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4 THE TRI-WEEKLY JOURNAL ATLANTA, GA., 5 NORTH FORSYTH ST. Entered at the Atlanta Postoffice as Mail Matter of the Second Class. Daily, Sunday, Tri-Weekly SUBSCRIPTION PRICE TRI-WEEKLY Twelve months $1.50 Eight months SI.OO Six months « 2'~’ c Four months s^c Subscription Prices Daily and Sunday (By Mail —Payable Strictly in Advance) IWU Mo. 3 Mos. 6 Mos. 1 Yr. Daily and Sunday 20c fiOc $2.50 $5.00 $0.50 Dailv 16* 70c 2.00 4.00 <-50 Sunday 7c 30c • !)0 I’s 1 ’ 5 3-26 The Tri-Weekly Journal is published on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday and is mailed by the shortest routes for early delivery. It contains news from all over the world, brought by special leased wires into our office. It has a staff of distinguished con tributors, with strong departments of spe cial value to the home and the farm. Agents wanted at every postoffice. Lib eral commission allovred. Outfit free. Write R. R. BRADLEY, Circulation Man ager. The only traveling representatives we have are B. F. Bolton, C. C. Coyle, Charles H. Woodliff, J. M. Patten, Dan Hall. Jr., W. L. Walton, M. H. Bevil and John Mac- Jennings. We will be responsible for money paid to the above named traveling representatives. NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS The label need for addressing your paper shows the time your subscription expires. By renewing at least two weeks before the date on this label, you insure regular service. In ordering paper changed, be sure to mention your old as well as your new address. If on a route, please firivp the ioute number. . We cannot enter subscriptions to begin with back num bers. Remittances should be sent by postal order or 16 Address all’orders and notices for this Department to THE TRI-WEEKLY'JOURN AL, Atlanta, Ga. Giving a Great Georgian Due Credit and Fair Play WHEN a State’s most distinguished public servant appears before the people of his home city to give an account of his stewardship and a reason for the faith that is in him he is entitled, to say the least, to an open-minded and liberal hearing. It was to be expected, then, that Senator Hoke Smith would be greeted by a large audience at the Auditorium Thursday evening and listened to with peculiarly keen interest. And that expectation was abundant ly fulfilled. For however one may regard his present candidacy, whether with ftW or disapproval, with settled or uncertain opin ion, none will gainsay that a citizen who has done as much for his Commonwealth —its business, agricultural and educational inter ests —as Senator Smith as done for Georgia has b. right to be heard in answer to his critics and in exposition of any phase of his record which may have been called into question. Particularly is this true when po litical spite and slander go to the extremes they are now going in onslaughts against a Georgian who has given his best years and labors in service to his people. Let it be said at the outset that many who stand with Senator Smith on the policies which he represents at this crulcial juncture of the party’s and the nation’s affairs have differed with him on previous occasions, and count themselves entirely free to differ with him again. But was there ever a man who grappled public problems and issues for more than a quarter of a century with whom divers elements of his constituency did not differ from time to time? If it were by occasional disagreements rather than by the larger standards of service and dependability that public men were measured, there would never have been the life work of a Wash ingtorr.or a Jefferson, a John B. Gordon or a Benjamin H. Hill. Judged by these larger standards, Sena*- tor Smith’s record attests him one of the most useful Georgians of his generation and one of the ablest Americans of his time. The facts of his career speak so plainly and so splendidly that all the calumny which malice rains against him can never obscure or tarnish them. His traducers can concoct all manner of falsehoods, just as they did against Woodrow Wilson in the Georgia Presidential primary of 1912. (And the public can hardly have failed to notice that the bitterest slanderers of Hoke Smith now were the bitterest slanderers of Mr. Wilson then.) But they can point to no act of his in substantiation of their blanket indictment. They can specify no vote of his, no in stance of omission or commission, to show that he did not work unreservedly, whole heartedly and with a patriot’s tireless zeal for the triumph of American arms and American ideals in the World war. What military or diplomatic measure did he fail to support? Was it the resolution, passed while we were yet at peace with Ger many, providing for the arming of our mer chant vessels against U-boat attacks and pro claiming every American’s right to travel the high' seas unmolested? For that measure Hoke Smith did more than vote; in the open Senate he pleaded for its passage, and with such warmth that he came near having a personal difficulty with Senator La Follette, who led the opposition. Was it the declara tion of war or the army and navy bills im mediately following? The recprd shows not only,that Senator Smith supported them all, but* that long before the emergency came he urged full-sinewed preparation, foreseeing as he did the inevitable crisis. Was it the Selective Service bill? His detainers know well enough, if they have taken any pains to inquire, that he was urging the passage of that measure when some of their own num ber were approaching it as timid apologists or standing sheepishly non-commital. They know that while Democratic leaders like Speaker Clark end Congressman Kitchin, to gether with a number of Senators, were work ing vehemently against the Selective Service bill, Hoke Smith was working earnestly for it, although he had good rehson to suspect that in so doing he was hazarding his po lit’cal life. Yet, today we hear envious babblers, who were hiding in a no-man’s and when that supreme question was at issue, denouncing Georgia’s senior Senator as disloyal ’ and “un-American ’’ If there is anything which the people of this Commonwealth detest more deeply than either unfairness or cowardice, it is unfair ness and cowardice combined. Just such is the combination of the slanderous onset now directed against Georgia’s senior Sena tor. Let those who oppose him as foemen of honor use their weapons as they will. But no opponent with a spark of good sports manship will deny the Senator’s rich services to his State; and none with a spark of mor al courage will seek to assassinate his char acter under cover of a political campaign. Hoke Smith has done more for Georgia through any one of the great agricultural or educational bills which he has pressed to anactment than the entire clique of his de tainers could accomplish in a life-time. He did more toward winning the war through a single month of his activity as member of the Military Affairs Committee and through a single day of fearless advocacy of the Se lective Service act than the whole tribe of his traducers ever dreamed of undertaking. They know, if they have so much as glanced at the record, that he supported every war measure, most of them in their original form, some with clarifying amendments, but all in their essential principle and purpose. He THE ATLANTA TRI-WEEKLY JOURNAL. urged certain modifications in the Food Con trol bill as it first came before the Senate. Many of us urged at the time that the meas ure be rushed to enactment unchanged. But candor compels us now to admit that the ob jections which Senator Smith raised were all in the interest of the Southern farmer, and that the bill which finally passed and which he heartily supported accomplished the ends for which the original draft was designed. As for his position on the now all-impor tant question of peace, he is sustained by the leading liberal thought of America and of the Allied countries as well. When politi cians denounce him for voting for the Peace Treaty with reservations, which was the only ground upon which it could secure a ratify ing majority, they denounce the rank and silo of the Treaty’s stanchest and wisest friends. For with the exception ''*of a few echoing voices statesmen and publicists who believe in a League of Nations and who rea lize the imperative need of restoring our own and the world’s affairs to a normal ba sis, have urged and still are urging that the Treaty be ratified with reservations and be accepted by the Executive Department. If it be disloyal to stand for that policy, then the majority of the United States Senate, Demo crats and Republicans alike, are disloyal; the American press, almost in its entirely, is disloyal; men like President Lowell, of Har vard; William Jennings Bryan. William How ard Taft, Herbert Hoover and Robert Lans ing until recently Secretary of State, are all disloval; indeed, every American and every Georgian who prefers a prompt peace and a workable League of Nations to prolonged un certainty and no League at all, is disloyal. The fact is, of course, the political in triguers who are loudest in libeling Sena tor Smith are utterly indifferent to the great issues of the hour, and at heart are no more loyal to Woodrow Wilson today than when they were defaming him in a Georgia pri mary eight years gone by. They are clamor ing for the League covenant precisely as it came from Versailles, simply because Sena tor Smith stands for needful reservations. If he by chance were opposing all reserva tions, these enemies of his would be up roariously for them. It is an altogether cyn ical role thev are playing, and a desperate one. In efforts to destroy the usefulness of a Georgian who has served his people with extraordinary distinction and effectiveness, they have taken a gentleman from Pennsyl vania (an able and highly regarded gentle man, it is true, but obviously not to be con sidered for the Presidency) and have made him their pretended candidate in Georgia. Upon the pretext of supporting him, they are assailing their own State’s senior Senator with unexampled viciousness. The situation is one which, when seen in its true lighj, cannot fail to arouse resentment and dis gust in every lover of fair play. It is in these circumstances, and in cham pionship of a great principle and a great cause, that Senator Smith speaks in Atlanta Thursday night. His home city, we are sure, will hear him with enthusiasm. The Georgia Spirit. THE THOMASVILLE TIMES-ENTER PRISE aptly defineg “the Georgia spirit’’ as one that is “worthy of the great State we live in and of the opportuni ties which it presents for development and advancement.” It is forward-looking and in tensely dynamic, is this spirit, responding to every occasion for constructive service and welcoming every chance for fraternal co-op eration; only give it right-of-way, and there will be no measuring the Commonwealth’s prosperity and progress. But let none imagine that he can hold this generous attitude and be animated by this upbuilding purpose unless he rises above lit tle jealousies and prejudices and strives shoulder to shoulder with others for the gen eral good. As the Times-Enterprise well phrases it: “If Georgians threw aside their petty factional and sectional differences and went to work to develop the State, the har vest would be big enough for every one of the three millions of us to reap wonderful profits.” Bringing the principle home to its own district, our contemporary exhorts: Let’s develop some of that get-together Georgia spirit down here. We have the favored section of the state, the section that most needs development. If we haven’t the grit and determination to put it to work we are inane and useless ten ants of the soil. If we will work and with our energy contribute our share to the Georgia spirit we will give something to the co-ordination of our resources and possibilities so that they may count not for personal gain -so much as general commmunity and state progress and ad vancement. When we shall have accom plished that we will gain enough to have made it more than worth while. This is a doctrine which every region and county of Georgia will do well to ponder and practice. Not by churlish provincialism and selfish pulling-apart can communities serve their best individual interests, but by working liberally together for their common cause. This is the true Georgia spirit. 8 Better Than Cotton. Byway of illustrating the remarkable gains of food-crop values in Georgia and the south, the Lyons Progress presents some meaty figures on peanut production. Not until three years ago, it points out, did the peanut harvest in this section amount to much outside of certain parts of North Carolina and Virginia. In 1917 peanuts were planted rather extensively as a substi tute “money crop” for cotton, which was then in the troublous tides of the boll weevil invasion. Notwithstanding that markets for the new product had to be established and developed, the records show that even in that experimental year “the money value of the crop was thirty-nine dollars an acre, while doHa«“n IJr ° ug,lt '°rty-n in e But now see what occurs three years later. “In 1919,” says our contemporary, “the crop showed a value of one hundred and thirty nine dollars and sixty cents an acre, while the value of cotton was sixty-nine dollars and seventy cents an acre.” Divers other food crops show a 'correspondingly rapid and substantial increase over the once dominant and well-nigh exclusive staple. No longer is there a shadow of need or excuse for a Southern State’s adhering to the all-cotton system. ♦— QUIPS AND QUIDDITIES Vice President Marshall, when still a strug gling lawyer in Indiana, was sitting in his lit tle office when a genial book agent entered and undertook to sell him a new edition of the Bible, “full morocco, annotated,” etc. Be fore the agent was through with his descrip tion of the merits of the new volume Marshall interrupted him to ask who the author was. “W-h-y, this is the Bible,” explained the agent. “I am fully aware of that,” answered Marshall, in full soberness, “but, I ask again, who is the author?” Again the salesman ex plained that he was offering the Bible. Again Marshall demanded the name of the author, and the demand and the explanation were re peated in varying forms again and again. Finally the man of the books gathered up his samples, retreated to the door, and then, with one hand on the knob, turned around and shouted: “You pinheaded fool and blithering idiot, it’s the Bible.” GOING UP IN SAFETY—By Frederic J. Haskin WASHINGTON, D. C., April s.—Danger in elevator travel will be practically eliminated for this city, and an ex ample set for oYher parts of the country, if a bill now in congress becomes a law. We ride in elevators so freely and frequent ly that we seldom realize either the hazards or convenience of vertical transportation. Passenger elevators are far safer now than when they were first introduced, but still it is estimated that about 1,300 persons are killed or injured in them every year in this country. This may not seem an alarming number of casualties, but it should be taken into account that most elevator accidents are fatal or result in serious disabilities. At least eighty per cent of the accidents are caused by people stepping into open shaft* ways, or by the car starting before the passen ger is safely in or out. This eighty per cent of the accidents is unnecessary, elevator ex perts say, as devices are on the market which prevent a car from moving until both car and shaft doors are locked. Once the elevator starts on a trip, the doors cannot be opened until it reaches a landing. The safety devices are not altogether new, and Washington is not the first city to pro pose compulsory use of them. Heretofore, however, many experts have held that to de pend on mechanical or electric safety appa ratus would put a premium on carelessness on the part of the operator. Efficiency in man aging the car they believed to be the best pre caution against accidents. But in time the safety devices were improved, people con tinued to get killed in unprotected elevators, and inspectors gave up hope of more careful operators. Mr. W. J. Evans, chief inspector of eleva tors in Washington, was one of those who for a long time had visions of the perfect elevator chaueffeur. “Lately,” he says, “I have come to see that we can never have much better service than we get now, because no one can pay operators enough to insure it. Before the war, SSO a month was the average pay for operators. Now it is around $75. In big office buildings, of course, SIOO or more is sometimes paid. But there is no chance for advancement, and men take up the work only because it is easy, or temporarily, while they fit themselves for something else. Operators usually prefer to work in office buildings, as they can some times ingratiate themselves in some business man’s favor and be given a chance in his office.” Women, according to Mr. Evans, are more satisfactory operators than men, as they take the work more seriously. In the war days, women ran seventy per cent of the elevators in Washington. Now this percentage is cut almost in half, not by lack of women willing to work, but because the men returned to their old jobs. Women like elevator work, Mr. Evans says, because it is less irksome and more interesting than domestic service. If there is any difference in the number of acci dents, there are fewer with women employes. The elevator safety bill is expected to be passed with little opposition. Such bills have failed before, but this year the memory of a tragedy that shocked Washington is still fresh in the minds of most congressmen. This acci dent occurred several months ago, when a woman prominent in official society stumbled as she entered an apartment house elevator. She clutched at the operator and the brake was accidentally shifted, so that the car start ed up. The woman was crushed and died ten minutes later. This sort of thing—a typical elevator accident —would be impossible in a ca.r that could start only when the doors were locked. The pending bill is similar to ordinances in some other cities. The owner of an elevator must install some safety locking device (which will cost about SSO a floor) and have it approved by the elevatdr inspectors. If he fails to comply with the law by a certain date, he must pay a fine of $25 for every day the car is run without the attachment. Washington residences contain more auto matic cars than those of any other city in the United States in proportion to population. There are certain sections where scarcely a home is without an elevator system, some even having separate cars for servants. THE EVERLASTING NO By Dr. Frank Crane What did Carrlyle mean by The Everlast-, Ing No? I think he meant that the source of moral power is a sober, conscientious indifference. This is a statement very easily misunder stood. There isn’t any truth that is vital and dynamic that the captious and argumen tative cannot deny. But I think what Car lyle had in mind is as follows: The right thing is a jealous thing; so long as a man loves father or mother or wife or children, yea, or his own life, more than it. he is not worthy of it. He must reach the center of indifference —that point where he chooses to do that thing, or say that word, nt/ matter if the heavens fall, or the devil offers him all the kingdoms of this world, or the church of fers him all the bliss of the next world if he will only change. This indifference has been called many hard names, such as heretic, pig-headed, stubborn, egotistic, conceited; it has been cursed by mankind with bell, book, and can dle, yet it is the backbone of any real mor als. Husband and wife should love each other above all flesh; they should bend, yield, sac rifice, give way a hundred times a week; yet no woman soul ever truly respected a man soul except she felt that somewhere within him was a spot that would not yield, a piece of human granite that her tears could not soften, her nails could not scratch, her smiles could not melt. Inside his true care for her is a little place that does not care for her, for heaven, nor for hell. Likewise no man ever made an utter con quest of a woman’s heart, ever proved to himself that he could make her do any thing, but that he retired from his victory* with a sense of contempt. In her inner shrine a woman, who is worth loving is unconquerable. This trait is not to be confounded with petty obstinacy. The difference between lit tle stubbornness, dumb reasonableness, and the grandeur of true moral indifference is just the difference between a jackass and a hero. There is no majesty in a mule, and there is no mulishness in majesty. Take success, real success. You will never reach it until you come to the place where you do not give a rap whether you reach it or not. It is the man who cares too much to be mayor who ought not to be mayor, the man who cares too much to be rich that ought not to be rich, and it is the woman who cares too much to be beautiful that cannot be truly beautiful. A person can never be sure of happiness until he learns this secret of inner indiffer ence to the universe, until he learns the self sufficiency of his own resources. Then he will not let little things, nor big things, wor ry him; then he will have a healthy body and a sane mind; then he will laugh at misfortune and not be drunk with success; then his friendship will be the loyal forth putting of a strong nature that clings through good and evil; then his love for i woman will be the passion and homage of a | worth-while man and not the sickly longing •of broken will; then his religion will not be a thing of fear nor favor, but a deep joining of his soul to absolute right. (Copyright, 1920, by Frank Crane.) The automatic type of car, worked by press buttons, and used in most residences, is one of the safest known. The electric witch pre vents the current from being established while the doors are open. When the car is in motion it cannot be called by another person wishing to use it. If a passenger pushes a button to go to a certain floor, and changes his mind, he informs the car by pressing the emergency button, and then the button of the desired floor. The automatic electric ele vator responds to you desires in away that is almost human. Electric elevators have taken the place of the old hydraulic cars almost everywhere, for passenger service. “Old,” in speaking of ele vators, refers to no date farther back than 1870. Before that, a six-story building was a towering monstrosity, too high for every day use. The new invention made possible twelve-story structures, but New* York’s forty story skyscrapers were still in the air castle stage. This was partly b.ecause the hydraulic con veyor depends on water pressure, usually forced by a plunger —a long piston under the car. This plunger has to be as long as the elevator shaft,, which means that for a two hundred-foot building, a hole two hundred feet deep has to be dug to hold the plungei when the elevator is down. To dig one toot costs about SIOO, so that the plunger elevator is anything but inexpensive in a tall structure. When the electric elevator was invented, buildings began to shoot skyward, especially in New York, where elbow room was no longer to be had at any price. seem to have reached their limit when the Woolworth building—the worlds tallest— was built in 1914. This 785-foot structure has fifty-four floors. Its elevatois attain a speed of nearly 800 feet a minute on express trips. For some years the Washington monument was the tallest building in this country at 555 feet. Its elevator makes the run to the top in five minutes, a low rate of speed being necessary because of the cosmopolitan charac ter of the visitors. That is, in the Woolworth or Singer buildings, office workers demand high speed and rapid elevator service, but all sorts of persons visit the monument and some of them become nervous as they look up the unbroken line of wall to the top. The slow, steady trip up the monument is far more nerve-racking, to many persons, than the one minute run to the top of a New York sky scraper There is so much time to imagine how you would look if you dropped four or five hundred feet to the ground. As a matter of fact the monument elevator is one of the most reliable anywhere. Its ropes are the largest in the city, and rules of safety are carefully observed. The newest type of elevator is the electric traction. A single high-powered car of this kind with all new devices costs as much as $20,000. These elevators are absolutely safe, but their cost is prohibitive in many cases, and they are not capable of attaining full efficiency in a building less than twenty stories high. The cars are capable of travel ing 800 feet a minute, biii this speed cannot even be approached when stops must be made every twenty feet to let passengers on or off. The head of a fire department said recent ly that a large percentage of fires are caused by trash in elevator shaftways, becoming ignited. As it is against the law everywhere to dump papers or other refuse in such places there is no excuse for these fires. An elevator inspector says that he often finds hatchways in which paper and rags are piled three feet deep until they are level with the floor. Before this is cleaned out, some man gets into the elevator with a cigai* or cigarette, and finding women present, he gallantly flicks his smoke through the grating. Sometimes it goes out. More often a fire is started, and while most shafts are made as fireproof as possible by solid iron and glass enclosures, still all elevator shafts are smoke pipes in is obviously that if you find y ourself in an case of fire. The moral for elevator habitues is obviously that if you find yourself in an elevator with ladies and a cigar you should hold your weed unobtrusively- instead of care lessly lighting a fire with it. EDUCATION FOR LIFE . By H. Addington Bruce IT is a splendid thing to educate a boy so that in later years he shall be able to earn a good living. Bvt it is a miserable thing to educate him so that he shall be able to do little else than earn his living. Which is something many of us seem to be forgetting in these days of vociferous de mand for “vocational education.” Education for life is the great need, not education merely for a livelihood. And edu cation for life involves education for self control, education for social adaptability and responsibility, education for altruism, educa tion for the wise use of leisure. Take a vocationally educated boy who is not also educated for life, and what kind of a man do you get? You know well enough, for you meet his kind every day. He may be a marvel of efficiency in his chosen occupation—-though he is not likely to be even that. Outside his occupation he is singularly inferior. His conversation is limited to “small talk, the smallest of the small. One sometimes is tempted to describe him as feeble-minded apart from business? Certainly he knows next to nothing of lit erature, of art, of music, of science, of the wonders and beauties of nature. He cannot converse intelligently about political prob lems or social movements of importance. He has never been enough interested in these things really to think about them. And because he is destitude of worth-while interests outside of business, leisure is a ter rible bore to him. He is utterly, almost pa thetically, at a loss if cast upon his own re sources for entertainment. “Let’s go to a show,” he implores. Or, “Let’s play cards.” Or, “What do you say to a game of billiards?” Anything will do, so long as it enables him to “kill time” agree ably until business once more demands his attention. Withal, he is apt to be abnormally self opinionated, self-assertive, self-centered. If naturally of a kind disposition he may be generous to an extreme when the needs of others are called to his attention. But he is apt to look upon the needy as essentially his inferiors. Worshiping the god of world ly success, he is impatient with any who have to confess to worldly failure. Yet there are moments when he himself has misgivings about the wisdom of his man agement of life. There are times when, restless and dis contented, he knows not w r hy, he confesses to unhappiness, perhaps rushes to his doctor for something that will “steady his nerves” and “make him sleep better.” No; education for livelihood is never enough. There must also and always be edu cation for life. And the sooner this is gen erally appreciated the better for human wel fare. (Copyright, 1920, by the Associated News papers.) “John,” said her husband’s wife, “I don’t believe you have smoked one of those lovely cigars 1 gave you at Christmas.” “No, my dear, I haven’t.” replied his wife’s husband. “As a matter of fact, I intend to keep them tlntil our little Willie grows up and wants to learn to smoke.” SATURDAY, APRIL 10, 1920. THE TRI-WEEKLY EDITORIAL DIGEST A National and Non-Partisan Summary of Leading Press Opinion on Current Questions and Events “In urging the new home rule bill as a settlement of the Irish question the Lloyd George government returns to a hopeless task,” declares the NEW YORK WORLD (Dem.). “The measure meets with strong favor in no quarter and bitter opposition from every side. The stand taken by the government itself is almost apologetic.” “A situation that for the sake of all parties calls for speedy correction,” the WORLD continues, “presents insoluble difficulties, not less through the inability of the Irish people to come to an agreement on a work able plan of self-government for united Ire land than through the conflict of opinions and interests at Westminster. The ALBANY TIMES-UNION (Dem.) gives the following summary of the measure: “Each division of Ireland (north and south) will have its parliament of 52 and 128 members, respectively; each parliament will be charged with the preliminary duty of naming twenty persons, in any way it de sires, to form with a representative of the British crown the council of Ireland, and this council will have power, whenever it can agree on the subject, to establish a united parliament for Ireland, fixing the number of members, the manner of election and the lim its of the constituencies.” But there are strict limits to the power of such a body— “ Neither parliament nor the united parlia ment (in the improbable event that one is obtained) may make laws respecting the crown, international relations, army and navy, extra-territorial trade, coinage, cables, wireless, aerial navigation, lighthouses, buoys and beacons, trade marks, patent rights and so forth; acts of any Irish parliament are void if they conflict with acts of the parlia ment of the United Kingdom; and any act of an Irish parliament is void unless it re ceives the royal approval within a year. Since the British crown is but another name in legislative matters for the ruling majority in th ehouse of commons it is plain that Ire land will have home rule only to the extent that it is desired by the majority in the commons. At the same time Irish repre sentation at Westminster is reduced from 103 to 42. There is nothing in this act to pre vent the London government from imposing martial law whenever it deems it expedient.” So, comments the TIMES-UNION, “the sole resemblance to home rule that this plan offers lies merely in the name.” The measure “has few warm supporters in any quarter,” says the SPRINGFIELD REPUBLICAN (Ind.), which regards it as “doubtful that in its present form it will ever be carried into effect,” while the NEW YORK GLOBE (Ind.) holds that “undoubtedly the most serious mistake that Mr. Lloyd George is making in pressing the present bill is his failure to realize that a discontented Ireland Is politi cally, as well as geographically, a perpetual barrier between the two countries (England and America).” The British premier’s resentment at Amer ican propaganda for Ireland was'expressed in sharp language during his defense of the bill in the commons. He compared the Ireland of today to the southern states in 1861-65, and said: “We claim nothing more than the United States claimed for themselves, and we will stand no less.” In reply to this the PHILADELPHIA RECCRD (Ind. Dem.) re calls “how malign and how meddlesome was England’s behavior during those trying four years. British statesmen did all they could to widen the breach between the two sec tions, for they knew that two American re publics would be much easier to deal with than one.” A COMPOSITE HISTORY OF THE WAR So great was the scope of the labors of the peace conference that many important questions were perforce omitted from its de liberations. Mr. Herbert Satterlee, formerly assistant secretary of the navy, submitted to CURRENT EVENTS OF INTEREST Reports from Leipsic to the effect that American shoe salesmen were in evidence at the annual fair of the shoe and leather trade recently held there, and that their wares were quickly snapped up by German buyers at prices ranging from 600 to 1,600 marks per pair, roused the wrath of the Frankfurter Zeitung to such an extent that it devoted considerable space in its issue of March 4 to denouncing the German business men who were thus helping depress the al ready almost worthless mark. The Frank furter Zeitung, which generally speaks for important German business interests, con cluded its criticism as follows: “For months we, and all Germans who think about economics, have been waiting for the decree resting in the bosom of the federal council which is to put into effect the long overdue regulation of imports, and with the help of which such dense and thoughtless persons must finally be com pelled by force and punishments to cease their anti-social activities. Even though these American shoes, which cost 1,600 marks and more wholesale, may reach to the knees, they ought not to find any women in Germany who would wear them and thus stride along, regardless of want and misery.” The waitresses of the Watson hotel, Hunt ington, W. Va., struck recently when the man agement issued an edict that they must not use powder and paint while on duty. Girls employed in the kitchen were included and all quit work. The dining rooms were crowded when the order became known, but that was nothing to them once they had read the fol lowing order posted in the kitchen. “Waitresses shall not paint or powder their faces while serving in the dining room or they must not sit down during business hours. Io employe shall consume more than 50 cents worth of food at one meal.” Ching Ming, the day on which, according to custom, food, flowers and incense are laid upon the graves of departed relatives was ob served in Chinatown, New York, recently. About 100 Chinese in carriages and automobiles made a pilgrimage to Evergreen and Cypress Hills cemeteries, in Brooklyn, where many of their race are buried. With the modernization of China the cere mony of Ching Ming has been modified. Be fore the republic it was usual for the ortho dox Chinese to offer a chicken, a piece of pork or some other delicacy to his deceased rela tives. Now only flower are used. Ching Ming usually falls in the third month of the Chinese year, corresponding to our May. This year it was the seventeenth day of the second month, year te nos the republic. The Chinese calendar is rapidly being superseded by the European, except for the observance of the old religious holidays. The Cincinnati Enquirer, newspaper of that city, announces the engagement of Miss Helen Herron Taft, daughter of Mr. and Mrs. William Howard Taft, to Mr. Fredrick U. Manning, an instructor at Yale. The wedding, it is said, will take place in July at the Taft summer home, Murray Bay, Que. When in Cincinnati recently on her way to California from Washington, Miss Taft confided to relatives the news of her approaching marriage, it is said. Irish Self-Determination the conference a proposal for a historical commission comprised of representatives of each of the Allies, who would be delegated to write a history of the great war, in which a fair share of credit would be assigned to each participant, but the proposal was not acted upon. It would seem that this omission of th* conference need not prevent the writing r such'a composite history. There are many reasons why such a commission as proposed would-confer a lasting benefit on the world. Biased histories, taught in schools, can make more mischief in international relations than the cleverest diplomacy can ever unravel. Our school histories for generations fostered an anti-British feeling in this country. In Germany the mischievous possibilities of prejudiced history taught to school children were consciously and purposely used to the limit. Such a history would once and for all shatter the popular illusion, common to each one of the Allies, to wit: “We won the war.” France knows she stopped the German - ood, England is certain her navy did the whole job, Belgium has been acclaimed the world’s savior elsewhere than within her own bound aries, and every doughboy can vouch that just in the nick of time we arrived on the scene to achieve victory. How bitter it would be for soapbox orators to be faced by school children who can fairly assign to each nation its part in the world war! But a just appraisal of the deeds of other nations, taught in the public schools of all the Allies, will cement bonds of friendship between the nations and will go far in ful filling the purposes for which war was fought. It will tend to create in the children an understanding of the.worth and nobility to be found in other nations besides their own and will inculcate a proportionate re spect for the rights of other peoples.—ST. JOSEPH NEWS-PRESS (Ind.) AN EXPLOIT IN FRENCH MILITARISM The French threat to occupy the cities of Frankfort, Darmstadt, Homburg and Hanau on the right bank of the Rhine is a far more serious menace to the peace of Europe than the use of troops by the German govern ment to suppress internal disorders in the Ruhr district. Technically the treaty of Versailles ad mits of the construction which the French government has given to it. By its terms the German government is forbidden to maintain or assemble armed forces, “either permanently or temporarily” in the zone “west of a line drawn fifty kilometers to the east of the Rhine.” “In case Germany vioilates in any manner whatever” the provi sions of this article “she shall be regarded as committing a hostile act against the pow ers signatory to the present treaty and as calculated to disturb the peace of the world.” That this restriction, however, was in tended to prevent the German government from employing troops in the neutral zone east of the Rhine to preserve order and put down rebellion is contrary to common sense. No government could survive under such restrictions. Neither Great Britain nor Italy regards the action as a violation of the treaty, nor does the government of the United States. In spite of the hysterical utterances of an inspired French press, it may be doubted if the French government itself is gravely concerned with the presence of German troops in the neutral zone in view of all the circumstances, or believes that 40,000 Ger man soldiers engaged in maintaining public order and in protecting life and property are a danger to the security of France. What the French government is most concerned about is the growing demand for a revision of the peace treaty and the reluctance of Great Britain to Interpret it literally.—NEW YORK "WORLD (Dem.) Workers have takqp over control in town* and cities of lower Saxony, but there is an impression their ascendancy will be short lived, as they are not sufficiently organized in a military way to resist pressure success fully. In this little town of Falkenstein, tucked away in a pretty valley fifteen miles from Plauen, Max Hoelz, whose regular job is lec turer in a moving picture theater, is direct ing affairs. It is asserted there is no soviet here. The burgomaster fled when the up heaval came two weeks ago ,and workers have since been co-operating with the other town officials, none of whom has been re moved. The principal task of the workers is policing the town. Hoelz has established headquarters in the castle of Freiherr Falkenstein, who has fled from this region. The red flag waves from the tower. Hoelz said: “The time is not ripee for the establishment of a soviet form of govern ment. The agriculturists would not approve of it, and we would be quickly starved out. Former Premier Asquith, in a speech at the National Liberal club in London, re plied to Premier Lloyd George’s declaration that all the old parties should unite against the Labor party to prevent bolshevism. Mr. Asquith said the appeal was for class cleav age and the most mischievous thing that has been done. “1 am glad we are approaching the close of a tranc.’e’.: era of organized insincerity,” Mr. Asquith said, adding that the free lib erals would not “be harnessed to the wheels of the Tory chariot.” He branded the Irish bill “a most fantas tic and impracticable scheme and the greatest travesty of self-government ever offered a nation.” The significance of Mr. Asquith’s speech is that it registers the formal split in the Lib eral party and begins a new chapter in Brit ish politics. It is pointed out that all Liberals will now have to choose whether they will support the Coalition party of Lloyd George or give their adherence to Mr. Asquith, who claims to be the leader of the legitimate Lib eral party. The Coalition government until recently claimed to be nothing more than a temporary arrangement, but it is now looked on as having become an organized party, with the Labor party indicated as its chief oppo nent. The Social Democratic League of America, which is composed of Socialists who left tho 4 ' party because of its stand against Americar. participation in the war, issued an appeal foi amnesty for political prisoners and denounced the ousting of the Socialist Assemblymen 2k Albany. The league asked for support in a fight for free speech. Concerning Eugene Debs, the appeal said: “To Americans who care for the soul of their country it is intolerable that the government should imprison a man like Debs, whose whole life has been devoted to his conception of the cause of human brotherhood and whose heart is as pure and as gentle as that of Lincoln himself.” __ _ _