jefferson, opposed it as not authorized
by the constitution.
Hamilton argued that it was a fiscal
agency which the government had the
“implied power” to create. General Knox,
secretary of war, sided -with Hamilton, as
he apparently wopld have done on any
proposition whatever.
Tlje president was in doubt, but fiijjdly
signed .the bill.
Thus Hamiltna’s policies had been suc
cessful. His system was complete, and
was in operatio_n. Time would ripen the
harvest. His funding system had creat’d
a class which would stand upon a dif
ferent footing from all others. It would
own a mortgage upon the government
upon the whole union. To the extent of
this mortgage, it would pay no taxes. On
the contrary, it would fatten upon the
taxes of ethers. If to the individual
citizen debt is bondage, giving to the
creditor moral and legal power over the
man who owes him, the public debt, by
operation of the same principle, would
put toe government under the influence
of those who held the mortgage on it.
The public debt being thus an immense
advantage to tlie class which owned it.
would never be paid. Self-interest would
make it permanent, and keep it grow
ing.
Just as, in England, the moneyed class
who had bought up the debt, and who
sat back at ease living off the taxes
paid by the great mass of the people,
constituted a money power whose in
fluence with the government kept the
debt unpaid and increased it as far as
was safe, so in America, the tree being
planted, nothing was necessary but to
tend it—the fruit would inevitably be
the same. The owners of the public debt,
exempted from taxation and enriched by
the taxes of others; the manufacturers,
exempted from foreign competition, at
the expense of the nation at large; the
national banker, enjoying the vast ad
vantage of controlling the currency of
the nation; while, at the same time,
American labor was made subject to
the competition of the world by liberal
immigration laws, and American agri
culture made to compete with ryots of
India, the fellahs of Egypt, the serfs
of Europe, the peons of Mexico, and
non-pald labor generally—what better
foundation for inequality could be laid?
Mi eaith might fabulously Increase, but
there would be no just distribution.
Bower might amazingly develop, but
there would be no equilibrium. Brogress
might smash all records, but it would
not be general.
Everything depends upon the point of
view. If ft be right to run a govern
ment In tho interest of a selected class;
if it be right to allow the privileged to
use the machinery of legislation to plund
er the unprivileged; if it be right to
make the corruption of trusted agents a i
incident to the government of the prin
cipals, then Alexander Hamilton des.w.ves
...„„„ e5 and Jo _
ng remembrance with posterity. For
I was he who first arranged the con'i
t on between the national treasury n „d
I ' XX vr,™.;
Xr’Zv '«
’"■'’•XiX.io”' 1 “"” M
Alexander' HamihoT was Hm
-a th : he fat iS^v? f
the aposne P and” o" 1
exclaimed. "The jXed’” P!eS
P-?Lly P^.i: h Vd W toe eX f PreSSI ° nS iS
tooted, flaw-exempt 'railwar Vmv’
could use With impunity toe r/, t T
rvstom n or t h? e t na,U,nl P r -’oct of to
;ir<[ the statesman who used the
More Than Welcome
Stray Stories: Fair Bainter-I hops
m*nd my sketching in j r
1- armer-Lor’. no, missie! y O u keen the
scarecrow. 0 ' 0 Pe ” S a ’ ord hary