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4 I The Life and Times I OF * | THOMAS JEFFERSOM * Being the First Part of a History of the United States -I- Copyright, 1903, by That. E. Watittn—Jill Right! Reiervod CHAPTER XI.I. During this period of madness the fed eralists took advantage of the opportu nity to imitate Great Britain in another direction. William Pitt had inaugurated a reign of terror in England itself, crush ing out all freedom of speech and of the press. Over life and liberty the govern ment exorcised almost despotic sway. The federalists determined to enact ami enforce similar laws here. There was too much liberty of the press, too much license of the tongue; republican ideas w re a menace anil democratic dema gogues must be put down. The outcome of this demand was the alien and sedi tion laws. Their essence was that for eigners could live here only at the pt< si dent’s pleasure, and that American citi zens could not speak or write theii po litieal sentiments without inverting t n dangers of fine and imprisonment. Had these famous enactments been able to maintain their ground, government would indeed n.i ''■ '* an end. That the purpose of the all o s of this legislation was the c<»mph » n'■' throw of democracy was 11 ~U ‘ wards by the programme wlmh ton mapped out. He adiise.i .bat a a, standing arm; be maintained, that the jurisdiction of the federal courts be ex tended; that aliens objectionable to .he government be sent away; that tb« I blent be given power to appoint peace officers in each county; that the s ares should be ditided into small judicial dis tricts with a federal judge In each ap pointed by the president, and that larg states be cut up into several divisions so that they might be more effectually con trolled by the general gov-rumen’ Against the mighty effort* ted'-ra srri was making toward centralization .Jef ferson and Madison hurled ill- ecblnatcd Kentucky and Virgin! i resol r Stripped of al! verbal drop-rv. th- do trine set forth in these pap■ r.« wa> t.i’ !f congress made laws w.m h J the compact between the -t.it-- 111,1 law's were not binding. Thev set forth the Jeffers, mian t’ l '*'”' . to-wit. that the union w..s th- result Os voluntary < mipad bHw.-n froe. inde pendent states; that (!”'■ pressed in writing iln* '• granting to the g-n ral government and tint the go’uial government ta-i-” fore one of limit'd powers th- limit ■ be in- prescribed in I’-'lf For congress to go beyond th' ■•' limits was usurpation. It was during this period of excitement when further ern rom-bm -nts upon the power of the sta’. = was feared that \ ir ginia, ah John Randolph d' ared. built the great armory in Richmond in order I that she might be prepared to defend her : rights. 1 I The opinion which Edmund Randolph ; gave Ma ii mi »n this v. i question of , nullification is wry striking ' Randolph cor-.-d.-.i the; there mus necessarily be. somewhere within the na- ( tion, an ultimate wv.-rci-n powt which . could veto t’.i ■ usurpations of ;. lawless I congress. He nrgu- d th.il the p- ople in > each state in it the legi.'lot ir. i could de- l ciare an uu -on.-'fiutiunal .aw lir.l and I void, and that when thre--fourths of the I ss th# government would b» ov* rwiic-ned. As vic - Vro'i'leii' Mr. Jefferson - post tion was comparatively hupp' His du- j ties were not ardit - is and his r’sponsi- , bilities were light > preside In the sen ate. to prepare from his common place book a ’ Manual of Parliamentary . Practice;” to lo - p a close watch on (lie movements of th- f-dvra lists, whila win a judicious distribution of private let- , tors he kept the republicans in line— these were tile easy tasks ot his period of waiting for John Adams t. s ricin 1 his vessel. The salary of his office was w-i -m:"' for read' cash was never too I at Monticello. Where farming was ).;• carious and hot:---building -lir-i.i He was still at work on linn me. an ■which Mr. ’ ■ S says cost - - < Fand and odd dollars. His household Had now lost on- of its treasur *- 1 , th ■ b. a tit . M- . > married Iw i.* -sin, Jo— . 1 ;-p- -. mi had gom ’■• : w home if Edgi-liil! the v'- pr- si. ■- ' had in ide o'. - i tur- < him seil iig ’-■ • u.k ur< itioii.- o; dt.ility ami eon.id- . e. 'i ! ■ had w -ri.- <1 In harness together in th- early st ig-s of the American struggle, had been con- , genial in Euro;.?. .i-.d M: J tt< rson, ’-in most com diatory of men, wo »i.» have '■ been glad to r-.- me 'he o . fam!. >r iu tercours. Mr V ..ms was not averse to this. m-l M-. J-fferson’s advances cor- ; dially and advised with him to the ■ Bending of > : v-.vs to Fran • Tiie presi- ; dent was inc:; make up i non- partisan ■: has-. .i-..t ■.. :a m • Mr. Mad ison ns- ore- >f th.- rn -nt'.- .-. ills i-aui n-t. however, oppos d c.h. threutened to resign, carried tin r point-and tin s won their first triumph over their president. After this r- aliens btiw<»-n Mr. Adams and Mr JciT-rson w-r • m-r-iy formal As the p > icy of 'in- administra tion developed it.-eif, Mr. .I-ff-rson’s po sition .is i-.i-le- of op;-osi lion was recognized. That bn would be tlie rival candidate at the next el.--tion was i al- Jzed by a'; partie- Th sag . of M-mi ticelio, .-‘an-.i'ig the horizon from his lofty outlo n -'-d fiiv political weather p.s careful ■ s ,i.- r-‘< oided rain-fall, snow-depth, and wind-cliange. Mr. i Adams made n - n. 0,. which ids wary : rival did nut .i; ” st -ly. The ini- ! proved plow turned Virginia sod. the new i thresh took th" pirn e of hors.--hoop and ■ frails; the flowing p< n m-irk-d the lines I of political battle, and his cone- I rpondent-s tlir-.inrb.. , t the hind—the m--n ■ who guided r--;..ib: c.in legions in each state- were pallet : dri.b din the art ot separating political ch.-iff from wheat. I During all the heat of licit pr- idontial campaign Jeff-rson was- . ; d ami coura- . genus. Not on. did he depart from the even tenor of his way. He entertained ; - fr>.- ever, and not more s i He wrote .<-• opiously as ever, not a pp: •■■■i:i I,'. - mor. so. lie was as slent as ever under newspaper attacks; and ail the tlvinders f N.-w England preachers coi.ld ■■ k<cp him frem going as usual, to h-.u Priestly, the Uni tarian, o: ■ ould extort from him one worn to n gili'e th. . .Ilion that he was an ii.lid- l, and the father of mulatto children When Hnmi tor - frb-n.ts called him an atheist in religion and i fanatic in polf t; s he w.i- -ili'iil; «lu-ii he was accused of denying th divinitr of Christ, he was silent. Only om-< did in- over notice men who abused him. -nd that was when h,. w;-- charged .illi laving .-mbozzlcd the property of the widow and orphan. And his denial ot even tins foul state ment was not wriHen for newspapers. Historians Henry Adams, Henry Cabot | Lodge, Theodore Roosevelt and other writers who are modern outcroppings of the old federalist vein, amuse one an other by keeping alive the legend of Jef ferson’s “timidity and vacillation.” j Because he would not stoop to . personal brawls, because lie would i not lower himself to have a • newspaper controversy with Hamilton, : he has been pictured as a coward who could be frightened from any position he took and seared off from any route he proposed to take. Political prejudice, par tisan rancor, intemperate abuse could not go much further than this in scouting facts. In his day. Mr. Jefferson combatted a greater number of laws which were op pressive, customs which were state, ten dencies which were undemocratic and lived opinions which were popular than any other man in public life. He attack ed systems of creeds where they were most sensitive. He aroused vested inter ests which were the most powerful, and which were alarmed are the most vindic tive. Yet never once in all bls long life did he falter, surrender or apostatize. He took tin- unpopular side on slavery, and held to it. He defl. d the religious bigorty of bis times, and continued to defy it. He challenged the. organized power of land monopoly and class r .k. in his own state and overthrew it He dared to take issue with the great Wash ington himself, in the .state where they both lived, and into the ears of the dying Washington rang the shouts of Jeffei son’s victory as Virginia swung away from federalism and marshaled her hosts for Jefferson and democracy. Do cowards raise and ride such storms as these? , , ~ Do men who are "weak ami irresolute pkm campaigns and win such IH umphs as these? One Is not much surprised that Henry Adams should preserve in his books the hereilitarv hatred of the Adamses for Thomas Jefferson, but when Theodora Roosevelt. In Ills “Winning of the West," refers to < ur great leaders as "politicians of the Infamous stripe of Thomas Jefl.-i son and James Madison” and alludes to Jefferson, time and again, as timid, weak and vacillating one Is pained, disappoint ed. discouraged. j Politicians o-f the infamous stripe of j Thomas Jefferson! I W.-ak, timid, vacillating! Was he, in i deed, so despicable? I Comparisons, if odious, are sometimes i the only methods of measurement It > So happens Hint since Mr. Roosevelt s : book was written he himself has assumed ' the role of a great reformer. In New i York state he was given power and op -1 portunity to effect reforms, to destroy the ' wicked and to purify the political at : rnosph'-ri . In bls state of New y ork he had just the same chances to combat I hoary wrongs as Jefferson enjoyed in I Virginiia. i As of the 1 nlte.l Sintis. ■ o, ■‘ Mr. Roosevelt has had the widest field. the largest ojSportnnity to show his eour- ■ age and his ability. i There was class greed to curb, as in i Jefferson's day. j Common humanity, sorely oppressed. ! called for a champion as it did in Jeffer ; son’s day. The weak, trampled upon by the strong. ! cried aloud fur mercy- as In Jefferson's 'day. Is Mr. Roosevelt a "politician of ths i Infamous stripe?” By no means. Is he "weak, timid, vacillating?' Fat from It. 1 Then, where are his trophies, such as Jefferson won? What battles has he fought for the people-such as Jefferson fought? What • ill-I wtongs li-is lie abolished, what nl,!- - has he remedied, what evil laws ms 1,,. repealed, what, unjust systems lias -. reformed, what victim of social and .trial tyranny has he freed.’ Where has lie confri nted class despot ism and. with battle ax in hand, said; i ' Turn loose!” Y s. comparisons are odious. Mr. RO‘-sevelt will be fortunate It. after *: i reign Is over, posterity shall iorget that he pilloried Thomas Jefferson as "a 0.,!1t i'-tan of the infamous stripe.' CHAPTER XLH. It would be difficult to name a period In which partisan rancor raged in greater violence. Nobody escaped, and slander recognized no limit. George Washington, was denounced as a defaulter, a man who ! had debauched his country, the tool of : Great Britain, and the dupe of Hamil ton; James Monroe was abused as a fool an I n bribetaker; and Jefferson waa as.-uiled as an atheist, a robber of the widow and orphan, a fattier ot mulatto children, an enemy to law, order and property. Ab to Hamilton, it became nec essary to prove that he was not a eor : pt treasurer; and he did it by confess ing a filthy, disgraceful amour with a married ’ffmian named Marla Reynolds. Maria's husband was a party to the in trigue, and Hamilton's own residence was often the place of assignation. Tills violence of political passion seems to have had Its origin in the Jay treaty excitement. Riotous crowds thronged the streets of Philadelphia, New York and other large cities. Jay was burned in effigy, and Hamilton was stoned. Nothing but the unwearied efforts ot the mi-rchant ! class, tho strength of Washington and I the alarm which friends of the govern ment began to feel for its very existence, (ever turned the tide and rammed that odious treaty down Hie throats of the i people. i President Adams was inclined to take ' himself as seriously as Washington had : done; and to affect an attitude of state . liness. In George Washing'toii, form and ' ceremony and a pose of loftiness were 1 more or less natural People conceded all ; that to so great a man. Back of him ,-ind whatever be might choose to do was i a record which said. "It Is my- right.” Therefore, when George Washington's cream-colored coach and his six mugnitl ; c. ut prancing horses passed through the streets of Philadelphia, with liveried while , servants, outriders, etc . nobody audibly : lift'd the voice of lamentation. George i Washington and “I.adv Wasbingtoii” ’were unique, a law unto themseives, a ■noble pair at whom “tlithy democrats" must not rail -exceptHn newspapers, pli cate letters and low-voiced conversation. But when John Adams essayed to bend ' this particular bow of I'Jysses, the effect ' was not happy. In his way. John Adatns was a worthy man. but he was not I C-.-orge Washington. And Mrs. Abigail Adams was a most estimable wife, moth- ■ er, neighbor, friend and Christian—but | Mrs. Abigail was not “Lady Washing i ton.” I Therefore, at the very beginning of his ' administration President Adams collided THE WEEKLY CONsiTTUTION: ATLANTA, OA., MONDAY AUGUST 31, 1903. with the democratic sjiirit which 'Wash ington bad only felt at tho close of his. Andrew Jackson had stood against the congressional vote of confidence in Wash ington; and Matthew Lyon now began a rebellion against the forms and ceremo nials which Washington had established, and which Adams wished to continue. Congress was federalist, the fashions of the time were federalist, and Lyon was democratic'. Batteries of ridicule and abuse were opened upon him, as is tho case always. Lyon was not a scholar, but he was far from being either fool or vulgarian. His father had lost his life resisting British tyranny in Ireland, and Matthew Lyon, at the age of 15, had fled to this country for refuge. He had received some schooling in Ireland and be seems to have continued bls education in this country. Marrying a niece of Ethan A‘- lan, he settled In Vermont in 177-1. His natural position, ns an Irishman, was with the colonists In their rebellion, and he was one of the Green Mouiit.iin boys, who under Ethan Allen, made the capture of Ticonderoga. He continued to serve during the war ami distinguished himself. He was promoted from grade to grade until he became colonel; and after tho war he was a leading man in Vermont, both in business and polities. His first, wife dying, he married the daughter of Governor Thomas Chittenden Serving constantly in the legislature, he held high positions in the state adminis tration. such as secretary of Hie board of war and deputy secretary of the council. He founded the town of Fair Haven, and established manufactories on Poultney river. He erected a paper mill, a print ing press, corn mills, saw mills and iron works. He was one of the first to make paper from the bark of tho basswood tree. ITider Ills practical touch this rural wilderness which he had settled became one of the most flourishing business cen ters in New Englund. From the bark of the forest tree the Ingenious Irishman made paper, ami upon this paper of bls own make he printed the Farmers' Library, a small journal edited by himself and bls son, James who also set Hie type. lie also published books at New Haven, one of these being a life of Benjamin Franklin. In a sec tion where federalism was intrenched, Lyon made the tight tor democracy. He met with all kinds of obstacles, other papers would not publish his articles. To g.-t a hearing he was compelled to run paper of his own. Defeated time and again for congress, b.c at length won the s.-at, and so it was that Matthew Lyon become a thorn in the flesh of John Adams and to federalism generally. When lie. asked to excused from the I elillJ.tsh pageantry of parading through Che streets to intend upon Hu- president, lie was laughed at, and tie excuse con tempt uously granted. But when m- per slsted in his attitude, again sought ex emption from the procession and ■on gies.s realized Hint, public approval was about to give its .support to icon, angry debate took the place of ridicule. From tills time on be was m id- the butt for federalist sarcasm and abuse. Old slanders, of the local envy type, were raked up and circulated. The soldier of Ticonderoga, Bennington and Saratoga, was aceu-ed ot being a coward. A young member named Griswold was put Im v.aid | to publicly insult the offensive ltl.;;i|oi He did so. and LyOn spat in Ills lac-. I,liter Griswold armed himself with a big stick, came to Lyon's desk in the house, Just -Car prayers, and, while Lyon wa B looking down at some papers, struck him ov-r the head, yslning blow alter blow upon him. Lyon, struggling from amid seats and desks, sought to cluse in with Griswold, but could not. Snatching it; tho tongs from thy nearest tii.-pimc, he struck Ills assailant with them, and at this turn in the combat the speaker of the house regained iiis parliamentary hab it and lustily called for <“ordc r.” Griswold <:i ught the tongs, .Lyon tho stick, and down they went uu the floor, Lyon nndet n»-.< th. Members rushed up. Griswold's legs were gripped, and he was pulled off, Lyon fighting all the time and expres-'lng regrets that they had not been allow I io light it out. Griswold had not been hurt Lynn was bruised and bloody. And the federalist party gathered all its strength to expel from the house- -Gris wold ? No! Lyon and Griswold. Bitter, acrimonious debates followed, the question being made a party issue, but Lyon held his seat. Griswold was not even censured. Then Adams determined to crush him with the power of tiie fed eral judiciary. l'e was arrested, tried and convicted under the sedition law for an alleged libel which would now pass any presidential target without scoring a hit. Lyon had accused Adams us avarice, vanity and childish Jove of, pomp. The federal judge was so shocked at this lan guage that he threw Lyon into jail and lined him SI,OOO. The prisoner was reelected to congress while he lay In jail. After the expira tion of his four months’ sentence he would still have remained in custody had not political and personal friends taken up a. collection t o pay the tine. Apollos Aus tin, of Vermont, gathered contiibutions In silver and took them south; but Gen eral Stevens Thompson Mason, of Lou doun comity, Virginia, had ridden north, his saddle bags stuffed with gold; and it W'as Mason who paid the line. From his cell the unconquerable Lyon, who h id refused to ask Adams for clemency, went back in triumph to congress. The very school houses poured forth their chil dren to swell the ovation which welcomed the valiant democrat to liberty. Bayard, of Delaware, renewed the effort to expel Lyon from congress, but failed. l.’nder the alien and sedition laws many others beside J.yon were persecuted and punished. Frightened foreigners, must of whom were French refugees, fled in ter ror to the ships, and put to sea. Federal judges became hot partizans ami stump speeches volleyed and thundered from the bench. The Father of his Country mentally laid the farewell address upon the table, and made his way into the thickest of the party warfare. All of his influence was exerted to bring Patrick Henry over to the. federal side, and the last Hush o f the cun of this great orator, who whs far gene into the evening of life, was in be half of the party of the alien and sedition laws. Washington himsMf rode 10 miles to vote. it is a mournful fact that the last tlare up of Washington's temper was aroused by tUe mention of the name of James Monroe, whose only sin was that he'could pot hate the French as Hamilton bated them. In New York the struggle was one of life and death between the factions of Schuyle.-Hamilton and Clinton-Burr. The republicans won. In his rage, Hamilton 1 t j w w i W W W w , I* i I proposed to Governor Jay to recall the legislature, which had adjourned sine die, and to so change the state laws as to set aside Hie election just held. John Jay was British, aristocratic, and partisan, but he was honest, and lie scornfully re fused to do Hamilton’s dirty work. President Adams at length decided to hav«i a cabinet he could control. He ask ed Pickering to resign. Timothy said ho was poor and needed the salary, therefore he could not resign. Adams doubtless re membered son in law Smith, whom Pick ering had opposed on the score of his poverty, and ho dismissed Timothy sum marily. McHenry, secretary of war, also, he forced to resign. To till these va cancies, John Marshall was appointed secretary of state and Samuel Dexter secretary of war Oliver Wolcott, the most arrant knave of Hie era, was able to hoodwink Mr. Adams completely, and his resignation was handed in at his own time and on his own terms. He had act ed as British spy in Washington's cabinet, concerting with Hammond tho plot which destroyed Randolph, and he now acted as Hamilton's spy hi Adams cabinet, be traying the secrets of his chief and plot ting the ruin of that chief. For Hamil ton. furlcus because of the peace with France and the misearrfage of the Miran da scheme, determined to destroy Adams. From Wolcott he secured all the inside facts which that traitor could give, and Adams’ confidential adviser actually helped to prepare, and did revise, the secret pamphlet which was meant to transfer federalist votes from Adams. I presidential candidate, to Pinckney, the. vice presidential candidate. Should the people give a majority vote to the fed eralist ticket, Hamilton’s scheme was to put Into the presidency a man who had not been chosen for that office, and to degrade the man who had. Those people who berate Aaron Burr for not having shown more activity In working for Jef ferson wlifii Here was a tie vote between them should not overlook the contem porary' standard of New York morality. Hamilton, Clinton. Burr there wasn't a trick in the game whk h either of these political gamblers would not use to win the stakes. Hamilton had intended his stab ut John Adatns to be secret, but Aaron Burr also knew bow to employ spli-s. ’Wolcott was Hamilton’s spy on Adams, and some equally trust'd traitor was Burr's spy on Hamilton. Th" pam phlet was no sooner printed than Burr had a copy, and was using it with terrible effect. The republicans It warned, en couraged. solidified; the federalists it di"- maved, divided, nv> rwl ■’lin' d with con fusion. I After the fiercest combat ever known, Jefferson and Burr wore .luted The re sult being largely d to Burr's splendid victory over Hamill m In New York. Mr. Jrfferson lias :ld that the federal ists. routi d nt th" mils, retreated into the judii l.iry This P true. Mr ’.'"ins and his party knew where their b. :. their sortie-s was, and they ran h.to it. Congress in creased the judgeships, established cir cuits with three judges each, besides at torneys, clerks and marshnls. These posts Were hurriedly fill ■! zans. Piesident x . uns kept on filling "p th offii ■ « with federalists till 9 o'clock of j the la i night of his term. The whole administration was made a deep, solid political color. No republican spot, si ripe, or trimming appeared anywhere to re lieve the dull monotony of federalism. John Marshall, already secretary of tale, was given an additional office. Ila was appointed .-hi -f justiee, a place from which he was to I'olndnat" rank federal ism with authoritative voi-e for more than a. generation. The time being short and the object worthy. Mr. Adams continued to sign < ommissions. and John Marshall, by can dle light, eontin.U'd to countersign. At midnight, so the story goes, Levi Lincoln stepped into the room, drew Jefferson’s watch upon the Inditstriov.s Marshall, and made him stop. i ine i,i the '■ art happy of the men must liavi been President John Adams! Hi- adniiinstration c,m.lemu-d. bls parly d'ad. bls secretary watched and arr-sted like a. ti n f in the night. It Imd been bad enough for him r.t bis ina ugiira ‘ ion that the shouts should be for George Washington- -not for Adams; It would be infinitely worse now at Ills rival’s Inauguration, when Hie shouting would be for Thomas Jefferson. AYlio would cheer for John Adams? Not the republl ans. for they hated him; not. the federalists, for they loved him no more. Hamilton had denounced him, and tho Very men who hail slain the federalist party accused Adams of the crime. Why remain and face the humiliations of .Inauguration Jay? Why not order the carriage for an early hour and slip away from John Randolph's “vast and deso late city" before th< crowd: were churn ing the mud'.’ In .short. was 11 not time for John tdams to go? Home home to Quincy and to Mistress Ablnall. Not that he was scared, for fear made no approaches to him; but because he was not feeling well, because his heart was sore and his terrq ■ r sour, and his mind droopy; and because slianje. envy, jealousy, rage and disappointment were tearim* him like evil spirits, lie would ol der bis horses for the early morning and go upon an exhibit ion of petty spite and childish petulance, for a similar display of which the naughty urchin would be pi’.nitively spanked. CHAPTER NLHI. L’nder the old system of conducting presidential cleetlmij;. that candidate who recelvid the highest number of votes be came president. Hie next vie'? president. Mr. Jefferson iff IHH had not been a candidate for the second place; nobody had voted for him to be vice president; yet be took the vice presidency, because that was the law. Hfi and Jojxp Adams had each striven for the presidency,! while other candidates contested the sec ond place. .Y‘-'i neither of the candidates whoil.i the people had voted for as vice president was allowed to •Such was the law. and it should be re membered in gmißing the moral guilt of Aaron Burr. Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr in the campaign of ISt'' l received 73 voles each; John Adams, on the opposition ticket, had 65. The election was thrown into the house, and the law plainly directed that a presi dent should Ue chosen by the bouse from the candidates who had received the highest number of votes. Apparently the makers of the constitution intended to vest the house with some discretion. The area, of this discretion wn s limited, but It was there. Henry Clay and John Quincy Adams acted upon tips idea when they afterward comliULed to defeat the j By * THOMAS E. WATSON i Author of ! Sttory 0./ France,” “Napoleon, Etc. j DEDICATION Because he lias consecrated his wealth, talent and energies to the Improvement of t,ie c "" £i i'e'h" BDdav working whh splendid ( cause he has shown an earnest, feerless and consistent Interest In the cause of the weak and theopp _ daNDOI PH HEARST this work. J ability along the same lines which Mr. Jefferson marked out a hundred years ago, I dedicate to WILLIAM KAOI l.r - THOS. E. WATSON. I Thomson, Ga.. June 17, root- ■ will of th? people, rind to oust the major ity cayididslq, Andrew Jackson. They were pqnished politically for this combuiation, but. history has not plac'd Clay arpd Adams in her rogues’ gallqry. Now in 1800 the custom as to presidential elections was not settled. Bv law, the electoral colleges were vested wilh the power of choosipg for president and vice president men whose names had not been before the people at. all. The Hamiltonian anti-depipcratlc plan gave thorn this pow er for the express purpose of depriving "Hie great, beast" of tho right to choose its rulers. Only by the irresistible force of popular senl.iment have the electors beetj.made the more registers of the will of the people. Tn 18(X) Hie ideas controlling the case were so vague that nobody claimed the election of Jefferson to Hie first place and Burr to the second. Ballots did not specify for which place the presidential candidate had contested. Therefore, the republican ticket of 1800 cd by 73 votes in the electoral c-ollcgci. These two names being tho highejj,'. tho iaw inquired that thgy should botb K” before Jho house to be vpted for as can didates for the presidency. Now, then, what ought Burr to have done? His party had not intended him for the presidency—no ..voter had so Intended. Should he take the office by operation of law? Jf congress chose to exercise its discretion and make him the president, should he accept. That is the case, and the whole case. Jefferson had taken the office of vice president by operation of law, excluding the candidate who had been chosen by r the people for that lower place. Should tin- rule work both ways? A man of the nicest honor like John Jay or James Madison would not have lusltat'd. Ho would have spurned even the’ appearance of evil, would not have allowed his name used to defeat the will of Hie people, would not have allowed political enemies In. congress to thrust upon him an office which political friends had not intended to give. When federal ism resorted to strategy to divide and conquer the republicans bv elevating Burr o\er Jefferson, the simplest dictates of honor required that Burr should stand by his friends and help to defeat the plots of th" enemy. That he did not do so was Ills unpardon able sin unforgiven by bls party and by the historian. He did not actively aid the federalists, lie stayed at Albany, where bis daughter was about to marry, and where legislative duties engaged him. lie wrote a letter repudiating the plot of the federalists and declining to give aid to tho intrigue. His attitude was that, of "Hands off. He may have meant that federalism should consider him a Barkis who was ■willing, bul there is no proof that lie went further than that. •_C to Hamilton, the record is positive ly painful. To see a really great man degrade himself to gratify a personal spleen is never an inspiring sight. During Hi ■ previous campaign, Hamil ton nad exerted hini’elf tn a most treach erous. unscrupulous manner to have Pinckney, the vice presidential candidate on the federalist ticket, come in ahead of John Adams Now that federalism was snowed under, he set himself to sow discord between JefCerso and Burr. He wrote to that wily knave Oliver Wolcott a letter which is surely one of tile meanest extant After denouncing Burr for being bankrupt. Hamilton, who was himself Insolvent, says in reference to Burr’s supposed ambition to be presi dent : “Yet it may be well to throw out a lure for him, In ordet to tempt him to start forth" place, and then lay the foundation of disunion between the two chiefs.” So it would seem that. Burr needed tempt ing. required a hire, and the federalists were to lay the net In order to bring about strife between Jefferson and Burr. When it Is borne In mind that it was the political strategy of the federalists to play off one of these republican chiefs against the other, and the only pretense of evidence we have against. Burr as to his conduct at this time comes from fed eralist sources, the whole case assumes a. new aspect. Had Burr been willing to go to Wash ington and canvass for the presidency, had he made the pledges which the Bay ards of federalism demanded, and which Jefferson’s friends (unknown to Jefferson) did make, there can be no doubt that he would have been [-resident of the United States. It only needed that be should crook Ids finger In the way of active self help. And ha.d Aaron Burr become president who enn say that he would not have made a good one—as good as R. B. Hayes, for example? There were turns in the tide of na tional fortunes during the next few years when his indomitable courage, bis fer tility of resource, his decision of char acter, his address and firmness, might, have been infinitely valuable to bls coun try ns deal justly with this man. His nature had in It the seeds of good, and of evil, and when his fortunes be came desperate he soured on a world which he thought had been too hard on him, and the evil of his nature devel oped. It made him a criminal, an out law, an Jshmaelite. But who is so vary wise as to know that, had success continued to reward his ambition, he would not have identified that ambition with the best. Interests of his niatlve land? Burr's ability was conceded. He had been a brilliant soldier. As New York's attorney general and as United States senator his 1 ecord was so good that bis name had been voted for in the electoral college twice before this. By sheer force of will and intellect he had wrested New work from the Hamilton-Schuyler fac tion, In defiance of the money power and the ultra-British aristocracy. It was be lieved that his morals were loose, but there had been no sickening Maria Rey nolds exposures about him, and his fam ily relations were as beautiful as those of Jefferson himself. It was thought that he was politlcally tricky, but nobody had accused him of be traying his own party. His tricks were weapons aimed at the opposition, and they were popular with the republicans, for they had gained New York. He had never knifed a friend, as Hamilton and Wolcott stabbed John Adams. He had not tried to cut the ground from under the feet of his chief, as Hamilton had done in the recent campaign. He was a hard fighter, a fertile schemer, a selfish office hunter, a. man whose opinion of human nature was low. In ether words, he was the earliest specimen of what afterwards became recognized as a distinct type—he was a New York politician. He founded Tammany, and set it going upon its mission—heavenward .or hell ward. according to the point of view. Health and recreation were not his politi cal objects. Patriotism and principles were not supposed to be disturbers of his slumbers. Politics was a game, its stakes the spoils of office. The loser got. out; the winner got in. Against one’s adversary nil was fear-for It was war. Hard blows were to be given and taken, mines to oe sprung and counter-mines detected; nets to be laid and snares avoided. This was New York politics, mildly drawn, and the record shows that Burr was no whit worse than the average. So immoral had become the tone that Alexander Hamilton, wishing to shirk the French treaty of 1778. had argued to Washington that the change of govern ment in France had annulled the con tract, and wishing to set aside tin presi dential candidate already virtually chosen by the people of New York, had ap plied to Governor Jay to reconvene the old federalist legislature in extra session, so that a new election by districts could be ordered and the will of the people de feated. So far had the feet ot reputable statesmen wandered from the path of common rectitude that Hamilton paid the husband of his paramour almost as reg ularly as he paid his cook, used olcott as a spy upon Adams and entered upon a secret league with Miranda to draw Washington and the United States army into wild expeditions of conquest. In the Students’ History of the I nited States the learned author (who makes a. profession of history at Harvard) alludes to Aaron Burr as “a disreputable poli tician, who iiad been nominated for the vico presidency because he controlled the votes of New York.” It is a great pity that American students should be taught history in any such ramshackle style as that. Professor Channing ought to know that at the lime Burr was nominated with Jef ferson he was no more of a "disreputable politician” than Jefferson himself. Burr’s standing in the republic was absolutely as good as Jefferson’s, and his elevation to that, high office was less dreaded by the opposition than that of Jefferson. As proof of this, examine the letters and’ writings of one of the purest, ablest of contemporary Americans Charles Car roll. of Carrollton. The words of such a, witness ought to be conclusive, for he had every opportunity to know the men ai d the circumstances, he was impartial as between Burr and Jefferson, and there was no possible motive for misLitement. Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, had long known both Jefferson and Burr, he had signed the Declaration with Jefferson, and had continuously served in the highest places with conspicuous patriotism and ability. With a "disreputable politician” it is simply incredible that lie should have had j | any sympathy. If 1 ver there was a purist in politics and religion, it was this old Roman of Mary land. There was no hlghet type of citi zen anywhere. Reputed to be the richest man in America, he had studied and traveled abroad, knew the leading men of Europe almost, as well as he did those of America, and bls record as a patriot, a Christian, a statesman proud of his country and anxious for its future, ren ders It Impossible for him to have been wiling to see "a disreputable politician’ president of the United States. Yet In a letter to Alexander Hamilton, dated August 27, 1800, Mr. Carroll states his preference for Burr over Jefferson, placing it upon Burr's decision of charac ter. Again, in February, 1801, Mr. Carroll writes to his son, “1 hope Burr will be chosen by the house of representatives.' Further on, in the same letter, this stanch federalist gives it. as his opinion that Mr. Jefferson is unfit to govern this or any other country. 'Burr, I suspect, is not less a hypocrite than Jefferson, but he is a firm, steady man. and possessed, it is said, of great energy and decision." Here we have Burr's reputation giv-n by a contemporary. Shrewd Mr. Carroil suspects that Burr may be as hypocritical as Jefferson, but the reputation which Burr has made convinces the Maryland statesman that Burr Is "firm, steady, de clsive, and energetic.” This is the testi mony of a political enemy to both candi dates. given in confidence to a son at the time the two candidates are before the people. Is not this evidence more convincing as' to how Burr stood in 1860 than the mere 1 word of a Harvard professor a. century j afterwards? Later on, during the great tight in Now York, when Hamilton, the federalist, joined forces with the demo cratic factions of Clinton and Livingston to destroy Burr, Mr. Carroll disapproved the course of his friend Hamilton. He was evidently of the opinion that Hamil ton, blinded by personal hatred to Burr, was losing a great political opportunity. The results vindicated Mr. Carroll's foresight. Hamilton gratified his spleen but lost his party ami his life. If history be worth writing at all. it ought to be written right—with a scorn for false precedent, and a fearless deter mination to find out the truth—and then tell it. To jog along repeating statements which owe their authority only to repeti tion, Is slovenly, a wrong to the dead as well as to the living and the unborn. The present writer is not partisan of Aaron Burr, and is making In his behalf no special plea, but the author who says that Burr’s standing as a man. a lawyer and a politician was bad in the year 1800 simply shuts bis eyes to facts. Turn now to tiie opinion of Gouverneur Morris, senator from New York, a fed eralist who knew all about both Jefferson and Burr, in a letter to Hamilton, Jan uary 26, 1801, Morris states that tiie fed eralists after full consideration are in clined to support Burr in preference to Jefferson. Why? Because, as Bayard, of Delaware, afterwards stated on the floor of the house, they considered Burr the best man of the two. They believed Jefferson to be "infected with all the cold-blooded vices,” and to be full of “dangerous principles.” They l looked “with abhorrence at a chief mag istrate of America who shall be a slave to Virginia. ’ As to Burr, they considered him "as equal in worih to Jefferson, or equally void of it.” The difference between the two is that Burr’s “defeats do not arise from want ot energy or vigor.” They believe that “to courage Burt adds generosity,” and that he “cannot be branded with the charge of ingrati tude.” Thus we have the testimony of two of the most prominent federalists in Amer ica. No two men stood higher than Car roll and Morris, and what they say in confidence and without motive for mis statement. is as convincing as it. is possi ble for human evidence to be. Take what they assert as true, and Dr. Chan ning is wrong. His “disreputable poli tician” comes in at a much later dale Mr. Morris and Mr. Carroll viewed Burr as a political enemy. How was he re garded by his political friends? Thomas Jefferson should be an authority on th:v side, and his testimony given at the time is precisely in line with that of Mr. Car roll and Senator Morris. In a letter to Burr .dated December I 1800. while congratulating the brill; nt New Yorker on Ills election as vi< e pre; ident, Jefferson expresses a regret tiie he, Jefferson, will not have the bent lit ■' Burr’s services In his admini-tra' ■■: evidently meaning the cabinet. “I 71 1 endeavored to compose an administration whose talents, integrit?. names and ■!, positions should inspire unbounded < " . fldence in the public mind, etc. I lo.n you from my list, etc." Mr. Jefferson classes Burr among those men of integrity who inspired unbound ed confidence in the public mind, and with whom he had expo ted to comi se his cabinet. And there is nothing in Jeffeisons writings, written at tills time or pre vious to this time, which is in con ia diction to what he wrote Burr. CHAPTER XI,TV. Remaining at Albany, and contenting himself witlT a refusal to help the con spirators at Washington, Burr did noth ing to defeat them. This attitude appear ed to give Mr. Jefferson satisfaction t the time, for ho wrote to his daughter that the federalists had not been able to make a. tool of Burr, ami ’hat the con duct of that gentleman had b-?n honor able throughout. As day after day passed in the house, and no election resulted, excitement rose higher and higher throughout the coun try. It was the midme of February’. If by March 4 here should have been no choice of president, regular government would be at an end There was no hold over machinery which could be relied ' upon, A new convention of states won 1 1 have to be called, perhaps, and this new j convention might make various changes ■ whjph numerous people did not desire. ; Fu” instan . the south might lose the ■ federal capital, and Delaware might lose : her statehood. Evidently it was to the 1 interest of all parties that federalism ' should not defy the country. i Hotheads began to talk of fighting and I in one or two places preparations of a . warlike character were made. Threats j were li ard that no federalist should have the presidency, and that Thomas Jefferson should be seated. If Burr had been chosen there would have been no revolt; Mr. Jefferson sa s this himself. But tho federalists couid n,, more extract a pledge from him than from Jefferson. At this cris's three factions entered the problem and influenced the federalists to obey the people, and prefer Jefferson. One was the fear of the south as to the capital; another was tho feat of Delaware that Pennsylvania would ab sorb her; and the third was the fear of Alexander Hamilton, that Burrs eleva tion would mean his own extinction. A student of the situation will be im pressed with the fact that, Independent of Hamilton, the other two considerations would have compelled, the choice of Jef ferson. With Hamilton the least of his motives was patriotic Tils Opinion of Jefferson was as had a one as one man could, have of another. But Jefferson did not live in New . York; Burr did, and that fact made a world of difference. It was simply Intolerable to Hamilton to have his detested local rivtil elected to tho presidency, and We exerted what influ ence he could to have Jefferson chosen. What that Influence was is not so clear. Vermont, Delaware and Maryland were the pivotal states, and it is not certain that Hamilton controlled either. The vote of any one of these would be enough to elect Jefferson. Pugnacious and Incorruptible Matthew Lyon was one of ’he representatives from Vermont, and the nephew of Gouverneur Morris was the other. Gouverneur Morris was senator from New York, and had b’s own jealousy and dislike of Burr, his own independent and honorable be!:-" that the choice of the people should b» respected by congress, and favored Jes ferson from the first. That his nephew absented hlms-“* and allowed Lyon t" east the whole vote of Vermont for Jefferson was probably due to the Influ ence of the rich, adroit, powerful New 5 ork senator, Gouverneur Morris. Maryland cast a blank ballot at the final vote, and who knows that Hamil ton s influence caused her to do it 7 The fear of losing the capital bad intense!' excited Baltimore, ami local Influences of the strongest kind had been brought ’o bear. But when she erased to vo’u against Jefferson, he no longer ne-1 J ner support. As to Bayard, of Delaware, he w-s mephistopheles o f the whole episode Hs extended bis open palms in both a, . tions seeking gifts. B urr , O uM lm?e bought, the presidency through 8.n,.t ■■ Jefferson could have airranged a <’ through Bayard. Neither vuuld triX with hnn. Yet he voted for Burr thir’ five times and not once for j. ff -rs'ui ,'m the final ballot, when his vote did 11 ,t ’ feet the result, he voted a blank piece M paper. In 1 SO > h e explained his vote on the floor of congress by saying that -■■ voting for Aaron Burr he was supporting the o ne w hom he thought the g,-, i: -r t'abo ,L ' '"’l man Yet Henry ‘. 1 and voluminous Historian Hildreth allege that TUom as Jefferson owed his election t 0 Bayr.rd. Evidence of this federalist’s purltv if furnished in a letter of his to Hamilton H 801). in which he expresses contempt Ur Burr because of his failure to “deceive ne blockhead and buy two eorrupti.m sts. It was the vote of Matthew Lx on. throwing Vermont to .Mr, Jefferson, which ended the long contest, and the fact that Lyon would so 'ote was never doubtful I ho decisive thing to do was to get Lewis R. Monls, his colleague, out of the wav so that Lyon could cast the whole vote’ and there is no evidence that cither Bay ard or Hamilton controlled Dewis R. Mor ris. A new ei a had now opened. Mr. Jeffer son came into his high office, not as Ons candidate usually follows another, but as a reformer chosen to make great changes Ills campaign had been a protest against a radically opposing creed, a revolt against what he considered a subversion of great principles. Under Washington and Adams, mon-