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6
T|jE GOJISTITOTIOU
CLARK HOWELL Editoi
ROSY ROBINSON Business Managei
Watered at the Atlanta Peeteffice aa Second
<3nan Mall Matter, Nor. 11, 1873.
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Georgia Cotton and Labor.
The Constitution presents wfith
pleasure a second communiaation from
the gentleman who modestly iiiii* m -
hind the nom de plume of " X Georgia
Farmer." and whose modesty is furth
er exemplified in the doubt he ex
presses of tire availability of his letter
lor publication. As he suggests, *•
strain upon the columns ot she Con
stitution is at all times great, but it is
never so great as to preclud* th pub
lication of such intel esting uinnuini
< ations upon a subject ol ;<> pt* at in
terest to all southerners.
in this second letter our ir* .spontl
ent renews with characteristic vigor
his argument in favor’ «»• CiAie se la
bor. He takes issue with Professor
Phillips upon the question of the ade
quacy of the present jabot supply eon
lending that not. only does Georgi;
need a better quality of farm labor,
but a larger quantity oi ii. He refers
io the important statement >: Mr D.
A. Tompkins, of Charlotte who <-sti
mates that 100,001; farm la'.io ■ is have
gone from the fields to the factories of
North Carolina within the past lew
years, and expresses the conviction
that there has been a similar exodus in
Georgia, judging by his own ext ri
ences and those* of his Height 'is.
All that he has to say is highly in
teresting. Be believes that thus who
talk of over-production of cotton in
the southern states fail to tak** into
account the ccnstinth increas ag il<
in and; and while he agre< s with Pro
lessor Phillips as to th* prime neces
sity of so handling labor as to de -
crease the cost of produt lion and thus
increase the margin of profit the
producer, he <an see rto reason why
the fullest possibility - * i Georgia’s
cotion lands should not be i sted.
His suggest!* i*. that wh;:> particular
ly interests him is getting the greatest
results out of hie tard- -. >w. without
considering their relation u> cotloti
production forty or one hundred years
hence, is a. voicing of tin si ntiment of
the cotton farmer of. to*:aj whether he
reside in Hom-' •' or i*rrell. Burke or
Clay. The proem demand for the sta
ple is greater than at any previous
time .n the history of ‘he world: it i
growing greater with * ach passing
year; in view of ’his. isn't, the talk of
over-production som. thing of a buga
boo?
Our correspondent thinks it is and a
great many people will agree with
him. He does not, ot course, argue lor
a return to the wasteful in< hods of
the past, when th* southern planter
tailed to raise his own supplies: nor
does he argue against, a sensible diver
sion of crops. He does, however,
think that the demand for cotton Is
going to continue great « m>ugh <o war
rant the man who o*' - : <•<*’* ton lands
planting every availab’e :*>-r*’. It he
does this, and if he ci.inlui-ts iiis prop
erties on a strictly bu. invss basis,
there ought to b* . and there will be,
handsome profits in tie- cote- busi
ness.
The Case Against Smoot.
The attention of the country has
been attracted to the adverse action
of the Lutheran synod of New York
and New Jer -*. y which recently had
under con-:*i*T:U:i n petitions “.king
that it join in some sort of a crusade
to secure the > xpulsion from the Unit
ed States senate of the. Mormon sena
tor from Utah
There seems to be a systematic ef
fort to commit general bodies repre
sent in g the different churches to a
movement to secure the unseating of
Senator Smoot because of his relig
ious beliefs. This same sort of move
ment was S': on .*■>». to pri . ent the
seating of Senator Smoot wh< n he
reached Washington with credentials
showing him to 1c the duly ehcteil
senator from his state but it failed at
that time, then- being absolutely r o
grounds upon ’ b.ich he t< aid be in
vented from aking the oath of office.
Now it is announced that the XV. C. T.
U., or rather some of ii-s members, are
engaged in getting up aini-Smoot pe
titions in the hope that they may
arouse public sentiment to a stage
where the senate will be influenced
to unseat this particular senator.
In this movement there is an ap
parent effort to make it appear that,
the Smoot case is on the same footing
as the ease of Representative Roberts
who was denied a seat in th • house of
representatives. The cases an* not at
ail identical. Representative Roberts
was denied his seat, not because he was
a member of the Mormon church but.
because he was living in polygamy;
In defiance of the laws of the land.
The evidences of polygamous /prac
tices against him were so clear that
he made no denial. It was for this
flagrant violation of the law that he
was excluded from congress.
No charge of polygamy has been
raised against Senator Smoot. He
claims he was never a polygamist be
fore the time of Hie admission of Utah
to statehood and there is no charge
that he has been guilty of that crime
since.
The fact that he is a high officer of
the Mormon church does not carry
with it any proof of personal violation
'of this law. It. is claimed that com
i paratively few of the members of the
Mormon church today are polygamists
I Before the law that church was on at
equality with all other denominations
. It is true that there is much prejudice
■ against it. some of which is based or
misunderstanding, but it is not likely
that this prejudice will have any ma
terial effect, upon the senate commit
: toe on privileges and elections whicl
will pass upon the Smoot ease, or tipoi
I the senate itself.
When the matter was presented tc
i the Lutheran synod, a few days ago
' that body voted down the propositioi
to oppose the senator’s retention of his
seat.
Mr. Edmonds’ Letter.
In a highly interesting letter to his
paper. The .Manufacturers’ Record
which has contributed so greatly to
ward the material development of the
southern states, Mr. Richard H. Ed
. moeds has some very true tilings tc
| say about the dangers of the discus
’ sion of the race "problem.”
Mr. Edmonds is a southern man.
No man understands conditions in
: these siates better than he. and the
- whole trend of his life work is toward
* the promotion of the prosperity of the
i south. He speaks as one who has
I shown his faith by his works.
Mr. Edmonds takes the position that
I there is a vast deal more danger in
j the agitation and constant discussion
! of race conditions than there is in any
■ "problem” which those conditions pre
i sent, and he is eminently correct in so
! far as fie refers to agitation predicated
: on the assumption that the south is
perched bn top a racial volcano which
j is likely t<> erupt at any minute.
Even if this were true, southerners
ought to be the last people to be put
i ting the world on notice about it. But
it is not true: there is no such condi
tion of affairs; there is no real trouble,
■ present or prosper! t ve. Tin* two races
are living quietly together, each in its
'own proper place, the constituent
members of the better class of each
lining their share toward, tin* promo
; tion of peace and the development ot
this, fair land. Let alone, their rela
tionship presents no real problem.
But agitation based on fancied animos
ities. agitation which magnifies inci
dental troubles, agitation which would
make "race issues” and "race wars"
out of ihe acts of individual criminals,
agitation which magnifies the motes
and fails to take into account, the
movements of the really great forces —
this sort of agitation can hurt and
does hurt.
It can work infinite harm by stirring
up tile very dissensions it pictures,
but which do not now exist; it does
work infinite harm to the south in a
material sense.
The southern states are today hold
ing out invitations to immigration am!
to capital based upon conditions which
make this section a most attractive
fi.-Id for both. We want desirable
white immigrants, w< need them to
properly develop our resources, and
we are able to present inducement
which ought to bring them into this
section in large numbers. Can we ex
pect them to come if we accompany
tbi.se iiivitniiors with assurance that,
if they come they may expect to find
ih> nr-*fives perched upon the top ol a.
volcano liable to explode at any mo
mint? Cai, we expect io attract cap
ital ot people by pictures of that kind,
no matter how much we talk of the
certainty of large ret urn,;.’ if this con
dition exists, can we even hold our
own white peopl* ?
Thcs< questions contain their own
There is no Issfle here between
peace on the one hand and prosperity
on the otii*-r There is. in this argu
ment, nothing that can be construed
a- sa< l iiice of principle for material
gain.
Prosperity, as Mr. Edmonds points
out. is* here and here to stay unless
the factors contributing to that pros
periiy—-the labor and tho capital—are
dispelled by ihe workings of agita
t ion.
In all that it has had to say upon
the different phases of the present dis
cussion nothing is further from The
Constitution’s intention than to im
pugn the perfect good faith ol those
with whom ii may differ, least ot al! ot
Colonel Graves, of whose address Mr.
Edmonds makes especial mention.
Given the same state of facts, two
thinkers may reach diametrically op
posite conclusions. With the segrega
tion idea so ably advanced by Colonel
Graves w<* have, differed and do differ;
but in this apparent antagonism there
is not an iota of suggestion that in ad
vancing his views Colonel Graves has
been inspired by anything else than
the highest patriotism toward his
country and state, to tne upbuilding of
which lie has contributed so material
ly and whose every interest, is his.
As in the past, so in the future will
his voice be- raised in behalf only of
what, be deems the highest interest of
his people, and though The Constitu
tion may take occasion to differ with
his conclusions, there, can be no doubt
ing the purity of his aims ami pur
poses. or of the eloquence with which
he advocates them.
Bishop Candler Again.
It is, of cour.-e*. news to nobody that
the best elements of the people from
one end of the south to the other are
heart and soul with Bishop Candler in
his crusade against the lynching evil.
It is interesting, however, to read quo
tations from a few of the letters which
Bishop Candler has received since the
publication of his strong and timely
communication. That such men as
Governor Terrell, General Gordon,
Judge Sam Adams, Rev. Dr. Lee, Judge
Cot ington and hosts of others indorse
Bishop Candler’s stand goes without,
saying. These testimonials ar* valua
ble as well as interesting.
It is also well to know how the best
negroes feel witli regard to the pun
ishment of the criminals of their race.
The excerpts that Bishop Candler uses
are valuable in this direction. He
takes pains to call special attention
to one sentence in the admirable let
ter of Professor Gilbert, who is an
instructor at Paine institute, a Meth
odist school for the training of negro
teachers and preachers, at Augusta.
This is: ”1 prophesy the passing away
of lynch law and mob violence when
ever ihe black pulpit preaches against
the crimes that provoke lynching and
the white pulpit against'the mobs that
commit lynching.”
And it looks as if Bishop Candler has
found the crux of the whole business
THE WEEKLY' CONSTITUTION: ATLANTA, GA., MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 21, 1903.
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF
THOMAS JEFFERSON
. . .BY. . .
THOMAS E. WATSON
FORMER INSTALMENTS OF THIS GREAT SERIAL NOW IN HAND
SEND AT ONCE TO SUPPLY YOUR DEFiCIENCX'
The first twelve instalments of this serial history, “The Life
and Times of Thomas Jefferson,” by Hon. Thomas E. Watson,
are now printed in compact form, the size of this twelve-page
paper.
If you have lost any copiesof your paper containing the
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tion.
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If you subscribe now to The Weekly Constitution, ask for
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It is the first volume of the history of the United States
written about the life and times of Thomas Jefferson, in which
Mr. Watson purposes to have the south properly represented
in the record of its great deeds. It was begun in July last.
The Constitution has paid the highest price ever given by
a southern paper for serial rights in order to present to its read
ers the first opportunity to see a history of the United States,
written by an impartial hand, that will recognize the true value
of the south’s great part in organizing and developing the Unit
ed States.
Due notice of the commencement of this serial was given,
with the distinct information that back numbers would be hard
to obtain or practically impossible to secure. Many write that
they failed to get the first issue, that they are deeply interested
in the story, but would like to have the beginning, or that by
accident they lost a copy that cannot now lie replaced. To
cover these various cases The Constitution makes this an
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This is the Offer to New Subscribers:
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“The Life and Times of Thoma*- Jefferson” up I 1
to the present date of publication *. O
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475.41VTZ1, GLORGS*?.
when he says: "1 am persuaded that
i is absolutely injurious for white
preachers and writers to spend their
Hme d< Bouncing the sins of ihe negro
race to tin white people, am! the negro
lea !--is t<> In* everlastingly harping on
the sins of ihe white people to negro
audiences.”
Certainly a majority of thoughtful
people will indorse his conclusion that
if w<- can induce each race*to sweep
clean before its own door, the south
will be the cleanest and happiest sec
tion of tiie republic.
Mr. Chamberlain's Forlorn Hope.
The situation in England is some
thing n.ore than a cabinet crisis. That
is but the symptom of the serious trou
ble that produced and underlies tiie
cabinet. * lianges. Tiie resignation of
Hon. Joseph Chamberlain, colonial
secretary, is the determining factor in
th** crisis ami his action precipitates
tiie struggle for a definitive approval,
or a radical reconstruction, of the pres
ent tentative policy of the British gov
ernment. along fiscal and commercial
lines.
The personality and purposes of Mr.
Chamberlain dominate the situation at
the present hour. He is easily the
statesman of greatest, insight and fore
sight in England today. He is the one
man wise enough and brave enough to
vivisect the actual condition of tiie
British body politic and to talk about,
the anemia that threatens it in terms
that the dullest can comprehend.
Without rehearsing the details of
his reasoning, the civilized nations
now know that the astute Mr. Cham
berlain has arrived at tiie conclusion
that. England’s fiscal and commercial
salvation must be founded for the fu
ture on an imperial zollverein, main
taining free trade between all British
countries and a protective wail of
tariff rates against all foreign imports
that, would compete with British or
colonial products.
Unfortunately for the success of his
proposal to the British public he
coupled with it the incident of
a tax on raw materials for bread
stuffs, ami to relieve the mani
fest hardship of it promised old age
pensions to those who should tall be
low the line of self-support.. The pro
tests against this policy have been
vigorous and disconcerting to a de
gree. Mr. Chamberlain has tried to
modify those objectionable points,
but. the bread-eaters with the bit. be
tween their teeth have practically
routed and run him down.
It is a difficult, feat of statesmanship
to reverse the results of fifty years of
teaching and experience of the masses
of a people. So it. will be as hard for
Mr. Chamberlain to change English
prejudice in favor or free trade as it
has been found in tnis country to con
vince Ihe non-protected people that
protection as it is rpsults in class and
monopoly advantages only. To change
a traditional popular slogan is the
hardest task any statesman ever set
for himself. Even McKinley could not
achieve it in this country.
Nevertheless, Mr. Chataberlain has
put his hand to the plow and by his
resignation from the cabinet declares
he will not turn back until he has
plowed his furrow across the breadths
of English understanding. He enters
upon a campaign of education, hoping
to make the dullest wight in the king
dom understand that without a protec
tive system English manufactures and
! conimerce, already on th* threshold
■ of decadence will finally .'all into pa-
* 1 ralysis.
* .Mr. Chamberlain has -■* lied ihe
* predications of .Malthus. Torrens and
. i Ricvtrdo vith a full unde: landing of
* ' lio.v they came to pass in ihe present
conditions of British fiscal and trade
relations at home and abroad. He
. ' sees n.) other saf*-ty than the economic
* ! federation of the empire—kingdom
and colonies agreeing 10 a policy of
I reciprocity that will make for the
' mutual profit of every British interest.
1 Considering that England’s (ompeti
i tors ai** all magnifying their trade
■ power and profits by such a policy.
■Mr Chamberlain is scarcely to be
! blamed for thinking it fatuous, if not
I fatal, for the British government to
continue its onesided free trade pol
i ley.
Premier Balfour’s recent pamphlet
■ is a palpable argument, for the Cham
i berlain policy, with modifications of a
' sort that the latter will not embrace,
l but we may be sure that if Mr. Cham
i berlain car. force an appeal to the
j country and carry in' a parliament fa
j vorable to his programme, Balfour will
j shed no tears.
The conflict: that is now precipitated
i by the action of Chamberlain will be
I one of the fiercest ever fought over in
England in a hundred years and the
result will be watched with eager anx
iety by all the commercial countries
of the globe.
The Price of the Philippines.
The last ship in from the Philip
pines brought over three hundred
' corpses—-canceled Americans sent
’over as sight drafts to continue our
* payments for the possession and colo
i trial government of the Filipinos. But
; these incidents are becoming so com
' mon as to attract scant public notice
ior comment. We have the Philippines
* and we must pay the price.
An unliquidated part of that price
is the enlistment of thousands of
i sturdy, willing and patriotic young
j Americans who think it worth while
*to serve their country’s causes. We
; send them to those far-away provinces
of our imperial domain where 20 per
centum of the fatalities they fail upon
are caused by Filipino arms and 80
per centum l>y the diseases that the
young American is not fitted to resist.
The long and increasing death list of
our soldiers in those islands is one of
the appalling features of the posses
sion of them.
But what can we do about it? With
purpose prepense, without provocation
or necessity, we insisted at Paris that
we must have them and to cut off de
bate of the demand, profligately flung
Spain $20,000,000 in gold to close her
mouth. Since then the bargain has
cost us ten times those $20,000,000 and
lives enough, by the average valuation,
to run the sum in dollars to a full four
hundred millions more.
Nevertheless, there are millions of
Americans who are beginning to in
quire where all this expenditure of
treasure and life is .0 end? They
want to know if it is necessary, and if
necessary, to what profit? The re
turns are not yet remotely discernible
in the tiles of our revenues, our pres
tige as friends of freedom, or on the
sordid balance sheets of our trade.
There is absolutely nothing offered in
extenuation of our present Philippines
policy save our pride of possession and
our commercial necessities of two to
ten decades hence.
It is inconceivable that the hard
headed and honest-dealing American
peopte will stand for the present inane
Philippines policy forever. Sooner or
later they will rise up as front a hyp
notic sleep and realize what has been
done in their name. Then will come
the reckoning with those who have be
trayed American principles and mis
guided American sentiment. Then will
I arise the unanswerable argument for a
just American policy in the Philippines
I—a policy of local self-government, un
der territorial supervision by the home
I government, with guaranteed protec-
I tion to tho Filipinos in any endeavor
: they will make to demonstrate their
‘ fitness for self-government and friend
i ly relations with the people of the
j United States. To that complexion
’ must this Philippine problem come
, ai last —and Ihe sooner the better for
j all concerned.
A Few Plain Facts.
If it were possible to reduce the so
called "negro problem” to exact fac
tors it would be easier to argue them
to their several effects’ and so reach
toward a practical if not mathematical
solution of the whole question.
It is incumbent upon those who as
i sert the problem to point out the por-
■ teutons facts and establish the theorem
1 of menace for which they prefer their
j volunteer and radical preventitives.
Suppose some one tells us that two
1 such unassimilable races as the whites
and the blacks cannot safely and help
fully occupy the same territory at the
same time under a policy of equal nat
ural rights? To accept that as true
would demand a reversal of all the
justifications of the south when con
! tending against the ideas of the orig
i inal abolitionists of the north, and of
■ tho. south, who first championed the
1 rights of the negroes to the bare item
*of personal freedom. Slavery was de
fended throughout the south and with
tremendous ability in congress, as a
humane, civilizing and practically pa
ternal system for the best behoof of
a. child-like race. The most fanatical
philanihropy prior to the “reconstruc
tion” madness, never once demanded
the universal education, suffrage and
political equality of the negroes. And
nowhere in the south or in the north,
was the mere physical presence of the
negro race among the whites regarded
as any more incongruous, or menacing
to peace, than was the presence of peo
ples of any other than Caucasian
blood.
Is it the political power of the negro
that constitutes any part of the prob
lem? What is the menace in it when
not a member of the race holds a seat
from the south in congress or a state
office of r.ny consequence anywhere?
And do not those who inveigh against
that fact from northern plattorms
stand hesitant before the door of the
Uniied States supreme court, afraid
to invite its decision upon their conten
tions?
Or, is it the labor power of the
negro that requires h.s removal from
t.ne south? Our race discussions and
riots do not occur in the agricultural
regions where the negroes abound.
The negroes are not acquiring land at
a rate that threatens white control of
the soil and products of our section.
The black man. bound in and drawn
by th<* cords of his appetites ami ex
travagances, will continue indefinitely
a debtor to ihe lender and the seller.
He is the cheapest, most tractable and
easiest controlled laborer this or any
other people ever had. To drive him
from the south would be to set our
people upon a wild and troublesome
hunt for a substitute— perhaps only to
catch a race of Tartars beside which
the negro would be esteemed an elect
man.
The notion that the negro may be
come a dominant competitor in trades,
arts and professions with whit** men
is silly and self-depreciating in any
white man who proclaims it. The
south affords ample fields of employ
ment for all such negroes without, the
possibility of their crowding any white
man out of a necessary job that lie
can occupy.
What. then, of the. social menace of
the negro's presence? Is there any?
Social separation between th*? rac* s
has never been more complete and rigid
than today. The* negro never under
stood and never can mulct stand, bet ter
than he now does that there is an im
passable gulf between his race aud
the white* race in the matters of social
equality. The southern white man
who expresses dread ot social amal
gamation. between the races in tho
south is a fit subject for pity and a
straight-jacket!
There is a verdiet in this country
that thunders above the sheet-iron
shakings of pulpits, platforms and
presses. It regards no man’s fantas
ties and no man’s fears. It is the ver
dict of the national common sense and
that verdict has already been uttered.
The utterance is in harmony with tho
principles of justice as derived from
the eternal and the philosophy of civi
lization as developed by experience.
It says that the negro is here under
conditions that forbiu his expulsion
without violating the fundamental
principles of the Amei'iciin system
and destroying the identical guaran
tees of liberty that we claim tor our
own protection. He must remain the
white man's burden” in America until
sane and humane Americanism can
show him. drill him anil inspire him
to shoulder himself as his own bur
den and go of his own motion to what
soever land and conditions he deems
best for himself ami his posterity.
All Should Read Watson.
(Brom The Meriwether Vindicator.)
Tiie life of Thomas Jefferson now run
ning In The Atlanta Constitution grows
in interest with each installment. It is
from the pen of Hon. Torn Watson and
places many measures and men in a dif
ferent light from what we hav® been
taught by northern writers. Tim contrast
between Hamilton and Jefferson shows
greatly to tho advantage of the great
southern lead r. Aaron Burr gets fair
treatment, while the fatuous Bayard
family is painted in no enviable light. Mr.
Wat.on is no federalist nor admirer 01
the great l'ede.ral partisan Judge John
Marshall. XVe are inclined to agree with
Mr. Watson in all his points of disagree
ment with onr dear Brethren who were so
profuse in their abuse of Jefferson. We
sometimes regret that Mr. Watson do-s
not enter more into certain details m
which we feel an interest. Everybody
ought to read Watson's chapters and
paste them in the scrap book.
Washington Star: "There's one lucky
tiling about woi.t,” said Mr Doi in.
•'What’s that?” inquired Mr. Rafferty.
“The fact that it’s a greddeal easier to
lave off than it wor ty begin. If it
worn’t fur that beautiful provision in
nature we'd all be dead wid industhfy.”
“Songs of the Soil”
Ey FRANK L. STANTON
A Song of Winter.
Thankful f<r the winter—-the frost, an’
sleet, an’ snow:
We'll tell by cabin-fires all the tales of
long ago,—
The stories of sweet childhood tliat we
all believed wuz so—
-1 Good times a-comin’ yet, believers!
i Thankful fer the winter—with tiie folks a-
i settin’ ’round’,
| An' roastin’ of the hick'rynuts, or shakin'
I of 'em down,
! Or singin’ in the wagons on the frosty
road to town—
* Good times a-comin’ yet. believers!
Thankful fer the winter-let us sing it
thatawa y
' A merry winter mornin’ beats the roses
o’ the May,
: An’ there’s life an’ joy amazin’ when we
dance 'till break o' day—
I Good times a-comin’ yet, believers!
A Letter from Home.
Hero is a copy of an interesting letter
from one Biilville citizen to another:—
“Dear Jim: I write you this to let you ,
know how things air goin’ here. The sher
iff has levied on your crap, an' your two
mules, an’ your househol’ goods, an’ every- ,
tiling else he could lay han's on, an' It
; gives me pleasure to inform you that I
I have shot him in tiie left leg fer tryin’ to 1
I levy on me, also, an' the doctor says lie j
won't lie able to sell out anybody else be- :
fore next spring—tho Lord willin’. This is .
■ all I. know, ’eept that your Uncle Dave
i Is in jail fer makln’ corn licker agin the ,
I Gover’mint.”
# * * • •
The Life Race.
i We're purty shore to win tiie race,
If faithful wo begin it;
; Though this ole world’s no friend to grace i
| 1 thank the Lord I’m in it!
i This world, wi'.li bright or stormy skies - ,
i XVith smilin' lips, or weepin’ eyes,
: For all its sorrows an’ its sighs
1 thank the Lord I'm in it!
« « » * »
Nuggets from Georgia.
Hit's mighty strange dat de man dat I
j holler de loudest is alius got de least ter
saf.
Do good book say yon mils' love yo en
; iniiesj but es you done dat in time er
I war, whar in de worl’ would you be?
!)■■>• ain’t much use in pendin' tracts ter
t de heathens, kaze w en de fire gits 100 :
: hot fer ’em <l* y'll make tracks fas’
* enough.
’ ’ ’ * ’
Brother Dickey gave this advice to a
: member of bls flock, recently: ’’Don't go
I in de poultry business w’en de moon Is '
\ shinin', on be slio’ t**r alius keep on de .
! front end er de mule.”
Who’ll CareP
What of the sorrow
That burdens the day?
Who'll care tomorrow.
Or weep on the way?
XVho on our sighing
A thought will b* stow?
I ll* ‘ *ll* :-s Time’s flying-
Dike shadows we go!
Lifi 's such a riddle!
I One glimi'S*! of the sun—
Ono tune from the fiddle:—
The dancing is done!
««*»♦♦
The Rainy Day.
Tiie rainy day don’t like me—an' this
Iler*. 1 will say:
There's no love lost Betwixt us—me, an’
the rainy day!
i Fer when tie- rain ’ ills lonesome on
i misty hill an’ plain,
1 l hear old dreams, lib ■ spirits a-sighin
through the rain!
The hopes 1 let. Iwliiiid me lie sorrows
an’ the tears;
. rhe glm ~ of things forgotn—the shad- ;
i They rise from lonely places an’ call to j
me again
■ With voices s *d an’ s.deinn --out yonder,
in the rain!
I Ai>’ i think of on*- who loved me—hands 1
folded down in rest,
: Beneath the withered r** • -s. with th** rain i
upon her breast;
An’ my Heart eric out. an’ calls li» t, but .
only cries in vain.
An’ the dreary shadows *l-epen o’er the
meadows o' the rain!
So, the rainy day don’t lilt** me; lor every (
drop that fails
•Is like a ghostly footstep in dim, deserted i
halls;
An' down the darkenin' valley, an’ on :
the hill and plain.
I hear old dreams, like spirits, a-sigliin' |
through the rain!
A Variation.
Oh. Dixie lan’ is de lan’ er skeeters—
Comes ter dat, it’s hard ter beat us— 1
Sweat away,
Swear away
At de .skeeter days in Dixie!
Dey comes w'en de evenin’ bells is i
ringin’
Beat de. fiddle en de banjo singin’— j
Swear away,
At. de skeeter days in Dixie!
Dey drive me out fmn de ole home place '
suh,-
Afake me swear 'twel I fall funi grace, I
suit—
Swear away,
Swear awty
At de skeeter days in Dixie!
Oh. Red Bug bad. en de eetch is killin’. i 1
But ’ski**ter bill is de bill dat’s fillin’— j'
Sw* ar away.
Swear away
At de skeeter days in Dixie!
* * * ’> «
The Last Sleep.
There, in his curtained sleep.
To him God’s rest was given: 1
N mor** ta wak* and weep, 1
lie passed alone—unshriven. <
No form above him bent
To hear a sigh—a moan:
Dreaming, the man’s soul went
Into the dark Unknown.
1
Yet haply some dead Love
Laid hand upon his brow. s
And. witnessed of the stars above, 1
Whispered—‘‘Together now!’’ *
*«*»*♦* *
Great Season. 1
“Wo, hail a delightful summer.’’ said '
the visiting stranger to the Billville rest- !
dent I
"You bet we hail!” was enthu- f
siastie reply. ''Billy’s kilt forty-two rat- i
tiesnakes, an' sold the rattles for fifty i
cents a piece!” y
*** * *
r
Sweet Miss Mary.
De mill a-grindin' in de lain,
En drippin’ honey-new. .
(Miss Mary, dis sweet sugarcane
Ain’t half ez sweet ez you!)
De moonlight lightin’ up de lane— 1
De big stars winkin’, too; ' (
(Miss Mary—ain't no sugarcane
Dat half ez sweet ez you!)
At Rest with Love.
Calm lie went unto his rest
With Love’s roses on his breast;
I.eft a world of shadows dim
For the Light I.ove made for him. 1
(Heart! no heaven could sweeter he i
Than the heaven I.ove makes for theeß
Plunkett s Letter
THE way to know the world is to
watch-watch for the good and pret
ty things, and not always for the
bad.
Wc started out yesterday with the
i thought in mind that wo would look just
! a little for something pretty ami good
' ami not strive always for something to
stir the blood witii sensational emotion.
At tin* very fust corner, before we had
walked a block, we observed three per
sons tn a wagon. It was a respectable
outfit—a good team., a painted wagon
and well-arranged harness. A ruddy old
farmer held th? lines and beside him on
the seat was a well dressed young man
that you would have known had seen
' mu. li more of the world than tiie rest.
Besides these two—and you would have
•known tliat they were father and son -
’ there sat just back of them in a chair an
* old lady that impressed at once that
she had seen v<*ry little of tin* world out
side o.’ her own country home. She was
neatly dcei. cd enough, but a little bag
tliat she held by strings upon her arm
looked so much like the good old ways
i that one could but decide that she had
seen but little of th*- world as it is known
today.
; 'The mules were shy of things in town,
but the old man held them steady by the
1 lines till the young man alighted from
I the wagon and lifted the old lady to tho
I ground. He helped her then to smooth
' the wrinkles from her dress and picked
; ihe few blades of wheat straw away
: that clung to her cape. It was all very'
plain that this young man was proud of
his mother. Every move and motion
showed that his contact with the world
had not blunted those affectionate in
j stincts nor was he ashamed of the be
havior that stamped her as being ig-
‘ -nora’.it of tin* ways of the world.
This was all pretty to me. As I con
templated the sc'.-ne it came to me that
this young man was a jewel—a thing be
' yond price. But there were some more
pretty tilings before I had done with
' them.
Il was plain that the old lady had never
been on an electrm car, it she had ever
; seen one before. As the car r died up she
was all in a flurry. The young man held
1 her gently, but firmly, b • th** arm and
■ would have pushed her on the car, but
. she would not have it so. She had for
gotten something ba* k at the wagon and
she was not going to !<-•..-.* without it.
She had forgotten to ki-.s the old man
1 good by.
Spry for her age, she *;iii,.-kly tripped
to the side of the wagon and at tiie front
, wheel she tiptoe! and raised her face to
’ the old man upon the seat! The old man
leaned over and kissed her and she went
' upon the car with the son, while the fa
ther drew up his lines and drove away.
Was tliat nut pretty?
I think it was, and as for me, I would
rather pull tiie lines over that team with
: such a woman by my side than to own
. all the wealth of a Morgan and direct
every railroad of the world.
I have written thus as a hint that we
might find many pretty things in this
world that we never dreamed of if we
would only open our eyes tn see, but I
have also taken tnis circumstance to Im
press those people who have written to
me and to some who have exploited their
ideas in tli*- pt-riodieals about their de-
■ sire to help our country women Into an
easier and higher life, that they are only
■ wasting their energy and throwing their
sympathy iw.iy. I never saw one of
' this*; '‘prominent club women,’’ whom '
have be* :i referred to and' I hardly guess
what a ' prominent club woman is,” but
I i* l almost sure that they are the ones
that should b<- pitied. One thing is cer-
. X.-HT., th*- li-m- st and satisfied women ol
; *. -uniry lit*.? do n*»t need your pit).
I Perhaps when you, my dear "promi
' nent club women,” are flaunting your
: silks and satins under the flare of the
midnight chandelier, tli*"-s*.* country wom-
! en an laying peacefully at rest with a
Il .1 upon their .-inns and stars peen
through the < liii'.lte sippi'ivingly from
I heaven.
■ When daylight b:--aks in the ea.-t. per
' hf.ps you "prominent club women" are
' ii >sing upon uneasy bed.' distracted from
i the str.-iin of tae night h*.-!'*r<'. while your
1 eotmtry sister has arisen with the morn
[ ing anil is out among th** birds an*t ilow
' ei*s breathing the put* air that hales*
I from the hills to paint their ehe* ks with
' red and lend a sparkle to the eye that
| passes not with th* dying of the wine
: in tho, mornings.
: 1 desire to make no t.-ilse imp: • ssions
! nor to cast any oflius 1 efl -ctions in this
[ connection. I know th.it 11 is not all ot
the country women who can idle and
stroll among the flow-rs in tin* morning.:
—nor is it all of the city ladies who can
i afford t*i ll iunt their finery at tin, clubs
o’* 1 nights. Whii*-. perhaps, the "prom
inent club women" revel amid tiie whirr
<*: the club room, thottsar.ds of ili,*t same
city do not revel .-.mid that wh*:-. nor
Ci.u!*l they enter th**r*-. Other tlio.is.inds
of that sam • city bav** no desire to rev* .
amid this club room whir, tiles ar** sat
i-e-.l .villi their own Boors at horn*, t: 1
it is not the. , who ar. flaunting opinions
ami wasting symp::tl*.y *:y:-r th*? comitrv
w* men who are satisfitd thems. I
know that a large majority of country
winn*-n haw otln-r "li.ii to fry' tha-i
strolling arnofig the birds and flowers in
the morning, but I also knot*, that a larg.
majority of city women have other “lisii
to fry" than att. iidin,; lu..s or living up
t.> th.* idea that "pr*iniin* nt elti'.* women '
would impress for the country women
o-.r-r whom they are so much exercise*!.
Th* re is not a i-i’y that could be named
wle-r- th* re arc not thousands of women
who in *>r as hard as ev.-r a country
woman labortil—betw.-en throe who must
labor tile advantage is all for *’ n( , eo . Jn _
try.
So 1 say to those who have asked for
me to r. ply io questions upon these lines
that I honestly believe that the easiest
opportunity, the happi* st ]jf,. ln fi t) )( . ] A ,.s t
results are to those who satisfied
v.uh country life-diss.ittsfy them an I
this would not be so. nor would tho
world be better. S’o T say to the “prom
inent club women.” and to 3 n who hav „
asked my ..xproroion, ..-,ve your pitv ind
son* up tour on* rgy t Or some other lino
F* rhaus I would be justified in advising
ymi to save both this pity and this energy
1 n’ ’.’n”' whom yo,,
''' lhe "'ire of servants that vou
V'-m* b.-nt in the •■Hel.I ” that
you think nos in this C.nnoction Tt i»
ntion who r- ■ d pjty
is tl.-w who will curse the world if it
Snrelv it W []| n , lt ,. p
Who sleep , vitll ;
ro ,>>7" n ',T WiU hri,, “ I
o. tho world the greatest h;) rm.
But T rathe,- tell of pretty sights T
taw sma!! girl bring si xt, ,-*,, efimkons
V? H,S ' bly fO ’’ s"
rcoiv.l ,4. rhpse chickens were th?
hatch of an old bon familiarly known at
”, t l ” ,i “ i " ‘-’in as *ld "Sp.mk’’
(Id B pe-k ls the property of this girl,
she having raised her from n -*bt 11
!>’*’■’ father tells ni( thd? t hL he '
at 2 ve-irs cl, ' hen no *’
over $ 4 h, t»'b’ight his daughter
“<* a”
k wllfi’/Sali pretty 1 " 01 ”* 1 inVeSted ’ That
SARGE PLUNKETT.