Atlanta tri-weekly journal. (Atlanta, GA.) 1920-19??, March 27, 1920, Page 4, Image 4

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4 THE TRI-WEEKLY JOURNA ATLANTA, GA., 5 NORTH FORSYTH ST. - Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice as Mail Mattei’ of the Second Class. Daily, Sunday, Tri-Weekly SUBSCRIPTION PRICE TRI-WEEKLY’ . Twelve months $1.50 '•.•Eight months SI.OO Six months 75c Four months 50c Subscription Prices Daily and Sunday (By Mail —Payable Strictly in Advance) 1 Wk.l Mo. 8 Mos. 6 Mos. 1 Yr. Daily and Sunday 20c 90c $2.50 $3.00 $9.50 Daily Mt 70c 2.00 4.00 7.50 Sunday ••*••••••••••• 7c 30c .90 1.75 3.25 The Tri-Weekly Journal is published on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday and is mailed by the shortest routes for early delivery. It contains news from all over the world, brought by special leased wires into our office. It has a staff of distinguished con tributors, with strong departments of spe cial value to the home and the farm. Agents wanted at every postoffice. Lib eral commission allowed. Outfit free. Write R. R. BRADLEY, Circulation Man ager. , The only traveling representatives we have are B. F. Bolton, C. C. Coyle, Charles H. Woodliff, J. M. Patten, Dan Hall, Jr., W. L. Walton, M. H. Bevil and John Mac Jennings. We will be responsible for money paid to the above named traveling representatives. NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS The label used for addressing your paper shows the time your subscription 'expires. By renewing at lenst two weeks before the date on this label, you insure regular service. In ordering paper changed, be sure to mention your old as well as your new address. If on a route, please give the route number. We cannot enter subscriptions to begin with back num bers. Remittances should be sent by postal order or registered mail. _ Address all orders and notice* for this Department to THE TRI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, Atlanta, Ga. The Way oj Right and Reason Between Two Absurd Extremes irfTf HE moderation and practicality of I Senator Smith’s stand on the Peace •*- Treaty, as distinguished from the ex treme and really destructive positions rep resented in the candidacies of Attorney Gen eral Palmer on the one hand, and Senator Reed on the'other, is in line with the best balanced thought, both of America and of the Allied countries. It is virtually the same position held, on this side of the wa ter, by such men as Herbert Hoover, Presi dent Lowell, of Harvard, William Howard Taft, William Jennings Bryan and by twen ty-three Democratic. Senators, all earnest ad vocates of a League of Nations; and on the other side of the water by such leaders as Lord Grey, the great exponent of English liberalism, and by the foremost statesmen of France. As between the judicious coun sel of thinkers like these and the radical cry of those who either denounce the pro posed League covenant as wholly evil or praise its every word and letter as too sacred for a single change, the majority off common-sensed people, we imagine, will have little hesitancy in choosing. - It is much to be regretted that petty politics ever brought about a situation in ,vhich the Democrats of Georgia would have been forced to vote for one or the other of these extremes, or else forego their suf frage rights in the Presidential primary. All that the rank and file of citizens wished was a fair opportunity to choose their own candidate and express their own will at the pedis. But that simple right was denied them. They were told, not in so many wejds. but in the more emphatic form of anX>rbitiary and autocratic act, that they must choose between certain committee censored candidates or not choose at all. sxtch a restriction would have been unjust ret any circumstances, but it was particular ly so in this instance because, as matters actually worked out, it reduced the peo ple to an alternative that was truly pre posterous. It left them only two candidates to,choose between, one of whom stood un qualifiedly against everything the present Administration has done, partlcr' 1 wi I ' l reference to the war and its consequent issues, nd the other of whom stood un qualifiedly for everythin" Aclm’Mstration has done, even to the deplorable policy of letting the Peace Treaty be wrecked rather tjfiKre accept unavoidable reservations. Some there are who approve the radical position thus taken by Senator Reed, and some who approve the oppositely radical stand of Attoriey General Palmer. These few (for it is inconceivable that they constitute more than a minority) would have had op portunity to vote a real preference if the contest had been limited, as certain poli ticians sought to limit it, to Reed and Pal- Ser. But what of the thousands and tens thousands who are not extremists on e£thi?r side and who believe in a League of Nations so deeply and so broadly that they are willing to a sacrifice of all partisan or personal pride in order that the prin ciple itself may win out and the great safe guard of peace be established? This practical-minded majority would have been virtually disfranchised if their right of selection had been limited to Attorney General Palmer and Senator Reed, and the primary would have been little more than a politicians’ farce. All who believed, as The Journal did, that the people were en titled to pass on Herbert Hoover- would have been disfranchised. All who believe that the Administration’s great achievements should be approved but that its manifest er rors should not be servilely sanctioned and repeated, would have been disfranchised. All who believe that- it is better to save the Treaty and the League covenant with reservations than to lose them forever by unbending pride and partisanship would have been disfranchised. .It is highly regrettable, we say, that gen tlemen who hoped to manipulate the pri mavy to suit their own plans ever attci d to thrust this Injustice upon the people of Georgia. But the unfair situation having lieen forced and the rights of Demo cratic suffrage having been threatened, it was not to be imagined for a moment that men born to freedom would supinely ac cept so flagrant a wrong. It was inevita ’ ble that some way of expression for the thousands whose appeals were ignored Sl24 3 whose rights were overridden would be sopght and would be found. It so happens, as the result of a movement initiated by the Democrats of Hall county, that Senator Jfoke Smith has been persuaded to enter the primary for this purpose. His candi dacy thus becomes, not a personal matter, but a matter of principle, a means of as sertion and vindication for the ideas and the ideals so vitally involved, ideals which have been graven for a long ane on Geor gia’s own shield—“ Wisdom, Justice and Moderation.” For surely it would be the re verse of wisdom to drag the grave and delicate issues of peace through a long drawn-out and bitterly partisan campaign rather than accept needful reservations to the League covenant and so make possible the Treaty’s ratification. Surely it would be the reverse of justice to compel Georgia Democrats to choose between two candi dates, neither of whom they approved, or cast no ballot at all. And surely it would tie the reverse of moderation to tie ‘he pacey’s or the country’s fortunes either to a radical antagonist or to a mere imitator THE ATLANTA TRI-WEEKLY JOURNAL. of all that the present Administration rep represents. 1 Senator Smith makes plain’his motive and intent ~aen he says in his announcement: "I would greatly appreciate the indorse ment of my State and would not seek to hold the delegation pledged to me should a situation develop which, in their opinion, made it advisable for them to vote for some one else. I would in that event release them from any obligation to me and enable them to freely choose in connection with the other delegates that candidate who was considered most available on the principles announced and who most truly represented the fundamental doctrines on which the Democratic party has rested since its founda tion. I would, in no sense, seek or wish to control their choice.” This puts his candidacy on a purely im personal plane and makes it the champion ship of a principle and a right. As for The Journal, it is in the principle and the right of the situation, and in them alone, that we ever have been or are now inter ested. Let them be vindicated and our ut termost wish is satisfied. That they will be decisively vindicated, we earnestly and confidently trust. The Farmer s Share THE discrepancy between the cost of raw materials and manufactured products justifies the conclusion that the producer receives relatively a small share of the price that the ultimate con sumer pays for articles made of cotton cloth. A recent inquiry by a Senate committee ex ploded as fallacious the popular impression that the high price of cotton accounts for the ever-increasing cost of cotton goods. The raw cotton entering into the manu facture of a handkerchief selling for twenty five cents costs less than one and a half cents, according to the facts developed at the Senate inquiry. A piece of gingham that retails for four dollars and fifty cents con tains cotton that sold to the mills for twen ty-five cents at the prevailing market price of forty cents a pound for cotton; a piece of voile that sells for three dollars and forty-eight cents was made of cotton that; cost only nineteen and a half cents, and two pair of socks were knitted of cotton yarn that cost four and a half cents, although the socks retailed for seventy-five cents. The raw cotton is the finished product of the farmer; that is to say, when the staple is sold in the market at forty or forty three cents per pound, the price represents the gross returns the farmer receives for his article. Included in the market price is the cost of the labor required to plant and cultivate the cotton, the cost of picking and ginning and hauling and baling it. The profit of the producer is represented by the mar gin of difference between all these costs and the price he finally receives for his product. The cotton passes through many hands after it leaves the farmer and before the manufactured product reaches the consumer. First, there is the matter of transportation charges from the farm to the mill; the cotton broker’s commission adds to the mill’s cost, in some instances. Then there is the cost of spinning the cotton and weaving the cloth, with a reasonable profit to the mill. After the cotton goods leaves the mill it passes through several hands before it final ly reaches the consumer, and, of course, every person who handles it makes a profit, which is passed along through the retailer to the public. Notwithstanding all these charges, which add to the ultimate cost, the conclusion is inevitable that the discrepancy between the price of the raw material and the manufac tured product is out of all proportion, and that the farmer is not getting his propor tionate share of the ultimate price. When the farmer receives only nineteen and a half cents as his gross price for cot ton, which is manufactured and sold to the public for three dollars and forty-eight cents, it becomes apparent that somewhere along the line some one is making an excessive profit, which eventually comes out of the pocket of the consumer. Corruption and Radicalism. GORRUPT politics and firebrand radi calism are yoke-fellows after all, de spite the fact that superficially they are kickers one against the other. Both are unscrupulous and unpatriotic, both are de structive of a nation’s best traditions and best hopes. One bribes its way, and one bullies; but each is the enemy of the people and, in a land like America, is brought at last to book. Witness the recent convictions of Truman H. Newberry and Victor Berger, the money made Senator and the bolshevist congress man. “Social extremes,” says the Louisville Courier-Journal byway of describing them, and goes on: “Berger before the war was champion of a class opposed to the social order existing, and during the war champion of a class which was disloyal and damned the war as a capitalistic enterprise. New berry made his race as a champion of the existing social order, a conservative, a kid glove statesman;” but, “a genuine and a great triumph of clean Americanism is reg istered in the conviction of these tw’o aspi rants for a part in the making of the na tion’s laws.” “Extremes” they are on the surface; but at heart what matters it whether the foe of law and freedom goes suavely and with sol emn salutations to the flag, or in bawling defiance of things worthy to be honored and revered? The only difference is that the for mer is the more hypocritical and the more insidiously dangerous. Radicalism will sting its own scorpion death, but corruption preys upon the very vitals of government if left unchecked. It augurs well for America in these trou bled days that public sentiment is so set and sharpened against both these ills; for with clean hands and a clear head, a nation can grapple the stubbornest problems. + Sugar in the Southeast. Particularly interesting among recent projects for sugar production in the South east is the acquisition of some seventy thou sand acres of Florida Everglades land in the region of Miami, by a company of Penn sylvania capitalists. They are planting, to begin with, four hundred acres of cane for seed, reports the Manufacturers’ Record, the tract for this purpose being laid out in one acre plots so that a wide variety of experi ments in growing may be conducted. It is expected that by next autumn at least five thousand acres will be prepared and a con venient sugar mill in operation. Eventually the entire expanse will be cultivated and mills established to take care of the output. So extensive an investment by business men who have had ample experience in the sugar industry should call forth similar en terprises, not only in Florida but in adjacent States as well. Parts of Georgia are superla tively suited to sugar cane growing, and doubtless would develop into large producers if a substantial beginning once was made and adequate facilities for grinding and re fining were provided. It is not to be wondered that foresighted capital is attracted to this industry when one observes how rapidly in recent years the world’s demand for sugar has increased and at the same time how pronouncedly the sup ply has failed to keep pace. Authorities pre dict that whatever readjustment of present prices there may be, the market for many years to come will be such as to assure the efficient grower and manufacturer goodly rewards. CURRENT EVENTS OF INTEREST A quarter of a million women in Kentucky will vote in the November election for presi dent. This was made certain when the house of representatives in the general assembly passed an enabling bill. It now goes to the senate, where prompt favorable action is certain and then to Gov ernor Alorrow for his signature. Legislation to stimulate development of land adjacent to the Alaskan Railroad was urged by Acting Secretary of the Interior Vogelsang, Washington, D. C., in a letter to the senate. The department, he said, is without funds to advise farmers and other settlers of opportu nities along the railroad, although 1,000,000 acres of agricultural land near the railroad have been surveyed and townsites laid out. Leases also are being offered in coal districts topped by the railroad. New York state registered 571,662 motor ve hicles in 1919, and leads all states in the coun try in the number of its cars, Secretary of State Francis M. Hugo reported recently, in announcing that the state’s automobile receipts for the year approximated $6,000,000. There were 107,904 more cars regisered in 1919 than in 1918, Mr. Hugo said, and the state has an automobile for every sixteen residents. There are 181,632 chauffeurs and 2,681 auto mobile dealers in the state, according to the report. Various pieces of jewelry and other arti cles, alleged to have been stolen from the Royal Palace of Petrograd, after Czar Nich olas had been dethroned, smuggled into the country on May 11, 1918, by Montefiere Kahn, of Elberton, N. J., were sold at auc tion in the United States marshal's office in the Federal building, New York City. Kahn, who at the time of his return to the country represented the firm of Herman & Herman, Inc., has since been convicted in New Jer sey on a charge of violating the custom laws. The sale was attended by about 150 buyers, the majority represtning jewelry houses. There were also half a dozen women among the buyers. The bidding was spirit ed, and the articles of jewelry, which had been valued at $27,210 by the customs au thorities, netted $31,600. Among the principal articles offered was a cigarette case, alleged to have belonged to the Czar. Bidding on the cigarette case opened at $75, and ijt was finally knocked down at $225. A solitaire diamond ring, valued at $1,480, brought $3,250. A committee of three members of the house is to be appointed to investigate charges that the Talbot county branch of the Anti-Saloon League violated the Maryland corrupt prac tices act. This action was taken after Delegate Col lins had introduced a memorial submitted by the Anti-Prohibition League, composed of more than “450 white citizens and taxpayers, farmers, clergymen, professional and business men” of the county. The memorial stated that it has.become a matter of general comment that the polit ical activities and methods of the Anti-Saloon League “are such as properly to make it sub ject to a thorough and searching investiga tion.” According to a statement from Paris, the treason trial of former Premier Joseph Caillaux probably will be considerably shortened by the decision of the high court of justice to eliminate matters referring to the pre-war period. This also makes it unnecessary to hold a secret session of court to consider the death warning Caillaux is said to have sent to King Alphonso of Spain during the Agadir crisis. The spectators thus will be cheated of their opportunity to hear testimony bearing upon the killing of Gaston Calmette, edi tor of Le Figaro, by Mme. Caillaux, a few’ months before the war began. M. Herbaux, who prosecuted Mme. Caillaux, will not be called. Caillaux, before the resumption of the trial, expressed gratification over the de cision of the court. “It only would have stirred up tragic memories that I have been trying to forget,” he said. THE MORALITY OF TRAVEL By Dr. Frank Crane Mothers dread for their children to go out into the world. Travel is supposed to be loosening to morals. Staying at home and walking the daily treadmill has a reputation of being the best way to stay good. As a matter of fact, the only real good thing in the world is humanity; all of it. Goodness is a quality that inheres in the general mass. When you fence off a section of folks and fancy you are going to raise the moral tone, you are mistaken. By and by somebody always has to break down the fence and rescue the elect to keep them from cutting one another’s throat. One reason, perhaps the main reason, why the medieval world was so bloody and harsh was that it was utterly provincial. They had in those days few means of travel. Each com munity lived to itself, had its own customs, costumes, and cussedness. Hence, first, they were dirty. They were brutal. Their only outlet for enthusiasm was war, which was carried on as a steady business, of which the king or duke was ‘general manager. They drove the sick and insane out into the woods. The sport of the nobility was to rav age among the common people. They tor tured witnesses in court and roasted heretics before the church door. They were naturally visited with terrible pests. Cholera, red death, and black death raged. People died like flies. They were ignorant. They were supersti tious. They not only did not know the things that are true, but they knew an ocean of things that are not true. What has cured all this has been, largely, travel. Giving the Reformation, the Renais sance, and the rise of science full credit for their share in the work of bettering the race, still the principal causes were steam and printing. Railroads have done more to break down not only the physical but the moral bar riers between men than any other single agency. World-wide commerce is a surer guaranty of world-wide disarmament than all the peace conferences and pacts. It is the ocean liner that has rendered pirates im possible and flooded Europe with American ideas. Add to this the printing press, which brings libraries and newspapers and the thoughts of all past ages and of all far coun tries home to the smallest hamlet. This unifying of all humankind softens, ! refines, elevates each part. There is no sal- I ration for any one individual nor for any one nation. The only possible salvation is for the whole w'orld. Whoever made this human race intended to make any sort of dog-in-the-manger cul ture, religion or health impossible. Steamboats and locomotives are the shut tles weaving the ethics of the future that shall depend on no church, no class, nor sect, nor any segment of humanity, but upon the wide, universal instincts and emotions and thoughts of all. Missionaries going to China and Chinese students coming to American schools are building wiser than they know. !i The steam and roar and rattle, the many “The Great Tree,” on Boston common, and “The Green Tree Hotel,” at Le Claire, lowa, the most famous tree on the Mississippi river, were nominated recently for a place in the “Hall of Fame for Trees,’ being compiled by the American Forestry Association. The great tree on Boston common is nomi nated by J. Collins Warren, of Boston, who sends a complete history of the tree which was blown down in a storm February 15, 1918. The colonists gathered around this tree, he said, before starting for Lexington to give battle to the British. “The Green Tree Hotel” at Le Claire, lowa, is nominated by J. B. Barnes, who as a boy played leap frog beneath its branches with one W'llie Cody, afterward known to fame as “Buffalo Bill.” The historic elm is well known on the Mississippi river, because to the river men, reports Mr. Barnes. It is the waiting place of men out of a job and looking for a trip. Therefore they give it the name of the “Green Hotel.” Other nominations for the Hall of Fame in clude the De Soto Oak at Tampa, Fla., from which De Soto started for the Mississippi and the West; the Octupus Tree in Charles Ci(y County, Virginia, nominated as the largest arid oldest tree in the state; the two oaks at Marlintown, W. Va., marked in 1751 by Gen- eral Andrew Lewis. Four D. H.-4 army airplanes have been or- dered converted into airplane hospital ambu lances and A. V. McCookfield, Dayton, Ohio, has completed a design for the model the war department has announced. Each machine will be equipped with two basket litters for patients, and accommoda tions for a pilot. Need of this type of plane, the department said, has been demonstrated by the Mexican border patrol work. By a decree of the Venezuelan government, the pearl fisheries off the islands of Mar garita, Coche, Cubague and the other neigh boring islands, together with the Peninsula of Araya and the Gulf of Cariaco, have been opened for exploitation. High cost of liquor for medicinal pur poses took a tumble in Rhode Island when, the federal fair price commissioner, Addison P. Munroe, notified all retail druggists they must not sell whisky, brandy, gin or rum for more than $2.75 a pint, $1.50 a half pint or 90 cents for four ounces, and that they must not charge more than $1.50 a pint for alcohol. The druggists cannot charge extra for the bottle. Dozens of complaints had been filed with the commissioner that druggists had charged $5 a pint and in some instances as much as $2.25 for four ounces. British manufacturers are not losing any time in renewing trade with the Germans, Trade Commissioner Dresel at Berlin has re ported to the department of commerce at Washington. The better class mercantile es tablishments at Berlin are showing varied lines of British-made goods, particularly woolens and leather, the report said. The British have made shoe contracts for the next two years and will obtain handsome prof its because of the exchange situation. There is no reason why American dealers can’t ar range for the supply of materials on a large scale for their own profit and for the assist ance of German industry during the period necessary for construction, it was stated. Important negotiations are going on at present, and have been in progress for some time, between Allied representatives and the neutral governments of Switzerland, Holland and the Scandinavian countries with the view of participation by these states in a scheme of credits under discussion, the object of which is to procure the financial and eco nomic rehabilitation of Austria and other cen tral European states, it was learned re cently. The serious financial, economic and social conditions ip these countries have been rec ognized, and the neutral governments are de clared to be keenly alive to the fact that the collapse of these countries would necessarily have effects which could not possibly be con fined to their own frontiers or finances. It is understood that a representative of the United States government will participate in these conferences. IF YOU ARE MAIMED By H. Addington Bruce THE other day I saw a one-armed beggar on the street. His empty sleeve was a pathetic appeal for help. More pathetic was the anxious, strained expression on his drawn features. Yet most pathetic of all, to my way of think ing, was the evident fact that this poor fellow, still young in years, had abandoned all thought of self-support. The loss of his arm no doubt had deprived him of a means of livelihood to which he had been trained. But surely he could train him self—or be trained—to some other gainful oc cupation. y I remember in substance the words of a friend, himself a cripple, who had actually con trived to make his life a more useful one after his crippling than it had ever been before. “Why say that because a man has lost an arm he is no good? Why not give him a job for which only one arm is required, thereby saving the waste of using a man with two arms for work which requires only one? “We have millions of individuals in our in stitutions who, though unfitted to do a normal day’s work, have enormous possibility in lines unaffected by their disease or disability. By the reclamation of even a small percentage of these patients not only would society be largely recompensed, but individuals themselves would be much benefited.” This, of course, is a plea for an organized social effort looking to the reclamation of the disabled. Indorsing it, 1 would also urge the disabled not to wait for society to act, but to make an effort to reclaim themselves. Even when a crippling accident comes late in life, it is wrong and foolish to jump to the conclusion: “My days of usefulness are done. I cannot continue at my regular work, and I am too old to learn anything new.’' But learning is possible at almost any age —provided one has a sincere desire to learn. To the maimed it should always be a question not of supinely surrendering to fate, but of courageously and calmly ascertaining what work can still be done despite the maiming—then learning how to do that work. By such a course diseases and accidents that cripple would be robbed of half their terrors. Peace of mind would be retained, the joy of accomplishment, the content of self-reliance. And the physically as well as mentally wasting effects of illness would be thwarted. Take this to yourself if you are among the disabled and have already begun to think that the future holds nothing for you in the way of gainful, productive work. Talk with your doc tor about what activity is yet available for you. Ask the advice of friends. Depend upon it, there is something useful you can do. It will be infinitely worth your while *o find it and to do it. (Copyright, 1920, by the Associated Newspapers.) cargoes on the seven seas, the scream of rac ing express trains, the snowstorms of paper from the unwearied presses—all are busy at the gigantic moral and spiritual enterprise of getting humanity together. (Copyright, 1920, by Frank Crane.) SATURDAY, MAIN 21 27, 1920. THE TRI-WEEKLY EDITORIAL DIGEST A National and Non-Partisan Summary of Leading Press Opinion on Current Questions and Events The sudden overthrow of the Ebert gov ernment by monarchist rebels and its equally sudden restoration to power demonstrate clearly that Germany is in a state of ex ceedingly unstable equilibrium. The present regime is balancing delicately on a high fence. On one side is William Hohenzol lern, with old traditions of world-empire, and on the other side is Nikolai Lenine with his hopes of spreading revolution through out the world. Both are -watching Herr Ebert and his “moderates,” ready to take advantage of any sign of weakness or wob bling. The attempted monarchist coup, though beaten, was not altogether a failure. As the PITTSBURG SUN (Dem.) points out, it dem onstrated “that the Ebert administration can be overthrown with comparative Impunity,” and “created mistrust among the German people of the stability of a government that can be forced from its capital overnight.” The SUN regrets that “Ebert was not able to put down the Von Kapp coup with blood and iron,” and thinks “his unconvincing victory leaves the door open for further intrigues.” But as Ebert was unable to oust the mon archists by force of arms, he resorted to a general strike, which paralyzed industry and transportation. In so do.ing the IDAHO STATESMAN (Rep.) declares that he was “playing with fire,” and the SALT LAKE TRIBUNE (Rep.) expands the same thought thus: “There is grave danger that the very weapon invoked by the Ebert government to defeat the military conspirators in Prussia will be used in other directions. Already there are symptoms of sinister movements in German industrial centers. Here and there a soviet has been proclaimed; Ebert and Bauer and Noske may crush the militarists in Prussia only to find that they must reckon with a new and equally grave peril—that of a proletariat determined to make an end to all systems of government which do not fit in with sovietism.” “What happened in Russia is likely to re peat itself in Germany,’’ observes the CHI CAGO TRIBUNE (Ind. Rep.), for “it is plain the prestige of the Ebert regime is gravely shaken and the extremists have been stimu lated to renewed activity,” while the FORT WORTH STAR-TELEGRAM (Ind. Dem.) be lieves that “in invoking the general strike to fight the reactionary movement, Ebert has set in motion forces which he and his asso ciates may find it difficult to control.” “The man who invokes the strike as a political weapon,” the STAR-TELEGRAM continues, “is paving the way to Bolshevisb. no matter how good the purpose he intends to serve. Germany may escape Bolshevism, to be sure, but that it faces such a danger now is apparent, even to the reactionaries.” “Should the reds win control,” the ST. LOUIS POST-DISPATCH (Ind.) points out, “their first fury would be directed against the persons and property of the lawless Pan- Germans. Who could say that they would get more than they deserve?” The MEM PHIS NEWS-SCIMITAR (Ind.) regards the Bolshevists as “certain of themselves, be cause E'bert has shown himself stronger than Kapp,” and that therefore “Germany is henceforth regarded as a profitable field for cultivation by the Bolshevists.” On the other hand, the LOS ANGELES TIMES (Ind. Rep.) thinks the “stage setting is arranged for a test of strength between the Father land party, supported by the army, and radi cal Socialists, using as their weapon the gen eral strike.” However, the SPRINGFIELD UNION (Rep.) among others, does not take threats of a Bolshevized Germany seriously. It says: “The soviet system is a Russian product, suited to Russia psychology and conditions, and hardly suited to the German social and political line. Lenine did not establish the soviets in Russia, according to the best ac counts. They were already therte, and he simply took advantage of their existence to develop in them his communist ideas and methods. . . . Though the German Sparta ciets may be imitators, it is hardly probable that they could develop a government of Germany on such a basis, and their success would require what apparently they do not have—a military backing.” DEFENDING THE POOR—B) Frederic J. Haskin NEW YORK, March 23—Suppose that one 'day, while you were partaking of an in nocent stew in the midst of your assem bled family, a detective suddenly appeared on the scene and arrested you on the charge of having shot and probably fatally wounded a man. Suppose that this revelation came as a complete surprise to you, but that upon being dragged to the hospital where the injured man lay, you were identified by him as the guilty party. Suppose, then, that your only alibi was the word of your family, with whom you were quietly playing checkers at the time the man was shot, and that this alibi was not considered sufficient by the guardians of justice. What would you do? This is what happened to a young workman here, not long ago, and he found that he could do practically nothing. If he had possessed a large bank account, there would have been sev eral favorable courses open to him, but his possessions consisted only of a wife and three young children. The wife did what she could, however. Ac companied by her children, she went to the nearest branch of the New York Legal Aid society, and told her story to one of its at torneys. The attorney made her tell it several times, and, at last convinced that she spoke the truth and that her husband was innocent, he decided to take the case. It proved to be a difficult one. The injured man had told his story, and he intended to stick to i':, but after a desperate fight, the society’s attorney was able to pick sufficient flaws in it to convince the jury that the workman was not guilty. Fortunately for who are unable to af ford the advice and assistance of expert at torneys, a very efficient Legal Aid society ex ists here, which handles thousands of such cases every year. Begun as a German society for helping German immigrants secure justice, in 1876, it has since grown into, a large or ganization, with five branches in various sec tions of the city and a sixth one in Brooklyn, which recently had to be closed for lack of funds. For the society, of course, is a philan thropic affair. It does the best it can as long as private subscriptions last, but its activities must cease immediately as soon as these are exhausted. Unlike most charitable organizations, the offices of. the New York Legal Aid society are dingy, poverty-stricken suites in the most in expensive buildings the locations possess. The headquarters on lower Broadway consists of about three small rooms, crowded with moth eaten furniture, legal documents, attorneys, in vestigators and clerks, all getting in each oth er’s way, while the reception room provided for the clients in a space five feet by four con taining two ancient and battle-scarred benches, which are usually crowded with forlorn-looking applicants for justice. The other day, the first applicant summoned for consultation by the attorney in charge was a widow in somewhat tarnished mourning, who burst into loud sobbing as she attempted to repeat her story. The attorney already knew a part of it. She had been in the office a few mornings before to complain that her husband’s family would not let her attend his funeral. Germany's Balancing Feat Many see a greater danger from the mili tarist side, however, than from the reds, “No one must assume,” declares the NEW ORLEANS STATES (Dem.), “that the capit ulation of Von Kapp means the end of con spiracies to put the old gang back in power. . . . The junkers have only nominally called off their game. . . . They still believe and will continue to believe that Germany must have a monarchy back, and when the time seems propitious they will strike again.” And “if William 11, his methods and his gang,” says the EL PASO HERALD (Ind.), “are to be restored, then it is the whole world’s business.” The SAN FRANCISCO CHRONICLLE (Ind.) thinks that “the Al lies would at once occupy Germany should a Hohenzollern be recalled,” though it doubts “that this country would send another army overseas —or could get one by voluntary en listment if it tried.” Likewise the PORT LAND TELEGRAM (Ind. Rep.) is convinced that “against the restoration of military au tocracy, with William II as the autocrat, the civilized world will oppose itself.” It occurs to the SALT LAKE HERALD (Rep.) to regard the whole mix-up as “a conspiracy to deceive the Entente and secure ,new terms of peace of a less exacting charac ter,” and the SAN ANTONIO EXPRESS (Ind. Dem.) also speaks of the “clever camou flage” of these political developments, which it regards as “nothing more than a cover for monarchist machinations,” and it frankly supports the “employment of the mailed fist to execute the treaty terms.” All of which causes the SPOKANE SPOKESMAN-RE VIEW (Ind. Rep.) to fear that “the Allies will have reason to regret their leniency in calling off the victorious legions of Foch be fore they had dealt the impending knockout blow,” since we “are dealing with a sullen and slippery antagonist who is bent upon evading the painful penalties of the treaty.” There is no doubt that most American opinions hope for the stability of the present moderate regime in Germany. The DES MOINES CAPITAL (Rep.) is inclined to ex cuse the instability of Germany, pointing out that “it has taken France about a hundred years to adjust herself to a republic” and that the “hardest lesson for a republic to learn is to submit to the result of an elec tion. THE ATLANTA JOURNAL (Dem.) ex presses the general sentiment when It de clares that “the present authorities . . . represent the nation’s likeliest prospect in foreign affairs as well as its steadiest sup port in things domestic.” THE LEGION AND THE BONUS The American Legion ought never to have been asked by the congress to put itself on* record as favoring any forms of relief. The congress ought to have proceeded speedily to give that relief as an expression of the gen uine gratitude owed by the country to those who made the greatest sacrifices In war. But the congress saw fit to “pass the buck,” and the national executive committee of the legion was right in countering back promptly at the congress with recommendations that the former soldier be given his option of four forms, viz.: farm loan, home-huilding aid, vocational education or adjusted cash com pensation It is gratifying to see the stand of the national executive committee of the legion so unmistakably supported by the local post of the organization in two decisive votes. There ought to be no further effort to con fuse the issue, or afford the congress reason for doubting the attitude of former feervlce men. It has been said that the congress is only looking for an excuse to kill the soldier re lief legislation. It is said that the proposed legislation is already slated for defeat. In that event, service men who suffered serious financial embarrassment as a result cf the war will have to wait still longer for relief. But they can wait confidently, for America is a grateful country. She will finally ex press herself, if not through the present con gress. then through a succeeding one, and her expression, when it comes, will be full, generous and unconditional. —ARKANSAS DEMOCRAT (Dem.). He had died at his mother’s house, and the mother-in-law who had not been on good terms with the wife for some time, refused to let her ' come to the house. Now, however, she was in receipt of a bill for the funeral expenses, which the mother-in-law was quite willing for her to pay. “The undertaker, he want his money, and he make a row,” she told the attorney. “What shall 1 do?” “Nothing,” said the attorney briefly. “If he sues, just come to us. Next case, please.” The tearful widow was ushered out, and the next applicant, a small boy of twelve, wearing entirely too worried an expression for a boy of his age, faced the attorney with a courageous attempt at a smile. “How’d it come out?” he asked, striving to keep his voice steady. “All rgiht, Tony, all right,” said the attorney reassuringly. “You can stay right on with your grandmother.” Tony, the attorney later explained, is a young mariner whose great-grandfather kept a ' boathouse on the Harlem river; and for the past four or five years the boy has managed both. Somewhere in the offing Tony had a father who made, his existence known by oc casional grumblings, but the storm did not break until the ancient keeper of the boathouse died and Tony and his great-grandmother were left in sole possession. Then the father suddenly appeared on the scene with a writ of habeas corpus for his son. The Legal Aid society was consulted in regard to the case by a customer of Tony’s, and its attorney was on hand to speak for the great-grandmother at the hearing before the judge. But it was really Tony him self who settled the ca»e. After listening pa tiently to the learned discourse of his father’s counsel on the common law rights of a father, Tony said in a weary voice, “Ask the "judge if he ever heard of . a great-grandmother run ning a boathousel ” The judge looked at the helpless, excited old woman seated beside Tony, and decided that if he ever did, a great-grand son would be needed to help her. The cases handled by the society rarely en tail the collection of large sums of money, but • the attorneys realize that to the poor a small sum is as precious as a large amount is to th* rich, and they will haggle just as valiantly for ten or fifteen dollars, as an uptown attorney argues for a thousand.’ As all but about one tenth of the total number of cases are settled out of court, most of this haggling is done in the offices of the society. One of the most desperate bouts of this sort occurred the other day in the society’s Harlem branch when “Sam,” a tailor, appeared to contest the complaint of a young woman who declared that he had ruined a new evening dress, purchased with the savings of many months, by scorching it in several places. Other customers of Sam’s also appeared to make similar charges concerning their wear ing apparel entrusted to his care. Sam’s indig nant defense collapsed when the young lady s dress was brought into the office, marked with ->♦ several large burns the shape of a tailor’s flat iron, but it took the attorney over two hours to get him to agree to a fair settlement, which was to cover up the scorched area with material.