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4 THE TRI-WEEKLY JOURNAL ATLANTA, GA., 3 NORTH FORSYTH ST. Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice as Mail I Matter of the Second Class. Daily, Sunday, Tri-Weekly SUBSCRIPTION PRICE TRI-WEEKLY Twelve months $1.50 Eight months SI.OO Six months 75c * Four months 50c Subscription Prices Daily and Sunday (By Mail—Payable Strictly in Advance) IWk.lMo. 3 Mos. 6 Mos. 1 Yr. Daily and Sunday 20c 90c $2.50 $5.00 $0.50 Dally 16c 70c 2.00 4.00 7.50 Sunday 7c 30c .90 1.75 3.25 The Tri-Weekly Journal is published on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday and is mailed by the shortest routes for early delivery. It contains news from all over the world, brought by special leased wires into our office. It has a staff of distinguished con tributors, with strong departments of spe cial value to the home and the farm. Agents wanted at every postoffice. Lib eral commission allowed. Outfit free. Write R. R. BRADLEY, Circulation Man ager. The only traveling representatives we have are B. F. Bolton. C. C. Coyle, Charles H. Woodliff. J. M. Patten. W. H. Reinhardt, M. H. Bevil and John Mac Jennings. We will be responsible only for money paid to the above named traveling representatives. NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS The label used for addressing your paper shows the time your Subscription expires. By renewing at least two weeks before the date on this label, you insure regular service. In ordering paper changed, be sure to mention your old as well as your new address. If on a route, please give the route number. We cannot enter subscriptions to begin with back num bers. Remittances should be sent by postal order or registered mail. Address all orders and notices for this Department to THE TRI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, Atlanta, Ga. Shall Pride and Partisanship reck the Peace Treaty? PRESIDENT WILSON’S latest word on the Peace Treaty is heartening to his enemies, but It is sorely fflsappoint ing to his friends. It kills for a year at least, if not forever, the hope of a ser viceable agreement on the high qu&stions and high interests involved, and thrusts the issue into the tangles of a partisan campaign, just as the Treaty’s foes have long desired. What the Bitter Enders in the Senate have schemed for from the out set and what steadfast believers in a League of Nations have sought by every manner of means to prevent, the President himself has brought to pass. He has locked the door on reasonable compromise, and thrown away the key. Sad truth to tell, he has joined the Irreconcilables. The pity of it all is first for the humani tarian purposes which thus are blocked— though not crushed, let us hope. The Jour nal shares Mr. Wilson’s idea, as far as the deeper aims of the international covenant are concerned, that they should be consid ered “in the light of what it is possible to accomplish for humanity rather than in the light of special national interests;” for how better can we insure our own prosperity and peace and fruitful freedom than by doing a great nation’s part to make justice and good will the law of the world. Certain it is that if ever America becomes indifferent to the claims of humanity, she will have lost the vision of her founders and the breath of her true being. But surely it is not for one man alone to say— : to the exclusion of all other counsel, even the friendliest—on just what terms and by just means those claims shall be met. Liberal minds the country over, and indeed throughout the world, agreed that a League of Nations should be established to fortify, and promote the great human interests in whose defense the war was waged. But when it comes to framing and ordering such a League, there is naturally a divergence of of opinion. The covenant which President Wilson brought back from Paris represents what was then the most wrokable plan on which he and the others at the peace table could agree. But it did not represent the only conceivable plan by which the purposes con cerned could be accomplished. It was not a Decalogue whose every syllable was sacred; it was not a Revelation, to change one let ter of which would be impious. It was a human document, regarding which there was bound to be a variety of views among men who were sufficiently in earnest over it to think for themselves. We are speaking now, not of the Borahs and Reeds, but of earnest supporters of the League principle—such as President Lowell, of Harvard; former Pres ident Taft, Herbert Hoover, most of the Demo cratic Senators, many of the Republicans and also the broadest thinkers in Allied coun tries. Men like these, being more intent upon the spirt than the letter of the League con stitution, have stood ready to accept such reservations as were necessary to secure a ratifying majority in the Senate. They were willing, it is true, to take the Treaty exactly as the President submitted it; they consid ered some of the proposed reservations need less and others ill advised. But rather than see the great compact defeated and the high hopes of humanity cast down, rather than see peace delayed another tyelvemonth, while the issues on which it hung were dargged into the scuffle and muck of a par tisan campaign, these friends of the Treaty put pride of opinion behind them and worked self-forgetfully for reconciliation and results. • The President’s most grievous error, as we see it, lies in his having turned his back upon these his wisest counselors and faith ful friends. That his motives are of the high est order, we do not question; but they are nevertheless likely to prove fatal to the very cause for which hitherto he has so no bly and sagaciously striven, unless there comes at the eleventh hour some saving stroke of concession and adjustment. That the President considers the Treaty the most fortunate issue upon which the Democratic party can wage its 1920 campaign, is evi dent; and some observers infer that he plans to make the fight in person, seeking a third term nomination. But if ever there was a political certainty it is that the Democratic party can ill afford, as a matter either of expediency or of principle, to go before the country with a record of having sacrificed peace and international stability to partisan ship or to pride. It matters not that Repub- Jican leadership is grealy to be censured and that the Republican organization has proved its utter lack of constructiveness. The fail ures and wrongs of others, conspicuous though they are, will not exculpate the Dem ocrats if they also join in the procedure which sends the Treaty to death and the League of Nations to history’s junk heap. The American people will hold neither party guiltless that has a hand in such an out come; rather they will condemn those who were too proud to compromise along with those who were too partisan to forget their enmity toward the Administration. The hour has struck for independent ac tion by the Democrats of the Senate, action which at least will give their party a clear record and which may spare their country grievous disappointment and confusion. They should take the peace issue courageously in to their own hands, effect an .agreement with the Republicans who are for reservations that will not nullify the League covenant, and thus secure the ratification of the Treaty. For what next may occur the President alone will be responsible. What the Democratic THE ATLANTA TRI-WEEKLY JOURNAL. Senate and the Democratic party must decide for themselves is this; shall they, or shall thev not, save a Treaty and a League cove nant which, while it is not all they wish, represents a vast gain for justice and human ity? Shall they seize the substance of a mag nificent opportunity for serving America and mankind, or, letting this go, pursue a shad ow? Shadowy indeed will be the hope of rat ifying any League covenant if the present occasion is lost; for not unless there should be elected, in addition to a Democratic Pres ident, an overwhelmingly Democratic Senate whose members would approve the Treaty letter and for letter and comma for comma as the President directed—not unless this virtual impossibility came to pass, would we be a jot nearer a settlement in March, 1921, than we are today. The Allies have indicated their readiness to accept such Treaty reser vations as a majority of the Senate will sup port, so that no complications are to be ex pected from a foreign quarter. Plainly, then, it is the duty of the Senate Democrats —their party duty, their patriotic duty, their human iarian duty—to strike boldly and unitedly forth for ratification. If this involve a. break ing away from Presidential leadership, the interests at stake abundantly warrant it; for when loyalty to a person means recreance to a principle, thinking men need not hesitate. Chairman Flynt's Disclaimer Os Desire to Be Arbitrary. THE public welcomes the statement of Chairman Flynt, of the Georgia Dem ocratic Executive Committee, that he and his colleagues do not wish to be arbi trary in making regulations for the Presi dential primary. Their sole object, he de clares, is to do what is best for the party and for the principles to which it is devoted. This, we are sure, is the sole object of the Democratic press and people of the State in appealing for a modification of one of the Committee’s rules which strikes them as be ing ill advised and as encroaching upon important civic rights. If, then, the Commit tee and the party’s protesting rank and file are seeking the same end, surely they can adjust their present differences and go fra ternally together. We can see the Committee’s point of view and understand how' certain assumptions would prompt it to order certain restric tions in the April primary. We can but feel however, that if the Committee will take for a moment the voter’s point of view and change its base of assumptions from that of the man in the race to that of the man at the polls, it will see the merit of the pop ular contention. That is to say, the question is, not what are the rights of Herbert Hoover or of any one else proposed as a candidate, but what are the rights of the Democratic voters themselves? If it were merely a matter of justice to a candidate, the Committee’s position would have aroused little or no discussion. But it Is a matter of justice to the people, and therein lies the gravity of the issue. Democrats who have fought the party’s battles, preached the party’s gospel, lived the party’s principles, voted the party’s tick et and honored the party’s name from the day they were twenty-one are entitled as suredly to consideration at the hands of the Democratic Executive Committee, as Chair man Flynt and his associates will heartily agree, we are sure. Well, one hundred and thirty-two Hall county Democrats, among others, of this very character have petitioned the Committee requesting that the name of Herbert Hoover be put on the Presidential primary ballot. On that petition are the sig natures of Democrats of stanchest loyalty and highest standing. For example: Hon. J. B. Jones, Judge of the circuit. J. G. Collins, Solicitor General. W. A. Charters, ex-solicitor general. Hammond Johnson, Mayor of Gaines ville. R. B. Mitchell, ex-Mayor of Gainesville. J. B. Rudolph, ex-mayor of Gainesville. W. A. Palmour, ex-mayor of Gainesville. John A. Pierce, Aiderman. C. R. Allen, ex-alderman. R E. Andoe, Clerk of Council. . Hon. A. C. Wheeler, Judge of City Court of Hall County. , „ x _ W. D. Whelchel, Judge of Court of Or dinary. W. A. Crow, sheriff. John L. Gaines, ex-sheriff. J. D. Underwood, Commissioner of Educa tion. „ , • . R. W. Smith, Clerk Superior Court. T. H. Robertson, President Board of Edu cation. . John H. Hosch, President Chamber of Commerce. „ C. N. Davie, Chairman Democratic Exe cutive Committee of Hall County. J. O. Adams, former Senator from Dis tri presidents of all the Banks, nearly every lawyer, nearly every doctor, and the head of every important business in Gainesville. It is against Democrats like these—thou sands of them throughout the State—that the Committee’s rule as it stands would work grievous injustice; and it is in behalf of Democrats like these that the press of Geor gia, with unexampled unanimity is appeal ing. As Chairman Flynt, speaking for him self and his associates, says it is in no wise the Committee’s wish to be arbitrary, so The Journal, speaking for itself and expressing, we feel sure, the common mind of all of its contemporaries who are enlisted in this cause, assures the Committee that it is in no wise the wish of the newspapers to be dic tatorial. It is solely an interest in popular rights and Democratic principles that impels them to join with the people in asking an abrogation of a rule which violates those rights and principles. It is earnestly to be hoped, therefore, that the Committee will follow up its Chairman’s welcome statement with appropriate action. America's Basic Industry Centers on the Southland AMERICA’S greatest investment is not in manufacturing establishments nor railways, nor mines and quar ries, nor in all these combined. It is in farms. Ten years ago these farms repre sented a capital aggregate of forty-one bil lion dollars; today they are conservatively reckoned at more than fifty-one billions. It is highly significant, moreover, that while the increase in agricultural values went steadily forward from 1860 to 1890, during the next decade the gain was “greater than the entire accumulation of farm property in all the preceding years of our history.” The phrase quoted is from a booklet by the Guaranty Trust Company of New York, entitled “Our Basic Industry.” Funda mental to all commerce, all industry and all finance, is agriculture—the staff of the world, the stay of civilization. True though this has been from the days when Joseph hooverized for Egypt and from ages far earlier, it is only within recent times that business has come fairly to reckon its de pendence on the plow. The example of so great a financial institution as the Guaranty Trust Company’s interesting itself, not mere ly in the products and prices of the farm, but in the very life and progress of things agricultural, is indeed heartening—the more so in that it is the rule rather than the ex ception among thoughtful leaders of busi ness the nation over. The result will be. and indeed alre’ady is, a helpful understanding betw.een urban and rural forces, and a co operation that will make for the strengthen ing of the entire‘economic structure. It is not only in economics, however, that the farm stands out as fundamentally im- TWO KINDS OF AMERICANS —By Frederic J. Haskin HABANA, Cuba, Feb. 28.—The other night in a crowded case we witnessed a meet ing between two family parties of Cubans who were evidently old and dear friends long separated. They greeted each other in the emotional Cuban manner, everybody embrac ing everybody else. The men embraced each other as well as the women, laying cheek to cheek and hammering each other on the back with vehemence and a loud thumping noise, after the fashion of a ring fighter de livering a kidney punch in a clinch. There was one fine old gentleman with white hair and long white moustache who was espe cially enthusiastic in his greetings, and one could see that some of the younger members of the party were a trifle embarrassed by his heroic caresses, glancing around and appear ing ill at ease. And they had some right to feel ill at ease, for all of the Americans in the cafe— meaning by Americans, citizens of the Uni ted States—regarded this exhibition of a charming local custom as a free show. They all stopped eating to look on, and they all laughed openly, as though this was the funniest thing they had seen in a long time. The incident illustrated the fact, which is so apparent here, that there is very little sympathy or understanding or natural hu man intercourse between the Latin-Ameri can and the Anglo-American. Here in Cuba, just ninety miles from his native land, in a country which his own country helped to set free, where the memory of Theodore Roose velt is worshiped, where the government is modelled after our own, the man from the United States finds himself none-the-less in an utterly foreign country. He would scarce ly feel at home if he went to Abyssinia, or Thibet. He has absolutely nothing in com mon with these fellow-Americans of his, ex cept that he belongs to the same species of mammal. There are some ten thousand North American residents in Habana and nearly twice that many visitors; yet it is a rare thing to see Cubans and Americans together on the streets or in the cases. And the thing which impresses you is that these two kinds of Americans, who share the ownership of a hemisphere, are kept apart chiefly by such superficial differences as those of language and social custom. No doubt there are some fundamental differ ences, too, but it is the superficial ones which prevent the two from really knowing each other. If they can speak and associate to gether, men can thrash out and settle the most profound differences of politics, reli gion and point of view; but if they cannot understand each other’s remarks or tolerate each other’s manners, they remain eternally foreign to each other. Now the Cuban’s manners are very strange to the American. The Cuban is at once more polite and less hypocritical. He is much less frank in telling you what he thinks, and much more so in showing what he feels. It is most interesting, for example, to compare the evening promenade on the Prado here with the similar event which takes place every warm afternoon on Fifth avenue in New York, or F street in Washing ton, and in a less pretentious and formal way in a host of other cities. In point of fact, this promenade is one of the immemo rial and universal customs. You find some form or tract of it almost everywhere, and even in villages of no more than a thousand souls there is usually a certain hour when the girls go for a walk and the fellows gath er in front of the drug stores to watch them go by. This mutual interest of the sexes in each other is the real motive, of course, in all these promenades, from the least to the greatest. But in the United States our tra ditional Puritan hypocrisy makes it incum bent upon us to conceal the fact that we walk down Fifth avenue mainly to look at the girls. If a man wants to stop and look at -a woman on Fifth avenue, it is customary for him to stall in front of a shop window and pretend to look at the goods before he turns his eyes toward the real object of his inter est. This explains why so many men are found absent-mindedly looking at window displays of millinery and ladies’ footwear. The Cuban feels under no obligation to conceal his interest. When a young woman HOOVER’S LEADERSHIP (The Progressive Farmer.) The professional politicians generally want a thick-and-thin party man, and so are averse to Hoover. But among the common people there is an insistent and imperious Hoover sentiment. Mr. Hoover voted for Wil son and also asked the country to elect a Democratic Congress in 1918. Nevertheless, he is not a politician, but a servant of hu manity, and he could doubtless poll a larger part of the independent vote of the country, especially the woman vote, than any other Democratic candidate now in sight. The in dependent vote will not unlikely decide the election; and we may note here that by No vember women will almost certainly be vot ing in every state in the Union. Thirty-two of the 48 stated of the Union have already ratified the national woman suffrage amend ment, and it is almost certain that the four more necessary will be found long before November. Mr. Hoover’s declaration of principles has made a strong appeal to the average Ameri can. He wants a square deal for labor, and a government free from control by wealthy and powerful interests, but on the other hand, he is fiercely critical of a “slacker” attitude on the part of labor, and believes strongly that the government’s place is not to own and operate industries (with the inefficiency which he believes goes with politician man agement), but to so regulate and control in dustry as to insure a square deal both for labor and the public. Mr. Hoover is criticized by some wheat and hog farmers who think he should have fixed higher wheat and hog prices during the war; but many agricultural authorities de clare that no other statesman has a better understanding and appreciation of the great national and international problems which confront the American farmer. Like McAdoo, he grew up as a poor farmer boy and knows the farmer’s problems from actual Contact with them. And certainly no American has a better understanding of the great world prob lems which the future, both of America and the world, demand that our next President shall handle with great wisdom and ability, portant. Its social concern also bulks large in the nation’s total interests. Consider the fact that almost a third of our population, or upwards of thirty million people, are farm-dwellers, and that some twenty mil lion more live in villages of fewer than twenty-five hundred inhabitants. Districts that contain nearly half of all the men, women and children within the country’s bounds are entitled assuredly to unstinted service in the matter of highways, sanitation, schools, churches and all else that goes to enrich the common life. Moreover, to the extent that these services are provided, the human appeal of the farm will equal its economic importance, and there will be a re versal of the cityward drift, with its serious impairment of productive sinew. If farming is America’s basic industry, then beyond question Georgia and her neigh bors of the South are America’s basic com monwealths. For it is in this region that agriculture finds, not only its largest gains of recent decades, but also its most liberal promise. Here, on the soil where seed time breaks earliest and the harvest moon scatters late: t gold, lie the chief riches and power of the times to be. who pleases his eye passes him on the Prado, he stops, turns around, crosses one foot over the other, leans on his cane, and contem plates her charms as long as he pleases. He may even call over a friend and the two discuss the lady at some length. If they are very young, they may follow her, and with out making any effort actually to approach her, they may seek in a variety of ways to amuse her and to attract her attention. For example, one gifted young gallant was seen to amuse his “novia” of the moment by run ning along ahead of her and climbing up on I some high pedestals intended for statues. There, with the fine dramatic feeling which every Latin possesses, he took a variety of poses. He was alternately Diana, Venus, Washington crossing the Delaware, and Na poleon on St. Helena, to the great amuse ment of all passers-by. The Cuban senorita smiles and tolerates all this, for she knows she is safe from any actual affront. A Cuban gentleman seems never to approach a Cuban lady on the street. It simply isn’t done. The visiting American, observant of the smiling and complacent air with which the native beauty endures his curiosity, very often leaps to the hasty conclusion that he has made a con quest. Mindful that he is far from home, with a grand flourish of his brand-new pan ama hat, he sails up and delivers a broad side of amateur Spanish, hastily culled from a vest pocket dictionary. Ten to one the dark-eyed beauty does not resent this. She never feels self-righteously impelled to whale him over the head with an umbrella (she does not carry such a thing anyway) nor to run him through -with a hatpin, or even to call a cop. She magnificently and complete ly ignores him, without appearing in the least flustered. He can’t understand it. If she was a nice lady she ought to have ex ploded, and if she wasn’t, she ought to have acquiesced. Darn these geezers anyhow! The lady from up north finds the Cuban gentleman equally incomprehensible. He is gallant, attentive, polished, but he does not grasp the idea of platonic friendship, and the long courtship of American custom is not a thing he can appreciate. On this point the testimony of the pretty Irish manicurist in a leading hotel is important. She works in At lantic City in the summer and in Habana in the winter. She makes a lot of money and is a thrifty, careful business woman. Inci dentally, she goes into society and regards it as a rare misfortune to pay fdr her own din ner. “But I never go out with these Cuban guys—simply impossible! If you so much as give one of ’em a date, he imagines you just can’t resist him—perfectly foolish, I say. They want a very high polish on their finger nails, just like a woman. Not for me!” Thus little things make big differences. The two kinds of Americans look at each other with interest across a gulf of differ ing social custom and language. The customs and points of view might possibly be adjust ed if more North Americans would learn Spanish, and more Latin Americans would learn English. An international fund ought to be established to be administered by the Pan-American union, or some similar body son the teaching of the languages in all Amer ican countries. It ought to be possible to es tablish a system of schools which would soon become almost or quite self-supporting. A large percentage of Americans who come here to make a living, fail because they can not speak Spanish. How they expect to suc ceed is a mystery. It is hard even to get any thing to eat in this town without a little Spanish. Yet many young men come down here from the states to look for jobs, who cannot speak a word of Spanish. Such a man should have money enough to live un til he has thoroughly mastered Spanish. Then he will make a living with ease. In the local papers, for example, there are always adver tisements for stenographers who can write both languages, and they are offered from $175 to S2OO to start on. Anyone who uses both languages really well is sure of a good job in Habana. Furthermore, such a man or woman is an unofficial diplomat, contributing a share to the future peace of America, by helping the two great American races to un derstand each other. THE BRAY OF THE ASS —♦“ I By Dr. Frank Crane At Tivoli once, just outside of Rome, I spent a few weeks. My chamber window gave upon the main street of the town. There all day long, up and down, in to market, and back home, came the peasants, with their little asses laden heavily. These asses were the most doleful, shaggy, sad-faced, long-eared, solemn pictures of servi tude imaginable. As they ambled along, with a huge pack basket slung on each side, and a countryman* behind beating them with a club, they seemed to typify the world’s burden bear ers. When first you hear the ass bray you are inclined to laugh. No imagination could con ceive a sound so absurd. It is a masterpiece of discord, a triumph of the grotesque. Then it ceases to be funny and begins to be irritating. You feel that nature is insulting you. Such dreadful noise ought not to be. Then you become incredulous. It cannot be. You must be dreaming. As the negro said, when he saw at a circus a camel for the first time, “They ain’t no such anamile.” Then you understand. You penetrate into its meaning. You perceive that it is music. It is the crashing motif of the world’s tragedy. It is the wild, gargantuan, hideous, gargoyled theme of creation’s sorrow. In the canticle of the ass you hear the soul utterance of ajl galley slaves, of all them that lie in prisons, of wretched life-flames puttering out in stinking sweat shops. Here is the cry of them that built the pyramids under the taskmaster’s lash, the ant swarm that erected the Parthenon and the cathedrals and laid out the gardens of Hadrian’s villa; of all those sons of Ham laboring with blistered backs in tropic fields, collecting ivory, digging diamonds and gold; of the imbruted multitude that shovel the coal into furnaces and hew the wood and draw the water that their pampered brothers may laugh and grow fat; of that myriad who have nothing to sell but their flesh and blood. Always the superstructure of the earth’s magnificance has rested upon the foundation of misery, our silks and satins and champagne have flowered with roots deep in human sweat and toil. And lest humanity should forget the hidden agony of the many, God mut into the mouth of the meekest of his creatures this misshapen song, this thunderous, twisted dissonance of the cosmic woe. In time’s vast aratorio, listen to the music of the ass, to which the apostle wrote the words, “For the whole creation groaneth and is in travail together until now.” One tarlike soul “descended into hell;” that is, he went among the cellar people of the world and spoke hope; he loved them, took their children upon his knee and blessed them. So he eternally disturbs the world, and shall, until at last there is justice “unto this last.” And when the young Nasarene rode tri umphant into Jerusalem, while the people spread their garments before him, and strewed palms, is it not without significance that he rode, not on a prancing war horse, but “upon an ass, and upon a colt, the foal of an ass.” (Copyright, 1920, by Frank Crane.) “I suppose the big fish got away,” sneer ed the indolent acquaintance. “Os course,” rejoined the true fisherman. “They have learned to know me. Any full grown fish around here hides as soon as 1 step into a boat.” u _ THURSDAY, MARCH 11, 1920. THE TRI-WEEKLY EDITORIAL DIGEST A National and Non-Partisan Summary of Leading Press Opinion on Current Questions and Events THE MEANING OF COLBY’S APPOINT-, MENT. The appointment of Bainbrige Colby to suc ceed Robert Lansing as secretary of state was a great surprise. His name had not been mentioned in connection with the vacancy. People are still wondering what this unex pected choice signifies. Yet the BIRMINGHAM NEWS (Dem.) finds it “not such an amazing thing after all,” regarding it as “another revelation of the breadth and bigness of the president in seek ing to solidify the progressive forces of Amer ica into a teamwork that shalh assure the continuation of democracy in this country.” For, as the NEW YORK TRIBUNE (Rep.) reminds us, “Mr. Colby was a Republican up to 1912 and a Progressive from 1912 to 1916. In the election of 1916 he actively supported Mr. Wilson against Mr. Hughes.” Thus “his public career,” in the view of the SPRING FIELD REPUBLICAN (Ind.), “has demon strated that he possesses the power of inde pendent judgment” and, therefore, “he will prove exactly the kind of man the president does not want.” Political significance is naturally sought in this appointment. It seems to many to be a play for the Progressives. The MEMPHIS COMMERCIAL APPEAL (Dem.) says, “The men who went off with Roosevelt in 1912 are today more at home in the Democratic party than in the Republican party under Lodge, Knox, Penrose, Brandegee, Mondell and Gillett.” The NASHVILLE BANNER (Ind.) likewise thinks “it may be a good move politically to give this recognition to a former Progressive at the beginning of a new political campaign,” and the JERSEY JOURNAL (Ind„ Rep.) dooks upon it as a “warning to the coming Republican conven tion that mere reaction may not be sufficient for it to carry the coming campaign.” The WHEELING REGISTER (Dem.) on the other hand voices the disappointment of many papers of its party that the president did not select an out-and-out Democrat. “Many a capable and deserving Democrat,” it says, “would have been more than willing to serve. The Colby appointment is almost as serious a mistake as the Lansing dismissal.” Similarly the CLEVELAND PLAIN DEALER (Ind. Dem) believes it will be felt that “the president has overlooked several men with better training for the office in order to pick this former disciple of Theodore Roosevelt. Like other recent cabinet selections, this one is evidently not dictated by ordinary politi cal considerations.” Others, such as the BRIDGEPORT POST (Ind.), seek a motive outside of internal politics. The POST recalls that “Lord Grey wrote a letter very embarrassing to the pres ident’s stand on the treaty, very comforting to those who were breaking away from Pres ident Wilson’s leadership,” and “now we get a new secretary of state, who, whatever else he may be, is decidedly cold toward Great Britain.” He is “a twister of the lion’s tail,” the POST adds, and “was one of the leaders against the repeal of the Panama canal tolls, and at that time voiced in the bitterest words CURRENT EVENTS OF INTEREST John McCormack, “America’s singing sol dier,” so described for his work in war bene fits, has received a gold medal from the American Legion of New York county at a benefit concert given at the Hippodrome. General John J. Pershing attended as the chief guest. The medal is a replica of the American legion button, engraved with a statement of appreciation. Engraved certificates were presented to Miss Mary Garden, prima donna; Coles Phil lips, artist, and Mark A. Luescher, manager of the Hipprodrome for Charles Dillingham. Mr. McCormack has raised $540,000 for various war service organizations. The others have been giving material aid in the Ameri can Legion membership wrive. General Robert Alexander, formerly commander of the Seventy-seventh division, now stationed at Dfcidison barracks, Scakett Harbor, N. Y., made the presentations. A dispatch from Paris says the war crimi nals commission has decided to send to Ger many the names of forty-six men for trial be fore the German courts. This, it is an nounced, will be a test of good faith upon which the allies have agreed. The list, with a covering note of consider able length, has been drawn up and will be sumitted to the supreme council. It is ex pected it will be forwarded to Berlin within the week. The British, selected the names of seven ac cused, mostly for submarine atrocities; France selected twelve, Belgium fifteen and Italy, Poland and Rumania four each. The work of the police boat Patrol is fin ished. For twenty-seven years the little steamer fought river pirates, extinguished waterfront fires and preserved order along New York’s 597 miles of river, harbor and ocean front, saved lives, rescued drifting boats, guarded t ammunition x barges from spies, welcomed troops home and performed multitudinous other services that no one would suspect were tasks of the police. But now a bigger and, on paper at least, a bet ter boat is replacing her. It was the police boat Patrol which, with engine clanking and clattering and shaking thin walls of her cor roded bullet-dented hull, stood by the stranded Princess Anne off Rockaway Point on February 7 and took aboard the thirty two passengers and twenty-eight members of the crew of the Old Dominion liner whom the brave men of the coast guard had been powerless to save. An attempt was made a few mornings ago to assassinate Stephen Friedrich, former pre mier, and minister of war in the present Hungarian cabinet at Budapest. Several shots were- fired afr the war min ister’s motor car as he was crossing the Elizabeth bridge shortly before noon. Herr Friedrich was not injured, however. The war minister’s asasilant escaped in an automobile held in readiness. Raymond Poincare, formerly president of France, evidently does not intend to be idle. In addition to his duties as senator, his law practice and his work as president of the Reparations commission—big tasks in them selves —he has accepted a magazine “job.’’' He is to be foreign affairs chronicler of the Revue des Deux Mondes and general political writer. Foreign affairs enter largely into the scope of this fortnightly publication. In this work M. Poincare succeeds Charles Benoist, one of the best known French writers on these topics, who has accepted the post of Minister of France in the Netherlands. A dispatch from Berne says adherence to the League of Nations by Switzerland was approved by the Swiss National Council the vote standing 114 to 55. This decision does not bind this country to enter the League, but constitutes a recom mendation for a plebiscite to be held during April or May, in which the people will voice their desires. The National Council was asked to ap prove Switzerland’s entrance to the League by the government a few days ago, after it had been decided to abandon what were his suspicion that President Wilson (then in his first term) was pro-British.” This view is supported by the CHICAGO EVENING POST (Ind.), which declares that “in those circles disposed to regard Great Britain with distrust, if not with enmity, Mr. Colby is said to have friends not a few,” while the DETROIT JOURNAL (Ind. Rep.) thinks the president “has thrown a rich sop to William Randolph Hearst, whose political pet and mouthpiece Colby has been.” But the MON TREAL STAR, looking at the matter, of course, from a British point of view, is not alarmed. It says; “Mr. Colby’s association with Mr. Hearst In one or two undertakings leads to some fear that he is not unprejudiced against Great Britain. This fear is not well founded, how ever justified it might seem to be in view of the vicious and immoral anti-British cam paign now emanating from the Hearst press organization, Mr. Colby’s statement that he is in accord with all of Mr. Wilson’s policies, including the League of Nations, shows that he is as fair game as is the president for the venom of Mr. Hearst.” Naturally the manner of Mr. Lansing’s going, and the president’s declaration that he wanted a t secretary whose “mind would more willingly go along” with his, have caused many to wonder if Mr. Colby will be con tent to be a “rubber stamp.” “On this matter,” the SEATTLE TIMES (Ind.) says, “there is room for. a difference of opinion—such a difference of opinion, for instance, as Mr. Colby displayed when he re fused to follow Colonel Roosevelt in support ing Hughes;” and that LOS ANGELES EX PRESS (Ind.) thinks the appointment “would indicate that if Mr. Wilson ever re garded cabinet officers as merely ministerial clerks he has corrected the philosophy of his thoughts, for Colby is not a man to serve as a lay figure for any one.” The EMPORIA GAZETTE (Ind.) agrees with this estimate: “he is not the kind of man,” it says, “to be used by the president as an errand boy.” -The. BALTIMORE AMERICAN (Rep.), however, ascribes the choice to the “well-nigh ineradic able tendency of the president to turn to those who are personal supporters rather than party promoters,” and the SAN FRANCISCO CHRONICLE (Ind.) is satisfied that “Mr. Colby qualifies as a rubber stamp, all right,” and that “he will do as he is told without any back talk,” which “is what the president wants.” Some think, as the CHRONICLE does, that there will be opposition in the senate to the confirmation of this appointment “on the ground of the incompetence of the nominee.” We are reminded by the INDIANAPOLIS STAR (Ind. Rep.) that “his appointment to the shipping board was confirmed only after a bitter fight, and there is nothing to indicate he is more popular with the senate than he was then.” Moreover, “this new post for which he is named is of vastly more con cern,” according to the BUFFALO NEWS (Rep.), “and his qualifications will be care fully scrutinized before he passes muster, if he passes at all.” known as the “American clauses,” by which Switzerland would delay action until the United States senate had ratified the Treaty of Versailles, a part of which is the cov enant of the League of Nations. Speaking in the house of commons, Ot tawa, ' Canada, recently, W. Feockshutt, Unionist member of Brantford and a promi nent manufacturer, expressed the opinion that a large part of the prevalent unrest was attributable to the fact that peace was not really here. He drew attention to the situa tion in the United States, saying that our neighbors t® the south should be told that they had no right to involve the other nations of the world in chaos while they fought out their political battles. Counterfeiting has doubled in the last six , months, due to circulation ot a greater num ber of government securities, including fed eral reserve notes, Chief W. H. Moran, of the secret service, told the house appropriation committee recently in asking for increased appropriations for rounding up counterfeit ers. Raising of federal reserve notes is one of the most common acts of swindlers, he said. The Young Woman’s Christian association is beginning to broaden out. More than $16,- 000 has been raised during a recent drive; $43,000 is the subscription for next year’s budget. The campaign going on now is for funds to meet current 'expenses of the de partments during the next year. It is to be hoped the day will not be far In the distance when each small town will have a Y. W. C. A. of it’s own for the benefit of the young women in each community. At the request of the Oompagnle Fran caise du Tourisme, the Bank of France has decided to issue special travelers’ checks, called cheques de voyage, for the conven ience of visitors to this country. These checks, which will be of 100, 500 and 1,000 francs, will be purchasable in ' all foreign countries at the current rate of exchange before the traveler sets out, and will have the value of a Bank of France note in Paris. The object in issuing these checks is to avoid exchange difficulties for tourists and the loss which frequently attend such trans actions. Two earthquakes occurred in the South Pacific Ocean last Saturday, resulting in the breaking of both South American cables, according to information received recently in Washington, D. C. No further details have reached here. An examination of the seismographic rec ords at Georgetown university disclosed that both shocks were recorded there, the first, which was of considerable intensity, at 1:50 p. m. Saturday, and the second at 6:48 p. m. The first continued until 2:25 p. m. The centres of the disturbances were es timated at 3.800 miles from Washington. A report on the breaking of the cables, both of which were south of Callao, has been made to the navy department by the cable companies. Royalties received by authors, artists, conjr posers and others cannot be classed as divi dends and subject to normal tax as well as surtax, according to a ruling by Internal Rev enue Commissioner Roper at Washington. Dividends are subject to taxes paid by the distributing' company, being a part of the corporation’s profits, the commissioner ex plained, while royalties, constituting an ex pense of the paying concern, are subject to taxes levied on those benefiting from them. WASHINGTON, D. C.—The war depart ment will pay all expenses connected with the return of dead soldiers from Europe. This includes transportation by water and rail, and the delivery of the body to the home of the next of kin. The Bureau of War Risk Insurance has ben authorized to pay funeral expenses of American soldiers up to SIOO.