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a*V - »BK§iSsasu. ■?-*. —-4±y_ ■’ _, . - - • ■ ?bh PI aB iriiv '\ r ' ’ tOJb* IA W M Iwt /«1 t\ s;V'l. w> cjfe\ IW ® V n\rM^| f ** • lij mfj ta v\K Ase ? - uW'v ® .W-S&s®te pKte-«R>/ .■''W-X’*-. ft- -A ,£• ./ «„ f .+■ ■-■■ -.t ■ >.^ ■ ; '-,.■.- ’-■•■■< .<* - —a..' -■-■■;: •■•■'•' - ■ V. z. .. . ?C. V0L.13-NO. 49. MESSAGE L. L. POLK, 'a-.. Z’residexxt and \ it mak Os The on the ’ ing, vs ;,? NATIONAL FARMERS ALLIAW I -AJSTID INDUSTRIAL UNION. • OG.S.[.A, FLA,.BBCEMBER 2, 1593. To the Officers and Members of the I Supreme Council of the N. F. A. and I. U: ' Congratulating you, and through you, the great organization you represent, on the hopeful and encouraging auspices un der which you have this day assembled, I beg to submit, for your earnest consid eration such thoughts and suggestions affecting the present and future of our great order, as may conduce to the suc cessful prosecution of its noble and patri otic purposes. Profoundly impressed with the magni tude of this great revolution for reform, involving issues momentous and stupen dous in their character affecting the pres ent and future welfare of the people; the public mind is naturally directed to this meeting with anxious interest, if not so licitude, and you cannot be unmindful of the importance and responsibility that attaches to your action as representatives. Coming, as you do, from states and lo calities remote from each other, and differing widely from each other in their material and physological characteristics and marked by those social and political differences, which must necessarily arise under our form of government, it is your gracious privilege, as it shall be your crcwning honor, to prove to the world by your harmonious action and thoroughly ifraternal co-operation, that your su preme purpose is to meet the demands of patriotic duty in the spirit of equity ana justice. The great and universal depression under which the agricultural interests . of these United States are suffering, is, in view of our surroundings and condi tions, an anomaly to the student cf in dustrial progress. No country or people in all history have been so favored or hlested with opportunity and favorable conditions for the successful and profit able prosecution cf agricultural indus tries.' With soils, climate and seasons admirably adapted to the successful growth of all the great staple crops de manded by commerce; with a people justly noted for their industry, frugali ty, and progressive enterprise, and char acterized by an aggressiveness in mate rial development which has no parallel in history; with transportation facili ties, inland and upon the seas, equal to the productive power of the country; with a development in rail road and manufacturing enterprise, and in the growth of villages, towns and cit ies—marvelous in its expansion—with the rapid accumulation of colossal for tunes in the hands of the few—why, in stead of the happy song of peace, con tmtment and plenty, which should bless the homes of the farmer and laborer of the country, should we hear the constant and universal wail of ‘‘hard times?” To solve this significant and vital question in the light of equity, justice and truth, is the underlying principle, the holy mission and inspiraiion of this, the greatest industrial revolution of the ages. . . Te restore and mair tain that equipoise between the great industrial interests of the country which is absolutely essential to a healthful progress and to the devel opment of our civilization, is a task which should enlist the minds and ener gies of all patriotic people—a task as stupendous as its accomplishment shall be grand and glorious. The pathway of human governments is strewn with mournful wrecks of re publics, whose ruin was wrought by and through the subordination and degrada tion of some one or more of their essen tial elements of civilization. It has been truly said, that agricul ture is the best of all wealth, and im portant and indespensible as it is in this relation, yet its higher character and function as the basis of all life, of all progress, and of ail higher civilization, can be measured only by human capabili ty and aspiration to reach the highest perfection o.f society and government. Standing as it does, by far the most im portant of our great indue trial intjrests, and related as it is, in such important connection, with every individual and every conceivable interest in our coun try, its prosperity means the betterment of all—its decline means the decline of all. Retrogression in American agriculture means national decay and utter and in evitable ruin. Powerful and promising as is this young giant republic, yet, its power and glory cannot survive the deg racation of the American farmer. Never, perhaps, in the history of the world has industrial and economic thought been more intensely engaged, than for the past two years in this coun tiy, in which the investigation of the causes which have conspired to’ place agriculture so far in the rear in the ra ;e of material progre s. This investigation earnest, sincere and searching—has led to the general, if not universal, conviction that it is due in large measure and in most part to par tial, discriminating and grossly unjust national legislation. Were it due to false or imperfect systems of farm econ omy we would be graciously allowed and liberally advised to apply the reme dy by ituproved oi ejjr o.wn devising, but, thanks to the foundeis of our government for the power and priv ilege of going beyond the domain of the farm to correct the evils that afflict us. This great organization, whose juris diction now extends to thirty-five states ot this union, and whsse membership and co-workers number millions of Amer ican free men, united by a common in terest, confronted by common dangers, impelled by a common purpose, devoted to a common countiy—standing for a common destiny, and goaded by the dic tates of an exalted patriotism will in the exercise of eonservative political action, strive to secure “jqual rights for all, and special privileges to none,” and se cure indeed “a government of the peo ple, for tae pscple and bv the people.” No patriot can view, but with feelings of gravest apprehension and alarm, the growing tendency, under the fostering care of our politico economic systems, to the centralization of the money pow er and the upbuilding of monopolies. Centralized capital, allied to irresponsi ble corporate power, stands to-day as a formidable menace to individual rights and popular government. This power is fait in our halls of legislation, state and national—in our popular conven tions, at the ballot box and in our tem ples of justice, and it arrogantly lays its unholy band on that greatest and most powerful lever of modern thought and action—the public press of the country. Emboldened by the rapid growth of its power, it has levied tribute on the great political parties of the country vrhich must be paid in servile party sub serviency to its greedy demands. High places in politics and in government have been entrusted to its chosen ser vants and suborned leaders, who scorn the will and interests of the people, so that reflecting, patriotic seen are con fronted with the question, whether this is really a populor government founded “on the consent of the governed” and whose “powers are vested in and deriv ed from the people,” or whether it is a party government, whose powers are vested in and derived from arrogant and unfaithful party leaders, We are rapidly drifting from the moor ings of our fathers, and stand today in the crucial era of our free institutions, of our free term of government, and of our Christian civilization. To rescue these inestimable blessings and interests from the impending peril should be the self imposed duty of all patriots through out the laud. PBOGBK6S OF OBGANIZ A.TION. Since our last annual meeting in the city of St. Louis, the states of Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, North Dakota, Cali fornia, Colorado, West Virginia, Penn sylvania and Oklahoma have been addbd to the roll-call of our Supreme Council. Organizers are at-work in the states of Washington, Oregon, Ohio, New York. New Jersey and Arizona. And in all these states the fields are ripe unto the harvest, but the laborers are few. 1 cannot too earnestly urge upon you the importance of devising means and methods for the prompt occupation of these, and other states, with competent and active organizers. During the year I have visited officially twenty-four (24) states, and everywhere, I sou ad a zeal ous interest and harmonious spirit among the brotherhood. Ipdeed the or der was never in finer spirit or more united in purpose thin it is to-day. LKCTUBKES. If asked, what is the greatest and most essential need of our order, as contribut ing most to its ultimate and triumphant success, I should unhesitatingly answer in one word:-—Education. THE OFFICIAL ORGAN OF THE GEORGIA STATE ALLIANCE. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, TUESDAY MORNING. DECEMBER 9, ±B9O. Education, in the mutual relations and reciprocal duties toward each other, as brethren, as neighbors, as memoers of society—education, in the responsible duties of citizenship—education, in the science of economical government—?lu cation, for higher aspiration, higbet thought, and higher manhood ameug the masses —education in a broad patri otism which should bind the great con servative masses of the country in the strongest ties of fraternity and union. Hence, I urgently commend to your most favorable consideration the import ance of providing at once a plan by which competent lecturers can ba active ly employed and maintained in the field. Zealous, faithful and untiring as has been your national lecturer, Brother Terrell, yet the service rendered by him was not a tithe of what is urgently de manded from all sections of our territo ry. I commend to your consideration the policy of employing lecturers at fixed salaries, to be pail from- the national treasury, or treasuries of the states iu which they shall be emplpyed, op from both jointly, whose entire time shall be devoted to the work, and in sufficient number that the waole field may be canvassed during the year. Selected for their peculiar fitness anil em ploying their whole time would give-us a service which for efficiency, could be secured in no other way. In most of the states comprising this council, the entire service of two good lecturers could ami should be constantly employed, even should it require the temporary abandon ment of local or state enterprises. Never perhaps in the history of tliis order has there been, or will be, a period when the demand f®r this indispensable service will be so great as now and never can the expenditure of money, if wisely directed, be so effectual and profitable ‘J our order! In view -of- its tance ‘and the urgent demand for it, l’ trust you will pardon me if I most earn estly insist that this department of our work, shall have your most deliberate and earnest consideration. ALLIANCE LITSBATUBE. By far the most potent and influential power underlying this great revolution of industrial and/ economid thought, has been the refonn press. At the earliest moment practicable, the supreme coun cil should digest and inaugurate a plan which will ultimately give to every fam ily in our order a thoroughly relia ble paper, devoted to the principles of the order. We have a national organ of high order and several of the statee have organs which are doing noble service in the cause, but as an order we cannot claim to be properly equipped, nor need we hope for that zeal, fraternity and unity so essential to success until each state iu our jurisdiction shall have at least one paper to represent us, whose dignity and character and power shall command the support of our members and the respect of our enemies. Let us place our aims, purposes and principles at the hearth-stones of our laboring mil lioss and thus arouse to activity the dor mant brain power of the masses, that they may grasp the grand possibilities and duties of their existence. Educate the people in the science of true economical government and in the great principles of civil and religious freedom and keep them informed as to the dangers which threaten these inesti mable blessings and we establish a safe guard for the liberties of the people. I respectfully suggest for your considera tion the advisability and expediency of placing the ownership of the national organ with the national order and the ownership of state organs with their state organizatio is respectively. This plan would secure harmonious co-opera tion ana a uniform policy through all the leading organs of the order and would avoid any possible conflict arising from personal i terest. Tnen the wifi of the order would be the la wof the order and its rule of action. If the Supreme Council shall inaugu rate plans or measures for the dissemi nation and inculcation of true Alliance principies among the people, its exist ence and power will be firmly establish ed. Let the people read and hear the truth, as we understand it. BUSINESS DKPABTMENT. Many of the state organizations have adopted business systems which are being operated with varying success. Some of them are eminently satisfactory and have made large savings to the mem bership. Existing conditions in the different states vary so widely as to preclude the adoption of any uniform system for the transaction of business, but I would res pectfully suggest that this departmentof Al iance work could be materially aided, through the investigation of a commit tee, appointed for the purpose, who shall examine the most successful meth ods now in operation and present their conclusions in'printed form, outlining their state organizations and as sugges tive of improvements on the systems which have been found less successful. A matter of such importance to our financial well-being rhould receive your careful and generous attention. LEGISLATIVE BEFOBM. It is the fixed purpose of this organi zation to secure, if possible, certain needed legislative reforms. However urgent and emphatic may be our de mands, experience teaches us that they are of no avail unless supported and en forced by practical methods as will con- vince the law making power of our de termination and ability to prosecute them to a successful issue. Let this supreme council, representing all parts of the country, aod that great interest that pays over 80 per cent, of all taxes of the country, assert aud main tain its dignity and its solemn purpose to protect and advance the interests of its constituency, by declaring their legislative needs and by showing to the American congress that when its de mands on paper are ignored, it can and will vindicate and maintain its claims at the ballot box. Our recent experience with that body, as well as with the lead ers of the two great political parties of the country, should admonish us that the time had arrived when this great organi zation should take bold and determined action. To this end I respectfully recommend that this council authorize the organiza tion of a body to be known as the NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL, of the National Farmers Alliance and Industrial Union, to whom shall be com,- mitted the charge of such legislative re forms as may be indicated by your body. 1 would respec: fully suggest that the legislative c unc.il b' composed of your ■ national president, who shall bo ex-o'fficio ; chairman, and the presidents of all the i states i epre.sented iu the Supreme Couu -1 oil, and that this b >dy shall hold its an nual meeting witbin sixty days after the adjournment of the supreme council, at such time and place as may bo indicated by the national president, and tb.it it be empowered and authorized to appoint juch legislative committees as in i’s judgment may be wise, and that it be required to transmit to eaeh of the states -t Minted form through the national itary f: r distribution to r.‘ie,reform !iti'cefttW® BCd-tfi.-A.-Ih-ri-JritT ■ itl ' 1 orfler, all measures or bills ( ogethor the arguments in their lavoi), as they may decide should be enaoUd into laws. Let it be required furth-r, that Ihe legislative council shall keep a cor rect record of all i ts proceedings, which shall be submitted through its chairman to the next annual meeting of the su preme council. This body, composed as it would be, presumably of the best and wisest men of our order, and coming fresh from the people of tach state and being thor oughly conversant with the measures of legislation proposed, and acting in har monious concert on all questions for the common good, without regard to sec tional or geographical divisions', would wield a moral power which would en force the respect of any legislative body to whom it would appeal, and enlist the earnest sympathy aud co operation of the great mass of the people whom it would represent. Not only would its service in this direction be potential for good in securing harmony aud unity of action among the people, and by crystal izing and concentrating that action upon any desired measure of reform, out the natural and harmonious blending of the moral force of such a body, with the in fluence of tho reform press throughout the states, would establish and solidify a power which could not fail to exsreise a most benefi sent effect on public affairs. We have reached that point in the de velopment of our organization when we must address ourselves to the important and indispensable work of organizing and systematising these various depart ments of our effort to which I have briefly adverted. Organize your lecture systsm so that we may have able and competent men constantly employed in advocating our principles and purposes throughout all the states within your jurisdiction—or ganize and establish a system through which we may reach the people through the columns of an able representative le form press —aid the membership as far as we may be able, in devising and estab lising the best possible system for con ducting their business through county and state agencies and place our de mands for legislation, as an organization, in the hands of an able body of men rep resenting each of the states,and no power nor combination of powers, can prevent or thwart our ultimate and triumphant success. I ' CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS. 1. I respectfully call your attention to the necessity of a change in Section 2, Art. 5, of our constitution, defining the relative powers and duties of the judi ciary and executive departments, in the matter of official rulings by the presi dent. The requirement that the president shall submit promptly all official rulings to the judiciary department, for consid eration and action, is unnecessary a*d often impracticable. In caso of import ance the delay thus enforced, especially should the judicialy fail to concur in the ruling of the president, might work, great injustice ana incalculable damage. I suggest, respectfully, the expediency of so amending the section referred to so as to authorize appeals to the judicia ry from the rulings of the president— the decisions of the judiciary on such appeals to be the final construction of the law until the next meeting of the supreme council. 2 Sec. 2. Art. 8, of the constitution makes it the duty of the supreme coun cil to enact a uniform eligibility clause for the various state constitutions, also to enact laws defining the eligibility of persons of mixed or unusual occupation or residence, subject to all the limita tions of this article. In pursuance of this requirement, section 20, of tho stat utory laws enacted at the last session of the supreme council, says, “That tho question of the eligibility be left to each state, subject to the limitations of the constitution.” This conflict between the organic and statutory law has caused confusion aud embarrassment through out the states. I recommend that sec. 20, of the statutory laws be repealed and that the supreme council enact a law in con , formity to Section 2, Article 8, of the constitution. I further recommend that the supreme , council determine and fix definitely the , question of the eligibility of mechanics . living in cities and incorporated towns. 1 Much confusion and irregularity has grown out of the ambiguity cf the law on the eligibility of this pai ticular class _ of our citizens, and it is important to the good of the ordar that the master be definitely settled. 3. Under Sections 17 and 18 of the I statutory >aws, tbe office of crop statis ' tiiian is created and his duties defined. Tbe functions and powers of this officer and his subordinates are so indefinite and the machinery through which this service i i to be performed is so imperfect that I beg to direct your attention to it. The ' importance and magnitude of this work, if undertaken at al), requires an expend iture of money and labor much beyond ’ the scope contemplated by tbe law as it ’ now stands. The value of the informa ; tii n sought depends upon its accuracy and the promptness, often, with which ’ it is disseminated to the membership. To secure this would require the con -1 slant service and entire time of the head ’ ot the department ana much of the time ’ and service of his subordinates through ‘ cut tlfe states. It.will be observed that I’i; r. i•, rry of bis ' -jnjidinates iilre VAqai red to give any' specified time to the work, nor are they ’ allowed any compensation for their ser ’ vices nor any appropriation to defray expenses of printing, etc. Under exist ing laws this service must necessarily bo 1 voluntary and imperfect, and hence, of 1 little value, and I would therefore rec ommend that means aud measures be adopted to render it effective and of practical value to the order, or that it be abolished. 4 I recommend, if it be practicable and expedient, that the office and duties of treasurer be transferred and merged into that of the seci etary. 5. I respectfully suggest to your body the expediency and advisability of re quiring »ny officer of your body who may oe nominated or appointed to any civil office, to tender the resignation of his office promptly upon his acceptance of such nomination or appointment. DIFFEBENT DEPABTMENTS. For a statement of the work and duties performed in tbe various departments, you are respectfully referred to the re ports, respectively, of the officers in charge. And in this connection I recom mend, with the concurrence of all the officers concerned, the appointment of a competent committee, early in your ses sion, who shall with your national sec retary examine carefully and thoroughly the records of all receipts and disburse ments and report thereon before your adjournment It affords me pleasure to testify to the fidelity and efficient labor of all the officers connected with your national office. POLITICAL ACTION. An intelligent conception and coin pre hension of the relations and recipiocal obligations between the citizen and the government is one of the highest attrib utes of American citizenship. Aud un der our form of govt rament, one of the most important and responsible duties devolving upon the citizen, is the attain ment of this knowledge. Hence, first and foremost in our “declaration of principles,” we annoume that we are: “To labor for the education of the agri cultural classes in the science of eco nomical government, in a strictly non paitisan spirit and to bring about a more perfect union of said classes.” Were it the design of the framers of our organic law to impress our member ship with the respousibile and patriotic duty of reaching that exalted standard in citizenship, to which all American freedmen should aspire, and to assert that our organization was political in the highest sense of that term, they were unfortunate in adopting the language used in this declaration. But while our organization is political, It cannot be partisan or sectional in its action. In support of this declaration we proudly point to our whole past record and to the recent popular election, and partic ularly to the noble and patriotic bear ing of the brotherhood in the states of Kansas and South Carolina. It is needless, as it would be criminal, ' to attempt te aisguise the fact that as an organization we have reached a critical period in our experience. Insidious and powerful influences are seeking to divert us from the high pur poses and grand objects for which we were organized. Flushed and elated with success—marvelous In many of its aspects and the most remarkable in the politic.il history of this countiy, let us not impair its prestige and power by in difference and inactivity,on the one hand, or by grasping for the impracticable or unattainable, on the other. Strong as we are and strong as we SINGLE COPY 5 must become —strong enough, if united, to render our lines impiegnable to any open or opposing force —yet wo are not strong enough, nor can we be, to with stand the intrigue and treachery of foes within. Our principles must find their “city of refuge” and our cause its citadel of safety in tbe loyal hearts of a devoted membership. Let our primary bodies barricade their doors against the unworthy and designing '. men, and, if such be found already with in the gates, let them at once be fur nished a safe and speedy exit to the camp of the enemy. Let these primary ' bodies—standing as a sentinel at the outer gates—be constantly on the alert and watch with ceaseless vigilance, lest they admit dangerous emmissaries from corporations or political or monopolistic combinations. Let us, as an order, adopt, as our rule of action, the inffexi ' bls test of loyalty to Alliance principles as the first and mo«t essential prerequis ite to membership and to our confidence. Apply this test in tho selection of efficers, from the steward of a primary , body to the president of your national body. Apply this test rigidly to all men who aspire to represent us in any capa city, and especially to those, whether of high or low degree, who are to be in trusted with ihe duties and powers of legislation. And, if iu the faithful and impartial application of this test, any reasonable doubt should arise, do not hesitate to give our cause the lull bene fit of such ooubt. Place no man on guard who is not a loyal and faithful friend to our cause. Herein lies our strength aild our safety. Let us stand unitedly and unflinching ( ly by the' g-eat principles enunciated at our St. Louis meeting. Iu the Itebt of . our recent experience the import ant j work of discussing a®td elucidating tfidso .■fpiiuripliiS iirnst devoir / ' In congress, on the Hn.si.u s, iu con veutious and in the partisan press of tue . country, there was a significant silence on these principles, except and only in , erses where we forced their discussion. All propositions presented by us looking to financial reform, and notably the , measure known as the sub-troasurv plan, were ignored by loagress, and even the discussion of this plan was suppressed, notwithstanding the petitions of hun dreds of thousands of our memoers for financial relief in this direction. Neither of the great political parties of tho country, nor indeed did the lead ers of these parties, indicate a favorable inclination to heed the demands of these millions of oppressed and long suffering farmers. A care ful review of fin anci al legislation by congress for the past quarter of a century, together with tho disregard manifested by that body to the just and urgent demands of tho people tor finan cial relief has fixed upon the public mind the alarming apprehension that the seductive hand of monopolistic and corporate power has lifted the American congress to that dangerous eminence from which they can no longer heir the cry of the people. But the decree has gone forth that this dangerous aud threatening state of things cannot much longer exist. Congress must come nearer to the people or the people will get nearer to congress. Let us not be diverted through the machinations of political intrigue, from the great and paramount issue now be fore the American people—financial reform. Let this be the slogan and the rallying cry of the people until relief shall come. We cannot hope for relief if we accept the financial policy adopted aud prac ticed for a quarter of a century by the two great political parties of the coun try. Never in the political history of the country was there such universal inter est among the people and such urgent demand on the political parties for finan cial reform as characterized the recant campaign, aud yet tho great effort of the leaders of each of these parties and of the partisan press was to sive overshadowing prominence to questions and is-mes, partaking largely of a parti san character, to the exclusion of the one great vital, living issue—financial re form. Indeed, the evasion of this great issue has been prominently characteristic of the two great parties for the last twenty five years. The great absorbing question, let me repeat before the American people,is not whether the democratic or the republi can party, with their evident subservi ency to the will of corporate and money power, sh all be in the ascendency,but the question is, whether under our republi can form of government, the citizen or the dollar shall be the soverign. Thoroughly imbued with the magni tude and importance of this issue, the people who constitute the parties revolt ed against the designs and dictation of suborned leadership. A system of finance which recognizes and secures to every citizen of this 1 country an equitable, fair and just right to share its benefits and which will fur- I nish a volume of circulating medium , adequate to legitimate demands of the 1 country, at a low rate of interest, is the ’ greatest and most urgent need of the s times. Let the people here represented. * continue to reiterate and with increased > emphasis demand: r First: That silver shall be restored to its dignity and place as a money metal, 2 Continued on page 5.