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■ifinj H Vi A lXiAXN I A UrJ2JUJU*lAjN AJN 1J IN XU U S. »*.• THE ATLANTA GEORGIAN (AND NEWS) JOHN TEMPLE GRAVES, Editor. F. L. SEELY, President. Published Every Afternoon. (Except Sunday) By THE GEORGIAN COMPANY. At a West Alabama St., Atlanta. Go. Subscription Ratest One Tear IjSJ Sts Months Three Months L25 One Month..., *J? By Carrier, Per 10 Telephones vonni-etlng nil depart* roents. Long distance terminals. If ron bare any trouble setting THE GKOIHIIAN AND NEWS, telephone the circulation department anil hare It promptly roiiimlloil. Teleph.ines: x wit mV Bell <917 main; Atlanta 4<0L It Is drslrnhte that nil rommunlca. ttons tn*cndsd for publication la TUB fSEOnOIAN AMI NEWS be limited to MO wonts In Isngtb. It Is Inineratlre that tr.-y bs rigaed. as an erblenee of good faith. Ilejcrted niannscrlpts will not be returned unless stamps are sent for the purpose. THE GEORGIAN AND NEWS prints no one leas or objectionable ndrertts- lug. Neither does It prlut whisky or any liquor eds. OtJIt PLATFORM: THE OEOIIOIAN AND NEWS stands (or Atlanta's awn ing Its awn gas and electric light plants, as It unW owns Its wster works. Other cities do this and get S s as low as to cents, with n proflt the city. This should be done at once. THE GEORGIAN AND NEWS believes that It street railways ran be o|re rated suecesafully by European Ilea, at they are. there Is 110 good ateil here. Dot wo do not liellere ran be done bow, and It may be some years hefoip we sre remly lor so big an undertaking. Ktlll Atlcntn should set Its fare In tbst direction NOW. When the fishermen on the Carolina coast catch a shovel-nosed shark (who Is a beast of prey) they break his nose and turn him loose. As tho shark follows his noso he can not go under and he Is compelled to shim the surface until some greater shark gobbles him up. The vooorablo Pen' dleton should beware. West Virginia Is llko tho man who didn't say much,, but Just kept right on sawing wood. Tho United States geological survey reports that the to tal production of coal In that state In 1906 was 43,290,350 short tons, having a spot value of 341,051,939. This makes West Virginia stand second as a coal producer, relegating Illinois to tho third place. Mrs. IV. J. Bryan can swim a mile. She Is a splendid walker. She rides a bicycle with case. She can drlvo met tlesome horses, put them In the bam, come Into tho houBO and bake, cook and sew. She knows bow to keep house, and all her homo expenses aro recorded, so that sho knows from day to day and week to week how matters stand. Sho is well rend, not only In current literature, but In tho good things of tho past. Tho Georgian hns received a com munication signed "Subscriber,” In closing some verses and a flve-dollar bill, the latter being olfcred to the first person guessing what Is pro pounded In the verses. It is an es tablished rule of Tho Georgian's not to publish anonymous communica tions. If “Subscriber" will call at The Georgian office and make known his identity, as a matter ot good faith, The Georgian will take pleasure in giving the communication further con sideration. ' Tho editor of Tbo Atlanta Geor gian swallowed Populism without tho aid of goose grease or sugar coat In 1896, and tho gorb wns as similated without n struggle.— Maion Telegraph. It was a good swallow and left neither regret nor a bad taste In tho mouth. But tho unfortunate Telegraph is engaged even yet in gagging over the ettc:‘ to belch up the railroads that it has swallowed—water and all —for a score of years, while its es teemed “Caucocrat who thinks bo Is a Democrat." like a shovelled shark with a broken nose, Is unable to dlvo and unwilling to skim the political wateni beneath him. k "Why should The Atlnnta Geor gian raise a row Just because tho mayor o( that city has been fol lowing Its baseball team around the circuit? How could he better discharge his duties to tho peo ple who elected him than by help ing Atlanta to wlu the pennant? We arc glad to have our mayor take an Interest in the success of the Sea Gulls, and while we are not Informed.os to whether he has over been a 'rooter' at any of the games played away from home, U Is a pleasure to know that the games played on tho lo cal diamond, mauy of them at least, hove had no more enthusi astic and sympathetic spectator than he.—News and Courier. This from the most fanatical fan In fandom's fair domain, Is not to be wondered Bt. And it Is not so much a defense aa a buret of comradeship. Fan to (an, the Charleston editor and the Atlanta mayor may stand ngalnst tho gentiles outside tho gates. What we objected to was not Mayor Joy ner’s Junket with tho baseball team, but his "absent treatment" of an Im portant local question In which his political alignment with the corpora tions was Interfering with the pros perity of Atlanta. VIGILANCE THE SAFETY OF REFORM. Eternal vigilance Is the price of liberty and the reformer who sleeps upon the battlefield Is likely to lose all or nearly all that he has won, besides the laurels of Ills fight. The reform administration of Georgia was ushered In upon the tidal wave of a great majority. Scarcely ever in their- long and glorious his tory havo the people of Georgia spoken In the majesty of more magnifi cent numbers than In tho election which carried Hoke Smith and his policies to tbo caplto). If ever tbo vox popull was pronounced and thrill ing In'definiteness and In power. It was In tho August of 1906. No man could mistake It; no man In power could deny It or resist it. A commission created ami tendered by such an overwhelming public expression—voiced In such thunder of popular opinion—curried with It tremendous duties and extraordinary responsibilities. We believe that there has been a bravo and honest effort to meet these responsibilities fairly, squarely and nobly by tho governor ttnd his friends. Tho last legislature was tho first battlefield of thla duly and highly commlssloifcd reform. The field was won by diligence, by reason, by ceaseless watchfulness and ceaseless Industry. The reformers slept on no duty and shirked no responsibility. Tho legislature elected In advanco of the reform move ment, and most of the members recorded In opposition to tbo reform can didate, honored themselves and vindicated their patriotism by tho con sistent fidelity with which they endeavored to carry out the will of tho people, and to enact Into law the policies so magnificently indorsed nt the polls. Bnt time nnd circumstance combined to hinder the full fruition of legislative reform. The great mountain peaks were scaled and fortified, but tho lesser peaks and many fertile valleys yet remain In the hands of the opposition, waiting the second battle set for the summer ot 1908. And beyond that are other battles and other victories or defeats, for re form Is fighting an opposition that nover entirely surrenders and never altogether sleeps. I Ait no toldler ot the reform'rank, let no citizen of tho popular cause, think for a moment that tho corporations and their allleB are either per- mauently demoralized or destroyed. Keon as capital always makes men, they aro keen enough to realize tho forco.and tho sweep of the great popular movement that has takon tho state and the country. They are wise enough to bow their heads In mock submission to the storm at its height But they aro old and wcathcrwlse, and they know, or think they know, that tho political storm of today will spond Itself with a few to morrows, anil that tho reaction Is already on tbo way against tbo eager ness and tho tfhergy of tho popular arousemont There is not a, mother’s son of tho corporate legion who is not scan ning each day's horizon for a chango In the conditions which constrain their present privileges and power. With patient faces and with decorous mfcn they aro appearing to accept the status which has established ^he people in [tower, but with .the wisdom of avarice and tho deathless tenac ity of money, thoy aro fanning every breezo that comes from the fields of reaction, and strengthening every bellows of press and politics that blows It. Tho stake Is too mighty for monoy to surrender power and opportu nity to a crisis which they beltevo to bo a spasm, and you may be sure that behind tho scenes thoro Is growing and strengthening and perfect ing the organized effort which hopos with the very first lapBO of popular Intcroat to recapturo tho heights and once more control tho state. Tho peopio may spurt In spasms of reform, and rise and fall In revo lutions of liberty, but capital knows neither variableness nor shadow of turning from Its fixed purposo to rule all things to the reign bf money. So that vlgllanco Is—or should be—tho watchword of tho people— eternal vigilance which Is tho'-price of safety as of llborty. Already tho rumor comes that the corporate alliance Is moving, cau tiously but steadily, with tbo next state senato as its goal. To capture tho senato Is to block all popular legislation for the fu ture, and Is tho first step toward tho undoing of what has already been done. To capture tho senato requires only tho capture ot twenty, threo men. Only twonty-tbreo men In tho senatorial districts need to bo "soon" and "helped'' and "obligated,” to spike tho great guns of reform In Georgia. And tho rumor comes that ‘‘they'' nrfc getting busy among tho fate ful "twenty-throo." Tho chance ot success—the only chance—lives In the possible apa thy of the people. "Thoy” aro hoping to catch tho pcoplo of tho senato rial districts "napping.” Tho majority of Georgia, wide awake, Is loyally and earnestly for reform. But when In* Georgia the people go to sleep tho politicians wake up and seize the government. People of Georgia, watch the senatorial primaries! Study the sena torial candidates! Tho pcoplo of Georgia raako up ono of tho boat read and most intel ligent electorates In tho world. Thoy read nowspapors nnd periodicals, they listen to speeches, thoy think as they please. Thoy are no longer tho serfs of caucus or tho slaves ot politicians. But they must not let the corporation candidates tor tho senato catch them napping. , If the people of Georgia meant what they thundered In the primaries of 1906, they muet watch tha senatorial candidate* of 1908. Tho present legislature holds another session next summer. If tho members maintain their high attttudo of respect for tho people's will, most of (he unfinished reform legislation can bo put on tho statute books. After that comes tho new legislature and the new senate. Tho house Is too largo and too numerous to capture without great trouble. But the whole force of the opposition will concentrate upon the senate. Therefore, watch the senate. There is no poeslblo excuse for letting an enemy ot popular rights slip Into the next legislature. The people must Interrogate their candidates upon the Issues of tho time. They must study theso candidates. Not only by their present ut terances, but by their private character and by tbelr past records upon public questions. A candidate who is merely frightened by popular ma jorities Into the ranks of reform, will find a way after he gets in to favor the corporations and forge* »hn nennlo. Make sure of him, voters of Georgia. It Is easy enough to measure your fellow-citizens If you will only be clear enough to think, frank enough to ask. and brave enough to vote your conscience and convic tions. * With the education of tho last campaign tbo voters of Georgia ought to be the clearest headed and bravest tempered electorate the stato has ever known. By tho same standard of educated suffrage the next legislature that represents the people should be the clearest headed and the cleanest hearted public servants that tho stato has ever known. People of Georgia, you have won a great fight. You' stand on high ground before each other and before tbo world. Maintain this position. Don't lose your ground. Preserve yonr keen and vital Interest In the affairs of state. Think out your own convic tions with fearless mind. Choose your public servants with wisdom and discretion. Question closely their honest concurrence with your public views. Press home upon them their solemn responsibility to the public trust with which you clothe them. And Georgia—our Georgia—will preserve Its status more and more In the republic as the model commonwealth—as the Ideal state. And as a preliminary watch your senatorial candidates. LEG1SLA T1VE APPOR TIONMENT FOR THE STATE OF GEORGIA To the Editor of The Georgian: An The Georgian aeetna to be the most up-to-date nnd progressive paper In Oeor- _ . nnd Is willing to publish the ndn views of the people on nil live topleg. I hop** that you will give me a little ipsa* in your valuable paper for n few sugges tions to the people of Georgia In ffeoentl nnd the b'glslnturo in particular. The first point I wish to make Is for a legislative apportionment for the stnto of Georgia which is as follows: The housi* of repre sentatives to he composed of 201 members, which will give to each county ns follows: Fulton county, nine representatives. Chntbnm county, sis repreaentAlrea* Richmond county, four representalves. Iilbb county, four representatives. Thomas couuty. threo representatives. Floyd county, three representatives. The next thirty-two 1 urgent counties, two representalves each, and the other 108 counties one representative each. Thla plan Imsee the representation on population etpiallzcd and county rights. All legisla tive representative should be based only on population. This Is a common sense plan anil based on reason and Justice. The pres ent phiii Is hosed on population, but It'is not canalised. Ami so it Is all out of proportion, nnd we find that Fnlton county lias one representative for every 89,000 in habitant* nnd Echols one for only 8,000 In habitant*. a difference of 88,000. To show the Injustice nml disproportion of the pres ent plan. If Atlnnta wns ns large as Lon don. Savannah the slxo of New York nnd Augusta as large ns Chicago, Fulton conn- ty, Chatham nnd Richmond would still have only three representatives each nnd Echols still lmve Olio. Now, this Is all wrong nnd should he changed nt once. This dan gives one representative to each 11,000 nhnhltnnts. Now, 1 would give one sena tor for every three representatives, which Twenty Ttventj inond. Twenty-eight h District— Richmond. nty-niuth Plstrict—Glascock, Wash- Initt* Thirtieth Plstrict—Wilkinson, Twiggs, Baldwin. Thirty.first Plstrict—Houston. Macon. District—Taylor, Marion, Chnttanoochi Thirty-third District—Muscogee. Talbot. Jasper, ock, Warren, Putnam. Thirty-eighth District—Ha Taliaferro. Thirty-ninth District—McDuffie, Lincoln, Columbia. Fortieth District—Wilkes, Oglethorpe. Forty-first District—Greene, Morgan, Oco- The Key Note of Business Success is to do business with a bank that endeavors to become ac quainted with you and is interested in you. Consult our officers about your banking requirements as to what the Maddox-Hucker Banking Company will Ido for you. We believe in a spirit of co-operation so long as it permits ns to adhere strictly to rules of conservative banking. MADD0X-RUCKER BANKING CO. ARMY-NAVY ORDERS —AND— MOVEMENTS OF VESSELS Forty-second District—Batts Ilenry. Forty-third District—Pike, Spalding. Forty-fourth -District—Meriwether, Fay ette. Forty-fifth District—Troup, Heard. ■ Forty-sixth District—Coweta. Campbell .Ire Fulton county three senators, Chatham wo and Floyd nnd Thomas counties one each. Hut after tho next census, we would have to make a n* w apportionment, which would change the representation In some of the counties. I would have the senatorial districts ns follows for the present: First district—Camden. Charlton, Pierce. Second District—(Minch, Ware, Coffee. Third District—Lowndes, Echols. Fourth District—Colquitt, Brooks. Fifth District—Thomas. Sixth District—Grady, Decatur. Seventh District—Early, Miller, Daker. Eighth District—Mitchell, Dougherty, Cal houn. Ninth District—Worth, Tift Tenth District—Herrlen, Irwin. Twelfth District—Glynu, Thirteenth District—Drynn, Tattnall. Fourteenth District—Toombs, Montgom- ci-y. Dodge. Seventeenth District—Terrell, Randolph, Clay. Eighteenth ' Dlstrlct-Qultman, Stewart, Welmter. Nineteenth—Sumter, Schley. Twentieth District—Dooly, Pulaski. Twenty-first District—Laurens, Johnson. Twenty-second District—Emanuel, Jeffer- sou. Twenty-third District—Bulloch, Effing- Twenty-fourth and Twenty-fifth Districts —Chatham. _’orty-seventh District—Clayton, DcKnth. Forty-eighth District—Gwinnett, Bock dale. Forty-ninth District—Walton, Newton. Fiftieth District—Jackson, Clark. Fifty-first District—Madison, Elbert. Fifty-second .District—Ilart, Franklin, Bank*. Fifty-third District-Hall, Forsyth. Fifty-fourth District—Milton, Cobb. Fifty-fifth, Fifty-sixth and Fifty-seventh Districts—Fnlton. Fifty-eighth District—Dougins, Carroll. Fifty-ninth District—Polk, Paulding, Har alson. Sixtieth District—Floyd. Sixty-first District—Bartow, Cherokee. Sixty-second District—Pickens, Dawson, Lumpkin. _ „ . . • Hixty-thlrd District—White, Habersham, Stephens. Sixty-fourth . District—Rabun, Towns, Union. Sixty-fifth District—Fannin, Gilmer, Mur- ^Wxty-sUth District—Whitfield, Gordon, Chnttoogn. Sixty-seventh District—Walker, Catoosa, Dade. Now I hope nil the members of the legla lature will give the aIk>v© plan of legisla tive Apportionment their careful considera tion. 'Now I would suggest that the rail- rond commission ho composed of five mem bers, Instead of three nnd that the state bo laid off in five districts, each district to con tain forty members of the lower house of the legislature, and so we could not bare nil the members from the same part of the state, 1 would also lmve ono meml>er of the supreme court of the state elected from ench commission district, so ns to havo them also from different parts ot the state. And also to nlwllsh the grand Juries of the state nnd tho office of coroner also, nnd let tho petit Jury take the place of tho grand Jury nnd the Justices of tho peace the place of the coroner. Hoping that the legislature will give the above suggestions their careful considera tion, nnd that The Georgian will publish it, I a in truly yours, W. It. SOLAS. The Referendum Again lIlHHiHIINHMINMNMI HIHIHIHMMftMMHMHMMIHMHItlMHHVHHItMMHMUMfMHl By JAMES CALLAWAY. The "-Referendum” Ib of interest bo- lilght and day, as the passage of his causa Sir. Bryan hns recently said that If It Is good for n stntc If Is good In that larger field—the nation. And he ivnnts It embodied In tho platform of 1908 as a principle of government. What Is the referendum? This Is now an Important question. •Mr. Watson In his magazine, August numbor. says: "By -Referendum" Is' meant tho right of the people to have submitted to them, for their approval, any proposed law before the leglsla* (Aro oti'ilt RiYnnf If ‘TtfzflU* If In III 1 RRV Kirs shall adopt It. "Refer It to us,' say tho people to their legislative repre- nnnlnlli-ss *Tkn9 Is lha 'PnfflPATIrlllTTI * 11 sontatlves. That Is the -Referendum, Yes, that Is it. "By the 'Initiative,'" Mr. Watson says, "Is-Imply meant tho beginning by tho people themselves of such laws ns they suppose themselves to need." Yes. that Is It. So wo have It from tho national leader of the Populist par ty what tho "Initiative" and the "Ref erendum" signify. Of course, reference Is had to theso In their national appli cation. With their national Import this article deals. How to Btgin. How do you apply tho "Initiative?" What Is the beginning process? How do you begin? Mr. Brynn. In his New York World article, says you begin by a "petition” to congress. Petition by any respecta ble number of citizens, color not men tioned. These citizens embody whnt they desire to be the law of tho land In a ••petition.” It becomes the lmpera- tlve duty ol congress to then "refer" to the people of tho nation for their approval the said petition. When so referred It becomes then the ••Referendum." The legislative repre sentatives In congress become the me dium. They receive "the petition," the application for the new law. Congress can enact it Into a new law of them selves. but If not. tho "petition" must bo referred to the peopio en masse to be determined by the popular vote of all the people of the nation. A major ity of the votes cast, by white and black, determines the fate of the mat ter referred. A majority approving, It becomes the duty of congress to enact It Into national law. The people at large In o body become the law-making power, and the representatives In con gress act as convenient agencies for putting the proposed law into shape nnd legal form. The congressmen become a sort of government stamp and Beal to legalize the performance. And under the "Referendum." In the absence of a petition, congress can shirk the responsibility of legislative action, and refer any measure to the people. Had the "Referendum" been a law, congress wonld have referred the Harrlmnn force hill to the people at large, and with what result we of the South shudder to contemplate. Hap pily for us, the West and East got no such whack -t ».!• «* ihnt time when Northern sentiment was so radical and so bitter. Ths Thad Stevens Referendum. Thad Stevens, as chairman of th* house committee on reconstruction, re ported his bllL But John Sherman had passed the Sherman bill In the senate which followed Lincoln’s plan, nnd put the reconstructed states In statu quo ante-bellum with the franchise, where It was before the war. But Thad Ste vens and Sawyer, of Wisconsin, and CharleB Sumner effected a filibuster with the Democrats, promising them a much better bill after March 4. Sen timent was with the senate, hailing the Sherman bill as a measure of pacifica tion and restoration. But Stevens final ly defeated the Sherman bill In the house. Then what did he do? He took bis reconstruction bill to the people. He Instructed the freedmen’s bu reau In the South to get up "outrages" between whites end blacks—to put the "outrage mill" to work on full time, bill depended on the reports from the "outrage mill." These reports, In tho hands of astute editors and wily pol iticians, Inflamed the people of the North and West, and . they became rrantlc for the horrible Stevens bill In. stead of the conservative Sherman bllL When congress convened Stevens had easy work of It. His "Referen dum” appeal to the masses was a suc cess. John .Shorn.an's conservative bill for reconciliation was lost In the shuffle. The "Referendum" folks were far worse than the representatives. They overthrew the conservatism of a con gress willing to pass the Shorman bill. That’s where the trouble comes In. The Referendum Is Democratic, but It Is too democratic. Tho multitude, excited, ceases to think. Shrewd nnd designing politicians and astute dema gogues oftentimes excite tho masses Into a frenzy—like unto a great mob. Stevens put the agitators to work and tin V nr msij the multitude: nnd Ste vens, the man of low Ideals, bccamo their Idol and leader. Against such we need checks and balnnces, n check rein Is necessary to stable government. There needs be a conservative force In government. The general government controls matters common to oil tho people. Th? i tote government controls affairs pe culiar to the state. And our conditions in the South, where two races exist arc peculiar nnd wc need nil the state rights possible. We can n 't afford to surrender to any outsider one Jot or one tittle of them. W* can not permit the Federal gov ernment, or the Referendum constitu ency—the mosses nt large—to tamper with the negro qneatlon. California ts awake to this principle. Riot and an. archy result If wo yield. Each South, em stato must protect her local af fairs, Including th* negro problem, in ilii'i Intiuslnn from without. What Is the Referendum? The referendum. In Its national sense, Is direct legislation by the masses. It conflicts with tho repre sentative system. It travels away from the constitution!! path. Our rep resentatives In congress delegate to the masses—the unthinking multitude —the power to make laws and control the government. Thomas Jefferson had no such the ory of government. He saw the dan ger of too much democracy—an unbri dled democracy. And his Intellect was engaged to plan a government with checks and balances—a government by the people, but the people acting In congress through their accredited rep resentatives. Jefferson was distin guished for his love of state rights, and he would have resented the tmiiistit ,if Ohio Op Ivanna* tlvfm mill ing the civilization of Virginia. Out side interference In affaire of a state was obnoxous to him—offensive as that press and newspaper meddling, on the imrr nf tho Vnrfh nnrl U’oa? Army Orders, Washington, Aug. 31.—Captain Sam E. Bottoms to JGlst company, coast artillery corps. Copt. William E. Cole, to 87th com pany, coast artillery corps. Foliowlps of ficers of coast artillery corps to const artil lery school Ft. Monroe ns directors In de partments described: In Department of Enlisted Specialists— Major Isaac N. Newls, director, nnd First Lleutennnt John B. Steger, Instructor. In Department of ( Artillery—Major John B. Barrett, director; Captains Alston W. Hamilton and John W. Gullok and First Lieutenant James Tottem, Instructors. In Department Mines—Major Richard P. Davis, director, nnd Captain William P. Pence, Instructor. • Cnptnlq Arthur S. Conklin, coast artillery corps. In addition to other duties, to const artillery school. Ft. Mouroe, as Instructor In department of mines. Second Lleutennnt John D. W. Gardiner. Hth cavalry, to military academy. West Point. Second Lieutenant Samuel M. Par ker, Twenty-nlntb infantry, from Seagirt, to h|8 regiment. Major Edward Chynoweth, Seventeenth Infantry, from general hospital, Washington barracks, to proper station. Second Lieu tenant William V. Carter, Sixth cavalry, to ” 11,11,1 It illltllll - • Vllt H 1, LUIIIIIJ, gif Chicago, reporting to Brlgndler General /William H. Carter for staff duty. Navy Orders. Commander II. O, Dunn to Baltimore, reporting to supervision naval auxiliaries, Atlantic coast. Movements of Vessels. ARRIVED—Aug. 29, Prairie, at Newport; Alabama at Hampton Ronds; Preble at Bellingham Bay. SAILED—Aug. 29, Tacoma from Hamp ton Ronds for navy yard, New York; Ajax from Philadelphia for Hampton Ronds; Raleigh from Honolulu for Sou Francisco; Nero from Newport for Baltimore; Preble from Everett for Bellingham Bay, Wash ington; August 80, Villa tohos from Shang hai for Yang Tso river; Galveston from Shnnknlwan for Nleuchwang, Manchuria. IF PROHIBITION DOESN’T PROHIBIT THE FAULT 18 ALL OUR OWN. Tn the Editor of The Georgian- I have r.-ii.l an article In The Savonim, News of the %th Instant, under the hSr lines. “Prohibition Act which seriously reflect* upon the good b ,!K! jile of that city, nnd it Is to be hoped {Kt to he In n majority everywhere today im resent the Insult. The Morning News Although official condrautloaI. lark lug. It .can bo stated on good author". ■■ J on good author", that the Savannah brewing Companl will attack the constitutionality of ths prohibition law, nnd, while thla anr. thin Is being fought out tn the court, continue to operate the plant In Hivnn null. u When asked If Ills company's plant will clone down nftcr the liolldava s r ,,i L° ‘5° prol.Il.ltlon law. Prudent Abe H. t.uckenbelmer yesterday flr.f replied that the plant would Its run* and then lie modified the atatement I here hns been no meeting of ths directors of the Savannah brewing Pom petty since the prohibition law wa. passed,” he said, "aud I nm not nrr. pared to say What will bo done with reference to closing down or contlnulna operations." * studying Quajtion. Itut isn t It true that yon Intend to go right on making beer after the la« goon Into effect?" wns asked. "That matter It being considered, bat It Is now In the hands of some of the best lawyers In the state. We will of course, lie governed by their ndvlce In the matter." A man who Is Interested In the oner, ntlnn, of the Savannah brewing Com. pony recalled the fact thnt It took ths state authorities In Maine throe years to enforce the prohibition law there Meanwhile ninny of the breweries eon: filmed to brew and deliver the goods. Tho writer dons not know who ths author of thla flimsy article happen, “J bp. amI as It Is unsigned, the general pr* sumption Is that It wns bom In The Mon. tng News office, nml If Indeed thnt lie true what more could one ezpect? One mlsht Im led to believe from The Morals, Neva that file breweries and n few rutu shorn In this state were the only power within tier Isirder, and that ns soon ns their wishes were made known, every brnnth of vice which they controlled would .wins open wide, their doors and proceed regard! less of the tow to debauch the llyea and homes of SnvnnnnlTs good citizens, u well ns thoso of this grand old slate of ours. be not deceived! The Savannah Neva comments at length upon the fact, ns tbsy claim, that “Inwycrn are’studying the qua,, tlon, nml then goes n step further and throws the searchlight on another subject, "the floating liar room,” which It montlena ns n suggested evasion of the law, the Idea M-Ing to lit up n largo river steamer with a bar and serve driukn of all sorts on Sunday! doctrine ns a thing of evil. A socialistic tree Is not Indigenous to our Southern clime. It Is foreign. In deed It should be ns the "barren fig tree," accursed—nnd not permitted.to cumber the ground, but dug up and dcatroyed, root and branch. Cslhoun’s View. The referendum’s first step Is by stealth. It enters congress In tho In nocent gorb of "petition." On March 4, 1850, wns tho last ap pearance of John C. Calhoun In tho senate ■.’lmihher. It wns a sicna ,,f dramatic pathos. It was his farewell address to his fellow senators, Web ster nnd Clay were there-drinking It: overy word of the dying statesman. His theme was, "How can tho Union bn preserved?" He begnn by asking, "Whnt Is It that Ims endangered the Union?" In tracing the causes, he emphasized the causa enusans—tho causing cause. Where did he locate It? "The first organized movement of tho disturbing cause commenced • In 1835. For the first time societies were organized nnd lecturers nnd agitators sent forth to excite the North against tho South. • • * The result wns ns soon nB congress met ‘petitions’ poured In from the North calling upon congress to prohibit Internal slave trade, and also announcing- their ob ject to abolish slavery In tho states throughout the Union." Mr. Calhoun fought the reception of these “petitions." He held thnt It would open the slavery agitation In congress. He held thnt congress had no jurisdiction over the subject. It was a matter for the states. He said: "I called upon both parties to take (round against assuming jurisdiction, iqt In vnln. Had congress done so, the the part of the North nnd West, with affairs In each of the Southern states Is to us of the South. The referendum Is • voluntary surrender on our part permitting others by law the right of Interference—putting the most fanat ical portion of the North In action to control our nffalrs, our civilization. Tho referendum lz the chief cornet- stone of socialism. It Is a socialist doctrine, nnd Ignatius Donnelly nppro. printed It, nnd transferred It to the Populist platform. It will not flourish long In the Jef fersonian atmosphere of the South When the people examine Into it ns a government principle nnd learn that It conflicts with state rights, state con trol, state autonomy, and yields their constitutional rights to (he [s'oples nf the West and North to determine our civilization, they will repudiate th* fill III k Cklll. Iinu xutq} 1 wszsssw p«. miw agitation which followed would have been prevented. - • Thnt was the time for the North to have shown her devotion to the Union." And now Is the time for all Democrats to show their devotion to our system of gov ernment. History Will Rspeat lUelf. By the Initiative, any set of citizens, oven from Kansas, can bring In a "pe tition." Under the “Referendum." as a law, congress must refer the "peti tion" to ell the people. Then editors, Incendiary orators, agitators, South haters, religious fanatics, demagogues get In their work. The majority of the people of the nation vote for the “petition." How soever oppressive to us, even though tho petition be a demand for a gen eral repeal of the "disfranchisement laws" of the Southern states, the South Is helpless. For under the referendum system where Is our protection? What to Georgia as agnlnst New York or Pennsylvania? As Ben Hill once expressed It. “Mississippi Is the equal of Illinois In the senate, but un der the referendum Illinois Is equal to nineteen Mlsslsslppls.” Our Duty in the Matter, We nre In “Our. Father’s House" to stay; not to erect new buildings. As Henry Watterson says, "Let It be 'Old Kentucky’—never New Kentucky, but always and forever Old Kentucky— your birthright and mine." Let us keep the faith of the fathers. Herein Is our safety, for ns John Sharp Williams puts It. “ the old Democratic faith Is midway between plutocracy or liolklnvs. while the steamer flouts oaf. side the jurisdiction'll confines nt ten. Of course, the nbutirillty of this nrtlrle la shown on Its fnec. A sensible person knows bettor, nml—wen, don't nrffue with him. Ho for as the breweries nre coucrnW, they never have, nnd never will, run thla stnto. nnd It Is quite safe to nny that ev« Hnrnnnnh never will. If the result of re cent cnmpntznt remit for nnytblnx. We truly hope the author of this nrtlcle, the tenor of which lends one to believe he It happiest when he revels In lawlessness, does not think thnt tho prohibitionists ate asleep nnd thnt they nre not viewing this question from their point of view—they ete not worried. Ite not deceived. S'n fnr ns the flouting loir room Is en*- eernoil, that limy he tried, lint thp one wiw does hnd beet get some good ail idee lefoee, because he will get something In the rl- peiiso column when lie Inttnrhe* his scheme. The welter, hnvlng lived In Hnviinnnh for Bcvoml yenrs, nml who. happening to know sonie at Savannnh'a first people, would utter one word ngnlnst thnt city wboee beauties are known the world over. She hns many nntnrnl advantages, some of whleh many rifles would pay fahnlona the reins nnd control her moral In terests she will ere long And n rowiltlnn surrounding her IwirdoHng on those which confrimtisl ltomo In the dnys of Nero, h I love Hnvniinntl. and she hns many cltl- tralnlng has mmu continents, hut certainly the Morning News enu claim no credit for Its labors along thnt Hue. It boasts from day tn day of the ninny schemes through zvhlrti tt msgnh ties the vnrloiiB mentis of evading mid tlo. Intlng the Inws of the stnto. —... .. .. parting word for the nuttier of this article: Put your thonghli Into notion—try them, and rememtier al ways one tiling, the best citizen yon tarn, ; regardless of Ids position In life. s<ielotj, or the amount of wealth he controls, lath;, man who Is the most htmihle to law. It j our laws nre enforced you nre n credit !# your city, tf they nre not yonr very pr» cnee lends tn tt disgrace. It might lie well (hr yon to lienr In mind that wherever r«* j go In thla great world of ours that If yw nre gooi! you will never l»e lonely, hot If 'ours very truly, Havnnnnn, (la. B. J. FORD. RIGHT DOING. To the Editor of The Ororglnn: People who do not dlneern In the algn» ■ tho tlinea n grent change In human ntratra nre short on their duty to themselves aaa elate n companion article to mine on Punishment of Innocence," whleh the writer will keep up the queatw write ns often as possible. . It to not Just that Innocent women and rnobocracy. 1 The referendum. If over adapted aa a principle of our system ot govern ment, will blot out Southern civiliza tion. Our views and Ideals will be ewept before the flood. "Petitions" will flood congress. Those which began In 1835, so dreaded by Cnlhoun, drove the Smith to secession In a search for peace, tranquillity, hep. plness. The referendum will be‘the open door of perpetual strife and agl- tivtl in. We who know what Northern agita tion from 1850 to 1860 did In forcing secession: we who have eaten of the bitter fruits of reconstruction and Its despotic power, nnd feel today Its per nicious Influence, denying even now the women of our Btate the freedom of the highways, must at all hazards reject any substitute whatsoever thnt will Im peril our state government and state control. Our safety Is to magnify the state; hot the mob. More necessary now than ever, "as two races dwell here, to travel the tonatiutlonal oaths—and none other. (i in uni JUNE iiiiii iiiiiurviii "’’»‘ 1 '" j children Mhnuld Ih» deprlred of th#* I* 1 **.* tbo*o upon whom they are obligated «»/ 1,9 to defend. To divorce a woman nnd chlldn*n rnw their property In the lalior of a father hi!»t>iiiid la nn evil divorce, rtnee It is cor (location In ita wornt form. If a mail of real or peraonnl progeny, and whom* family dependa for support "F" the Income for auch real or personal F*ur erty. offends noclety, ooHety dov* is* e™ tUrnte such nml or personal projM*rty* **• It does confiscate their ahnn* or Interval» his Inb4>r power, which la slso cnpltsi « ^hy*make a distinction between real* personal property and that property so* 1 ” as lnls>r power/ -.i* This Indicates thnt society places no raw on lnlnir power; If It did It could not fismfe It, tor Jn the case of real «»«' ET eonnl property there la no confiscation, plr Itecntisc theao have a value. u Justice will not Ik» until lalsw l ,0 *'j r li reccjcnUcd ns property of value, more subject to conflacatlon^ jQip/goJt. Atlnutn, Git. FARMERS’ IMPORTANCE. (From The Southern : ic’farmers nre n very Important clew . ... fhe population. Thin In demon***} by the fact thnt KUS 1.7(5 persons i la agricultural pursuits In dependence for iimmI of the total I of 1 78.3j3.3V7 nersoua. Bnt Ifjbf 1 <B,000.0» people had not heen then*. » ^ . Mould‘the 10,000.000 farmers be? *?| g hnd not l»een 7,000.000 persona mPFL. manufacturing ana mechanical r'»Vm w 4,767.000 In trade ami transportation. l In domestic and personal senm In professional, service, and their ■ . jiM.ai .a. farmer* would . ^. upled largely In tho unprofitable P»^ of trying to lift tbciuselran bf*J” r ta * galluses. Farmers nre In ft nomt Independent human reff !| nf G-l'» grain earth. Tbtf an Important In human economy. a po« ,1 important. Bur their Importance re* (j^ll " ■T'.'", 1US*. m&tss S SUX'.tt'SJii ffiM