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tUrrfelD JutfUtgfDffr. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, Wed needay, December 27, 1865, Letter from Gorenor IcaklM. OFFICIAL RECOGNITION FROM WASHINGTON OF OCR STATE ORGANIZATION. The following letter from Governor Jenkins confirms the telegraphic announcement in on* paper of yesterday morning. This will be pleas ing intelligence to every son of Georgia, and in it we recognize the first dawn of light upon our glorious old commonwealth: [From the Journal A Messenger ] Milleduevillk, December $0,1863. Editor* Journal <t Messenger : % Gentlemen—Believing the intelligence con veyed in an official telegram, received to-day from Washington, will gratify the people of Georgia, I Bend you a copy of it for publication. Please furnish a slip to the other papers of your city in time for their issues of the 22d: Washington, D. C., Dec. 19,1865. To Hit Excellency, the Governor of the State of Georgia.: Hm—By direction of the President, I have the honor herewith to transmit to you a copy of a communication which has been addressed to His Excellency, James Johnson, late Provisional Governor, whereby he has been relieved of the trust heretofore reposed in him, and directed to deliver intewyour possession the papers and prop erty relating to the trust t have the honor to tender you the co-opera- tion of tho Government of the United States, whenever it may be found necessary, in effecting the early restoration and the permanent prosper ity of the State over which you have been called to preside. * I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obed’t servant, W. H. Seward. A copy of the communication to Hia Excel lency Governor Johnson, referred to in the above and of the same tenor, accompanied it I trust that the people of Georgia and their public servants will prove to His Excellency, the Pres ident of the United States, that his confidence has not been misplaced. Respectfully, etc., Charles J. Jenkins. Southern Claims for War Looms. The resolution introduced into the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States by Mr. Boutwell, instructing the Jndiciaiy Committee to Inquire whether any of the citizens of the Slates, declared to be in insurrection by Mr. Lincoln, are entitled to compensation for iossos during the war at the hands of the Federal authorities, and which was adopted by the House, is thus commented ou by the New York Newt: “ The justice of Mr. Boutwell’s resolution is one of very wide application. The suzerainty under which tho Federal Government made war upon the South, holds it bound in the duties of a sovereign to his subject. Rebellion against a Lord Paramount does not nullify his obligations to individuals, but rather holds them in tempo rary suspension. While the people of the region of a territorial civil war are, as a whole, placed to the suzerain in the attitude of enemies, all who can show that they were not “ enemies ” are, we believe, entitled to compensation lor, at all events, all damage done them by his forces outside the actual necessities of war. This would cover a great breadth of injury inflicted upon the people at the South. In the rear of the Federal lines the rights, and with them, therefore, the duties of the aiiegcd Lord Paramount, had certainly been restored; and we consequently believe that all the destruction of property which has been done by our troops inside our lines in Virginia, in Kentucky, in Tennessee, in Louisiana, con stitutes lawful claims for compensation. This, too, opens to the Judiciary Committee a field of justice and humanity, whose breadth will, we hope most earnestly, not act as a bar of their recognition.” The report of such a committee, if it ever does report, will be looked to with great interest. So many thousands have claims for losses sustained hands of the Federal authorities, that but few, we apprehend, will ever be paid, however just may be their claims. Congress for the next fifty years will be called upon to legislate on such claims. The past history of toar claims is a lesson for the fbture. Telegraphic.—We are indebted to the Macon Journal d> Messenger for the latest telegraphic news from Washington, which we publish entire. This paper is exhibiting more energy than any paper in Middle Georgia. We cannot see why the Atlanta papers don’t wake up a little. We know they are making money enough to justify the outlay. We have tried the telegraph a little, but their charges are so exorbitant that we hate to stand it; but the city papers of Atlanta could surely make combinations by which they could give the news. The people don’t want old extracts from North ern papers—they want live news. ' We clip the foregoing from the Griffin Star.— The compliment paid our Macon cotemporary is merited by that excellent journal. So far as this journal is concerned, the reference to it as one of the Atlanta impels, is in bad taste, coming from a journal that “lias tried the telegraph” but would not “stand it.” We, too, have “tried it,” but it would not work ahead of the mail, and was therefore ot no use to us. Perhaps it will do bet ter ere long, and we shall then try it again. In the meantime, if tho public, need “lice news" the Griffin Star can at least tell all seekers after it where it may be found, a business we are content it may pursue. A Pastoral Letter.—Wc commence the publication to-day of the pastoral letter from the Pre6byterial General Assembly which recently, after a most interessing session, adjourned at Ma con in this State. We regret that wo have not space enough tor the insertion of the whole letter in one issue ot our paper, the demands npon our columns preventing this; but the remainder of it we shall publish to-morrow. This letter it ap pears was presented to the Assembly by Dr. Wm. Brown, and perhaps emanated from his pen.— Let the author however, be who he may, for pu rity of diction, logical force, and exhalted Chris tian charity, the document has rarely if ever been surpassed. The policy adopted by this influen tial denomination of Christians to preserve their oiganization as a Southern Church, independent of the Northern Church, is one to be approved. Under all circumstances, the memories of the past and views promotive of the future prosperity of the denomination, this action of the General As sembly was imperatively demanded of it To our readers we commend a perusal of this most excellent and able pastoral letter, which we copy from the Macon Telegraph. It will be gratifying intelligence to our peo ple to know that rapid progress is being made in the establishment of mail facilities for Georgia. Below we give a list of a few officers that have been recently re-established: Canton, Cheokee county, L. Holcombe. Manassas, Bartow county, Miss M. F. Brown. Kingston, Bartow county, N. H. Eddy. Allatoona, Bartow county, John Hooper. Tunnel Hill, Whitfield county, J. D. Stephens. Tilton, Whitfield county, Wade H. Harris. Trenton, Dade county, E. T. Rogers. Roswell, Cobb countv, Thos. D. Adams. Powder Springs Cobb countv, A. J. Kiser. Cumming, Forsyth county, J. R. Knox. Hickory Creek,‘Forsyth countv, J. W. Orr. Alpharetta, Milton county, O. P. Skelton. Dallas, Paulding county, S. L. Strickland. Bowden, Carroll county, T. 9. Garrison. Floyd Springs, Floyd’county, Miss E. C. Mc Cullough. Stilesboro, Bartow county, J. F. SproulL Van Wert, Polk county,'J. C. York, jr. Summerville, Chattooga county, Phillips. Augusta Market.— 1 TConstitvtionahst of the 22d says: Cotton.—We quote a brisk demand for good cotton at 40 to 42. There is very little, if any, demand for inferior quality. The advices from abroad have had a favorable influence on our market, and, as a consequence, much activity pre vails, and prices have taken an upward ten dency. Gold.—The gold market has been more active, ■with a good demand at 147. Brokers’ rates are, buying 147, selling 14?, We have received in manuscript, the fol lowing from the gifted gentleman who proposes to write a biography of bis friend, one of the most eloquent and able of Alabama’s sons and of Southern statesmen, and comply with his re. quest to give it an insertion in our columns: FROBPECTC8 OF THE LIFE OF WILLIAM LOWNDES YANCEY. I have undertaken to write an authentic bi ography of William Lowndes Yancet, of Ala bama, and for this purpose have been entrusted by. the family with his private papers. Hi* dis tinguished and gifted brother, Hon. Ben. C. Yancey, of Georgia, has promised to give me ail the particular information I may require and every possible facility for the work. I hope to be able to complete, the book of about SOD pages, octavo, and get it to the public during the next year. Many years of the closest intimacy brought me thoroughly acquainted with the character, the principles, objects, and motives of my lamented friend. He is beyond the reach of human perse cution. History demands a fair and impartial record of life. I stand fearlessly before her au gust tribunal in the hearing of posterity to plead tor justice to bis memory. I solicit subscriptions to the book. It will be sent by Express, or otherwise, to any direction. Due notice will be given of its price, which shall be reasonable, with fair deduction to the trade. Attention of Booksellers invited. The edition will be sufficient only to supply the subscribers. The Author begs of his friends, without fur ther or more formal application, to send him any information or letters of Mr. Yancey which may contribute to his work, and will gratefully ac knowledge any good offices which may be ren dered him in its prosecution. It may be proper for me to Btate that I am loyal to the Government, and that my work hu no treasonable or factious design. I shall write the truth in the interests of history, humanity and my ecuntry. I shall do this as befits the sad and sacred formal rites I owe to the hallowed memory of a great-hearted, true and Christian friend. "Thou art Freedom's son, and Fame's, One of the few immortal names That were not born to die!’’ Wm. F. Samford. Auburn, Macon co., Alabama, Dec. 8,1865. The “ Asher Ayres.”—This is the name of a new steamer of 188 tons of very light draft, built at Long Island, N. Y., by Webb & Bell, and owned by that public spirited citizen of Macon after whom it has been named, and Drigham, Baldwin & Co. also of that city. She is described to be a fine steamer, and is intended as a freight and passenger boat on the Altamaha River, with capacity \o carry 1,200 bales of cotton, and to accommodate handsomely from 25 to 80 cabin passengers. If the steamer “Asher Ayres” proves to be as reliable s boat, as the gentleman after* Whom she has been named has proved reliable as a business man from bis early manhood to the present day, then she ought to be full freight ed ou every i rip she makes, and her cabin filled with passengers. There are some of us, now in the “Gate City," who once walked the streets of Macon on a refugeeing excursion having the fear of one General Sherman in our rear, who can never forget, when others looked askant at us. that the gentleman referred to looked us full in the face, kindly grasped our hands, and not only ten dered, but extended to us favors, much to be ap preciated at the time. Long life to him, and suc cess to his boat! —M M The New York Times of the 16th instant, commenting on the latest action of the House ou the admission of the Southern delegates to seats in Congress, says: It cannot be overlooked at this crisis that the action of the Senate was more in harmony with the policy which has guided the President throughout his whole course iu dealing with the unrepresented States. While the Senate was de liberating on this very question of a Committee, the President was preparing a dispatch to the Provisional Governor of Georgia, approving of the inauguration of the Governor elect, Judge Jen kins; and while heartily approving of the course of the former, recommending him to issue no commission to members of Congress, but to "leave that for the incoming Governor." Anticipating, by a few hours only, the moderating action of the Senate on the House resolution, the Presi dent says, in the same dispatch: “ Why can’t you elect a SenatorT' No one will be disposed to the belief that this dispatch was not known to the majority who voted, on Tuesday, iu the Senate, on the question of a Committee. Most people will be inclined to believe that the favorable pro gress in Georgia, which elicited such emphatic approval from the Executive, was one ot the strongest inducements to the majority in the Sen ate to retain in its own hands the right of open ing its doors to the members from individual States, without abiding the adoption of a concur rent resolution as submitted by the House. The majority that followed Mr. Wilson ou Thursday doubtless acted from what they con sidered the highest motives of patriotism in un- doiug, as far as possible, the agreement between the two Houses. But it will shortly be seen, we doubt not, that tho nearer the policy of the Ex ecutive and of Congress harmonizes, the safer, the surer, the speedier and the more satisfactory will be the work of restoring all the States to their true relations to the Union. The President does not invite the election of Senators from Georgia without knowing that there has been an honest conformity in that State to the require ments laid down in his plan of reconstruction.— It is a question mainly, then, as far as Georgia is concerned, whether the President’s policy has the approval of Congress, or lias it not. The credentials of the individual delegations that present themselves will, of course, be still a mat ter for thorough Congressional scrutiny. But aside from that, a decision on the claims of such States as Georgia and Tennessee must now re solve itself into an approval or disapproval of the Executive policy in dealing with the whole broad question of the rehabilitation of the un represented States. In another article the same paper thus refers to Governor Jenkins: The Governor Elect of Georgia.—What ever may have been thought of the shape given by Judge Jenkins to the action of the Georgia State Convention, of which he was confessedly the leader, bis recent course must receive the approval of the entire loyal North. Unanimously elected Governor of Georgia, he yields gracefully to the decision of President Johnson, that he shall not at present enter upon the discharge ef his duties, and in a letter to the Legislature, the tone of which is admirable and unexceptionable, postpones his inauguration until the national Ex ecutive Rhall indicate its willingness that the cer emony should take place. If the newly elected Governors of Mississippi and some other South ern 8tates had manifested the spirit exhibited by Judge Jenkins, and shown themselves as anx ious to comply with the wishes of President Johnson as they were ambitious to assume au thority they could not exercise, the work of re storation would have been both simplified and expedited. We abe pleased to notice the following com pliment paid to a young friend, the son ot the late Hon. Francis H. Cone of this Stats, who it appears is now in the city of New York engaged in the practice of law: Theodore C. Cone, of Georgia.—On Mon day last in the Superior Court of New York, on motion of Mr. Charles O’Connor, Mr. Cone was, ex gratia, allowed to make an argument for Mr. O’Connor, in an 'important insurance case, in volving the value of the cargo of the ship Morti mer Livingston, wrecked some two years ago near Cape May. The motion'of Mr. O’Connor was made neces sary by the fact that Mr. Cone’s admission to the bar of this State is delayed by the non-arrival of a certificate of his having been a member of the Geoigia bar. We have heard his argument spoken of as evincing much ability and research, and as prom ising him an honorable place among our metro politan lawyers.—N. T. News, IStA instant. The population of the Sandwich Islands is now about four hundred thousand, and that peo ple have reached quite an advanced stage of en- lightment, being well supplied with newspapers, books and schools. As sn evidence of their civi lization it is mentioned that in their courts they j have trials for murder, peijury, polygamy, bur glar}*, assault and battery, larceny and all other crimes known to civilized society. Business and general industry are flourishing, and on the whole the islands are doing well. The coolie labor system has recently been inaugurated, but has not yet been sufficiently tested to enable a judg ment of its results to be formed from actual ex perience. A PastarsI Letter, from the Presbyterian General Assembly to the Churches under their Care. Beloved Brethren in the Lord: Such were the convulsions of the country and inter ruptions of travel last'spring, that a meeting of the General Assembly of our church at the tune appointed was impracticable. It has been now convened under circumstances of peculiar inter est, involving the gravest responsibility. From this fitet arises the special duty of addressing a pastoral letter to the churches under our care, by which they may be the more comfortably re-as sured concerning various points of great import ance connected with our position, and be coun seled in faitliful love concerning the solemn obli gations' resting upon them. That these weighty matters may be the more distinctively set before you, let the following points, concisely presented, be brought under your prayerful consideration. I. Our relation to the dcil governments of the Country : The storm of x~ar lias, during the four years past, swept over nearly every part ot our bounds; a war so vast in its proportions, so bit ter in its animosities, so desolating in its effects, as to make it an astonishment to the nations. Its sacrifices in treasure and in blood, its public losses and private griefs, swell beyond all calcu lations. As to its particular causes, or upon which party rests the blame, chiefly or wholly— these are questions which the church of Christ has no commission to decide. Beyond a doubt, however, its great root is to be found in those lusts which war in the members. Of these it be comes us to own our full share, and because of them, to humble ourselves under the mighty hand of God. During the prevalence of this war, “the higher powers” actually bearing rule over most of our bounds, and to which under the word of God we were required te be “subject,” were the Govern ment of the Confederate States, and those of the several States constituting it. By the event of the war the first has been overthrown, and the second, as constituents thereof, are changed. The “higher j lowers” now bearing rule over us are confessedly the Government of the United States, aad those existing in the States wherein we re side. The rigbtfulness of these several authori ties, or to which of them the allegiance of our people as citizens is primarily due, are matters upon which a judicatory of the church ha9 no right to pronounce judgment. The relation of the church of Christ to civil governments is not one dejure, but de facto. As right and good, or wrong anu wicked, they rise and fall by the agency or permission of God’s providence. In either case the attitude of the church towards them is essentially the same. As long as they stand and are acknowledged, obedience is to be enjoined as a duty, factious resistance condemned as a sin. But in regard to conflicts between ex isting governments, or movements in society, peaceful or otherwise, to effect political changes, the church as such has no more control over them than it has over the polls of the country. If it has authority to uphold on the one side, it has equal power to condemn on the other; if to suppress a political movement, then also to insti gate it. In truth it has neither; and to assert to the contrary is to corrupt the church in its prin ciples, forever embroil it with the strifes of the world, and plunge it headlong into ruiu. Under these views, and considering the extra ordinary conflict through which the country has passed, as well as the extraordinary circum stances in which it is now placed, it is incumbent upon us to exhort you, brethren, to “obey them that have the rule over you, and submit your selves. Fulfill with scrupulous fidelity all your obligations to the government of the land, re membering the duty of this compliance, “ not .only for wrath, but also for conscience sake.”—* “For so is the will of God, that with well doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men.” II. Our relation to the Church: It is not necessa- we should here minutely define the nature of the Church. It is enough to say that it is a king dom, though in the world, yet not of it; that it is a body of which Christ is the sole head; pur chased by his blood to the exclusion of all other power; and that it is united to Him by the bond of faith. From this living Head the members receive all their vitality, control and protection. It is therefore a spiritual body. Its sole commis sion is to preach the gospel to every creature, and it is called to that holy living which the gos pel enforces. It follows from this according to the admira ble statement of our Confession of Faith, chap. 31, sec. 4, that—“Synods and Councils are to handle or conclude nothing but that which is ecclesiastical; and are not to intermeddle with civil affaire which concern the commonwealth, unless by way of humble petition in cases extra ordinary ; or by way of advice, for satisfaction of conscience, if they be thereunto required by the civil magistrate. It is equally clear'from this and what was be fore observed, that the civil magistrate or milita ry ruler has not the shadow ot a right to restrain the freedom of the Church, by excluding its own chosen pas tore and imposing others, or closing its houses of worship, or visiting pains and pen alties upon its ministers or members for using tbeprivilege of worship. Jww often both of these great truths have been trampled into the dust within a few years past, melancholy facts most fully attest. Of all such utter confusion of the things of Caesar with the things of God, it becomes our people to beware, and against it to faithfully bear witness. The events passing before us, bring up with fresh power the importance of keeping iu mind this very point,, this vital truth, that the Church of Christ is indeed a spiritual kingdom, and is therefore like Mount Zion that abideth forever. The Church is safe through the deluge, but only in her own ark, not in the ark ot the State. It is owing to this fact, and to this only, that she can ride out the storms that leave the' shores of this world strewn with the wreck of everything which the hand of man has constructed. But it. is our desire, brethren, to counsel you at present concerning the special relation you sus tain to this part of the church with which you are more immediately connected. Four years ago we were constrained to organize a separate General Assembly. This was done ‘because of an attempt by a part of the church to impose a yoke upon our consciences, “which neither we nor our fathers were able to bear.” Our testi mony upon this and other points of great inter est, is before the Christian churches of the world, in the address made to them by the General As sembly of 1861; and we are willing the impar tial judgment of men should be passed upon the question, as to where the sin of schism lies, if any exist. The organization was formed out of elements among the oldest in the history ot the Presbyterian church in this country. It carries with it nearly one third of the whole original church, embraces a territory of twelve States.— It embraces 10 Synods, 47 Presbyteries, 1,000 ministers, and about 70,000 church members, and was effected and has been continued with a una nimity which has hardly a parallel in the history of such movements. It was not made to sub serve any political or secular interest whatsoever. The reasons for its continuance not only remain as conclusive as at first, but have been exceed ingly strengthened by events of public notoriety occurring each succeeding year. It may be proper at this point to declare con cerning other churches in the most explicit man ner, that, in the true idea of “ the communion of saints," we would willingly hold fellowship with all who love our Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity; and especially do we signify to all bodies, minis ters and people of the Presbyterian church, struggling to maintain the same time-honored confession, our desire to establish the most inti mate relations with them which may be found mutually edifying and for the glory of God. But whilst earnestly exhorting you to walk in love towards all your fellow-chnstians, peculiar circumstances, well known, make it our plain duty to put you on your guard against attempts to disturb .and divide your congregations. We are a branch of the church, as complete in our oiganization as thoroughly distinct and harmo nious, and secure In our prospects as any other in the land. Appreciating this fact, we are sure common self-respect, to say nothing of a jealons care for the honor of the church will repel all unworthy attempts of men who may lie in wait to deceive and to cause you to fall-from your own steadfastness. III. Our relation to the negro population. The extraordinary circumstances in which, by recent events, this people are now placed, and our relation to them, is a subject too immense to be passed over in silence. The former relation between our citizens and most of this population was that of master and servant. The address of our General Assembly, before referred to, con tains a lull, unequivocal, and the only deliberate and authoritative exposition of our views in re gard to the matter. We here re-affirm its whole doctrine to be that of scripture and reason. It is the old doctrine of the church, and the only one which keeps its foundations secure. That ad dress contains, among other statements, the fol lowing : “We would have it distinctly understood that in our ecclesiastical capacity, we are neither the friends nor foes of slavery; that is to say, we have no commission either to propagate or' abol ish it. The policy of its existence, or non-exist ence is a question which exclusively belongs to Europe, and the despotisms of Asia, the doc trines of republican equality, as to preach to the governments of the South the extirpation of slavey.” This relation is now overthrown, suddenly, violently; whether josQy or uqjustly, in wrath or in mercy, for weal or for woe, let history and the judge of all the earth decide. But there are two considerations of vital interest which still remain. One is, that while the existence of slavery may, in its civil aspects, be regarded as a civil question, an issue now gone, yet the lawfulness of the relation as a question of social morality, and of scriptural truth, has lost nothing of its importance. When we solemnly declare to you, brethren, that the dogma which asserts the inhe rent sinfulness of this relation is unscriptural and fanatical; that it is condemned not only by the word of God, bat by the voice of the church in all ages; that it is one of the most pernicious heresies of modem tunes; that its countenance by any church, is a just cause of separation from it, (1 Tim. 6,1—5.) We have surely said enough to warn you away from this insidious error, as from a fatal shore. -» Whatever, therefore, we may have to lament before God, either for neglect of duty towards our servants, or for actual wrong while the rela tion lasted, we are not called, now that it lias been abolished, to bow the head in humiliation before men, or admit that the memory of many of our dear kindred is to be covered with shame, because like Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, they had bond-servants born in their^wn house, or bought with their money; and who now, redeemed by the same precious bloed, sitWown together in the kingdom of God. The other consideration connected with this subject is the present condition of this people.— We may righteously protest that with their wretchedness, already incalculably great, that with their prospects, to human view, dismal as the grave, our church is not chargeable; that it may hold up its hands before heaveu and earth, washed of the tremendous responsibility involv ed in this change in the condition of nearly four millions of bond-servants, and for which it has hitherto been generally conceded they were un prepared. * But in this dispensation of Prov idence which has befallen the negroes of nte Southern States, and mainly without, their agency, your obliga tions to promote their welffl^ though diminish ed, have not ceased. Debtors before to them when bound, you are still debtors to them free. You are bound to them notjS?Ty by the ties of a common nature, a common **in, but a common redemption also. They have grown up around and in your households, have toiled for your benefit, ministered to your comforts and your wants, and have often tenderly, faithfully nursed you in sickness. They are still around your doors and in the bosom of your cofBtnunity. Many of them are your fellow heirs of salvation. To gether with you they need it; greatly need it, for time—for eternity. We are persuaded you will not turn away from them in this day of their imagined millenium—we fear of terible calami ty. Do all you can for theirIbest welfare, and do it quickly, for they already begin to pass rapidly away. “By pureness, by knowledge, by long suffering, by kindness, by the Holy Ghost, by love unfeigned, by the word of God, by the ar mor of righteousness on thevight hand and on the left, by honor and dishonor, by evil report and good report, let it be shown to all men tliat nothing shall withdraw the sympathy of your heart or the labor of your hand from a work which mast of necesity and ever rest chiefly upon those who dwell in the land, not upon tiie stran gers who visit it. If their condition is made bet ter, if souls are plucked as brands from the burn ing, you will have the comfort of knowing that you were under God instrumental in such happy results. Should our worst fears be realized, and their doom be sealed, you will have a pure con science at the bar of the final judge. We haye thought it important to re-9tate the ters; you have had sorrow upon sorrow. It was the path your Savior trod, and He wifi grant you in it the comfort of his love, and the fellowship of his spirit. Some of our dear brethren in Christ, and some of them in the ministry, have bad cruel mockings and scourging*, have suffered stripes and imprisonments, and the loss of all things.— Our prayer has been with you in your commu nity. Cast your burdenon the Lord, and He will sustain you. Pemember that the Church of God has often passed through the heated furnace, bat the form of the Son of God has been seen with her, and she is still unconsumed. “The bush.”— said Rutherford, that great light of the Church of Scotland—“The bush has been burning these four thousand years, -but no man hath seen the ashes of that fire to this day.” Be faithful unto death. Very soon -will all these troubles end, and your home be reached where no enemv shall ever enter, and from which no friend shall ever depart. . . - • We desire to tell you, dear brethren, and with thankful, jovful hearts, liowgood we have felt to be here. We liave taken sweet counsel together, and gone to the house of God in company. We are in peace and love one with another. No strife distracts our beloved Zion. We depart to our homes thanking God and taking courage, resolved to stand in our lot and labor with a more unreserved devotion for the upbuilding of that only Kingdom that cannot be moved. Receive the words of instruction and exhorta tion, which in the fulness of our hearts we send to you, greeting. “And now, brethren, we commend you to God, and to the word of his grace which is able to build you up, and to give you an inheritance among all them that are sanctified.” “The God of all grace, who hath called us unto his eternal glory by Christ Jesus, after wlmt ye have suffered awhile, make you perfect, establish, strengthen, settle yoa” “The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ, the love of God, and the communion of the Holy Ghost be with you all. Amen. The foregoing letter is to be read in all the churches ou the second Sabbatii iu February next, and published as a tract by the Committee of Publication. great principles here presented, not because your faithful devotion to them is doubted, but because, as those who watch for your souls, wc “ would not be negligent, putting you always in remem brance of these things, though ye know them, and be established m the present truth,” and because, to the reproach of religion in many places, they have sunk out of , view and brought the church into perilous times. Bear with us now wliile we would, in faithful love, counsel you concerning the solemn respon sibilities resting upon you. _ Think, first, of the magnitude of the work thrown upon our hands. We find ourselves with our two theological seminaries much shattered in their resources.— Most of our colleges are financially disabled, many almost ruined. Many of our houses of worship are despoiled or laid in ashes, our peo ple impoverished, our ministers scantily sup ported. We are indeed deeply afflicted; but shall we therefore draw back, sink down into despair, leave our beloved cb£ck to sit in sack cloth, and gross darkness to ixiver the people ? Every heart cries out, “ This must never be! ”— On the contrary* our church must invigorate and extend all her present schemes of action, as well as embrace new ones as they offer themselves.— If so, then she must address herself to this work with an energy she lias never yet known. But how shall she be strengthened for it ? Allow us, in a few words, to remiud you of old, well- tried principles; for our rules* and plans need keeping rather than mending, and there is ample room prepared within the scope of our cherished schemes for bringing out of the grave an untold treasure of buried talent, and making it useful in the Master’s cause. To effect this, We must have a supreme consecration to God.— “Ye are not your own, ye are bought witli a price,” must be engraven more deeply upon our hearts. The great practical drawback in the church is, not that the consecration of its mem bers is insincere, but that it is not habitually su preme. It does not subordinate everything else to the cause of Christ. Is it any wonder; then, that the aim of life is 90 earthly, and the work of life so feebly grasped ? If ever our Zion shall arise and shine, it will be under the light of a people intensely, constantly devoted to doing the will of God. “Wherefore we beseech you, breth ren, by the mercies of God, that ye present your bodies a living sacrifice, holy, acceptable unto God, which is your reasonable service. Remember that there is a <cork for all. One in- fallable sign of a redeemed heart is a desire to know and obey God. Its very birthcry is, “Lord, what wilt thou have me to do ?” When you be came members of the church, from the very na ture of the transaction, some of its interest was transferred to your keeping; you assumed a part of its responsibility. In your profession, you identified yourself with the Lord Jesus and his cause. Is this, however, a deep, or a very general im pression? Is it not manifest that multitudes come into the church with the feeblest conviction of duty in view ? They seem hardly to know or to care whether the Master has done such a thing as to give to “every man his own work.” We entreat you to remember that He has omitted none of his servants in the great command, “oc cupy till I come.” And it is only when in Him the whole body is fitly framed together, and com pacted by that which every joint supplieth, ac cording to the effectual working in the measure of every part, that it maketh increase to the edi fying or itself in love. If, then, contemplating the magnitude of our work we shall consecrate ourselves supremely to Him who gave himself for us, and then remem ber that there is a work for all to do, what will be the result ? The treasury of the Lord will be full. There will be such an outpouring by our people as has □ever been known in our history. All experi ence shows that the church has never been re plenished in her operations by the ample bounty of a few men, so much as by the collected mites of her innumerable poor disciples. In this, as in other respects, the history of the Free Church of Scotland is full of instruction for us. Are we poor ? So were they. But nobly did they bear out with them, not only their grand testimony to the supreme Headship of Christ as King in Zion, but the burden also of sustaining every scheme of benevolence necessary to the complete equip ment of their organization. Are we afflicted as well as poor ? So were the churches in Macedo nia ; yet, “in the great trial of their affliction, their deep poverty abounded unto the riches of their liberty.” Let but this spirit thoroughly pervade our people, and what shall we soon wit ness? Yon will educate your ministry, and then amply support them; and to do this you will give a generous support to your colleges and Theological Seminaries. You will supply your people with the printed truth in every proper form of it, and therefore you will give them the Bible, the tract, and the religious volume. You will plant churches where they are neededyou will push church enterprise into every accessible part of the land, until the wilderness shall blos som as the rose. And now, brethren, “if there be any virtue and any praise, think on these things.” “Consider what we say, and the Lord give you understand ing in all things ” Strive to “stand complete in all the will of God.” Strive to be “living epistles known and read of all men.” Serve the Lord in cheerfulness. Refrain from murmuring: pray for a meek and submissive spirit. Desire more that your trials should be sanctified than re moved. So forgive your enemies that you may be able to “lift up holy hands without wrath or doubting.” Be humble, watchful, prayerful and useful Do all in your power to minister to the comfort of those who minister to you in holy UrantW Report. Headquarters Army United States, i December 18,1865. f To his Excellency, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States Sir—In reply to your note of the 16th insL, requesting a report from me giving such informs tion as I may be possessed ot coming within the scope of the inquiries made by the Senate of the United States in their resolution of the 12th inst., I have the honor to submit the following, with your approval and also that of the Honorable Secretary of War: I left Washington on the 27th of last month for the purpose of making a tour of inspection throughout some of the Southern States lately in rebellion, and to see what changes were neces sary in the disposition of the military forces of the country; how these forces could be reduced, expenses curtailed, &c., aud to learn, as far as possible, the feelings and intentions of the citi zens of these States toward the General Govern ment. The State of Virginia being so accessible to Washington City, and information from this quarter therefore being readily obtained, I hasten ed through the State without conversing or meet- ing with its citizens.- Iu Raleigh, North Caro lina, I spent oue day, in Charleston, South Caro lina, two days, and in Savannah and Augusta, Georgia, each one day. Both in leaving and whilst stopping I saw much and conversed freely with the citizens of those States, as well as with officers of the army who have been stationed among them. The following are the conclusions come to by me: I am satisfied that the mass of thinking men of the South accept the present situation of af fairs in good faith. The questions which 'have hitherto divided the sentiments of the people of the two sections are slavery and State rights, or the right of a State to secede from the Union.— This they regard as having been settled forever by the highest tribunal that man can resort to. I was pleased to learn fromrthe leading men whom I met that they not only accepted the de cision arrived at as final, but, now the smoke of battle has cleared away, and time has been given for reflection, that this decision has been a iortu nate one for the whole country, they receiving a like benefit from it with those who opposed them in the field and in the council. Four years of war, during which law was executed only at the point of the bayonet throughout the States in re bellion, have left the people, possibly, in a condi tion not to yield that ready obedience to civil au thority the American people have generally been in the habit of yielding. This would render the E resence of small garrisons throughout those tates necessary, until such time as labor returns to its proper channel, and civil authority is fully established. Th§ whites and the blacks mutually require the protection of the general Government. There is such universal acquiescence in the au thority of the general Government throughout the portions of the country visited by me, that the mere presence of : military force, without regard to number, is sufficient to maintain order. The good of the country requires that the force be kept in the interior where there are many freedmen, or elsewhere in the Southern States.— Those at forts, upon the sea coast, where no force is necessary, should all be white troops. The reasons for this are obvious, without mentioning many of them. The presence of black troops, lately slaves, demoralizes labor, both by their ad vice and furnishing in their camps a resort for the freedmen for long distances around. White troops generally excite no opposition, and, there fore, a small number of them can miintain order in a given district. Colored troops must be kept in bodies suffi cient to defend themselves. It is not the think ing men who would do violence toward any class of troops sent among them by the General Government, but the ignorant in some places might, and the late slaves, too, who might be imbued with the idea that the property of his late master should by right belong to him—at least, should have no protection from the colored soldiers. There is danger of collisions being brought on by such causes.. My observations lead me to the conclusion that the citizens of the Southern States are anxious to return to self- government within the Union as soon as possi ble ; that whilst reconstructing, they want and require protection from the government that they think is required by the government, aud is not humiliating to them as citizens, and that if such a course was pointed out they would pursue it in good faith. It is to l»e regretted that there can not be a greater commingling at this time be tween the citizens of the two" sections, and par ticularly those who are interested upon the law making points. I do not give the operations of the Freedmen’s Bureau that attention I would have done if more time had been at my dispo sal. Conversations, however, with officers con nected with the Bureau, led me to think that in some of the States its affairs have not been con ducted with good judgment and economy, and the belief evidently spread among the freedmen in the Southern States that the lands of their for mer owners will, at least in part, be divided among them, has come from the agent of this Bureau. This belief is seriously interfering with the willingness of the freedmen to make con tracts for the coming year. In sdme form the Freedmen’s Bureau is an absolute necessity until From we New York World. Rabid. Bamput Radicalism as on the Stool or Rnentaaee-Crockett Surren der* to the Coon—The Joint-Committee Resolution Emasculated in the Senate. Washington, Dee. 12. One of the most ancient of the old-time editors of Washington used to think he had tied a hard knot -in the snapper of his most lashing and slashing articles, when he would up and gave the final crack with nous tenons. Well, within the last four and twenty hours, we have seen, and are likely to see more. Rampant radicalism seems to be on the stool of repentance. Talking with a prominent Republcan Repre sentative this morning, and referring to the fact that Mr. Raymond was found among the faithful From tho National Intelligencer. The hate nr. Corwin. The death of 'TIiomas Corwin, of Ohio, the particulars of Which we give elsewhere, is an other link broken in the chain that binds us to the eminent men iu our past history. We intend here no biographical sketch; but there are tilings that come to the.heart when a man like Corwin dies that may not be suppressed. Thomas Corwin was not only an orator and statesman, a wit, a wag, a proverbial humorist, but he was likewise a philosophical thinker, and a genial, true-souled, and everywhere respected and beloved man. liis mind was deeply, imbued with the poetry of sentiment, which had its fountain in his broad and tender domestic nature; forty wiio voted, yesterday, to suspend the rules ; rtu , t !, colored all his public speeches, to introduce a resolution admitting pro tern, the ' v ^ l ‘ e 11 rendered his private intercourse most Southern mepibers to the floor of the House, I asked him which side of the Republican party Raymond belonged to, any bow, the Conserva tive or Radical ? “My dear sir,” said the member, “we don't know any such differences in the House; the newspapers* alone make such distinctions.” Shade of perambulating and still progressing Old John Brown. I hpgin to believe it! The conversion of Saul has generally been re garded as one of the most “sudden” things in his tory, sacred or profane. But a great light must have broken in upon Raymond to induce him to rise in the House and present the credentials of the members elect from Tennessee, to refuse to modify his motion till inquiry could be made whether Tennessee was iu the Union, to express “inclination” that the credentials should be refer red as the rules and customs would ordinarily refer them, and actually to press in repentant Radicals enough to take notice of these credenti als in some shape, by the handsome majority of eighty-five. And a great aud sudden change came upon old Thad. Stevens, who, when Raymond first rose, declared that the State of Tennessee was “not known to this Houseaud a few moments after wards the same old Tliad. Steveus moved that the unkown delegation-from tho unkuown State be admitted to the-floor of the House. Consistency may be a jewel, but it is seldom set iu such solid brass. These members change front without apology, or even explanation to the still stiff and unyielding Radicals. Iu the case of the representative from New-York, far be it from me to suppose that tills sudden surrender, this evidently conciliatory course in accordance with the presumed wishes of the President, has any thing to do with the collectorsliip of New-York. Nor, for a wonder, can this course have been marked out by the caucus, unless in the sub-cau cus of the New-York delegation. It seems to be worth while, after all, to recognize the existence of the Executive. If the President cannot be made to bend to the House, perhaps a slight de flection towards his policy is desirable. The mountain would not come to Mahomet; and did you ever think how the story would have been told if, when Colonel Crockett summoned the coon to come down, the old coon hadn’t done anything of the kind ? But on this question, caucus, conciliation and conservatism were all strikingly manifest to-day in the Senate. So prominent 'was caucus, that the World had the amended, emasculated joint committee resolution by telegraph, and in type, word for word as it was adopted to-day, full ten hours before the Senate “ratified” the proceed ings of the caucus. I need only to refer to the tact that the resolution as amended is concurrent, not .joint, and does not need the signature of the President, to show that the executive has not even been asked to “come down.” There must have been a very strong suspicion that, even at tbs sacrifice of Stevens^ and Sumner’s affection, he would not have done it, if he had been asked —and the resolution, as emasculated, becomes a mere eunuch of “inquiry.” That terrible resolu tion, which was to preclude all debate on the most vital issue now or ever before the country; which was to destroy the constitutional right of each House to decide upon its own elections; which was to disgrace the Senate by making the House majority of three in the committee the judges of the claims of Senators to seats; which was to make the executive succumb to the radi calism of the other branches of. the administra tion, turns out, after all, to be only a harmless resolution of inquiry to learn the condition of the late insurgent States and their claims to rep resentation. It is a wretchedly trite quotation—that partu- riunt monies, etc.,—but our lately radical, now repentant, Republican friends only want to know if the Southern States are in the Union, and if the credentials of the Southern Representatives are in their breeches pockets. The time has been, before now, when a seemingly sturdy highway man has put a weapon to the head of a traveler, with the full intention of demanding his money or his life, but has “suddenly” thought better of it, and has simmered down* with a resolution of inquiry as to whether the unmoved traveler “didn’t want to buy a pistol.” Of course, the Radicals don’t know whether the Southern States are in the Union or not; and in answer to their earnest and innocent inquiry, I trust all the necessary information will be fur nished. However it may be in the House, there is such a distinction, such a difference, as there is between the radical and conservative element in the Re publican party, in the Senate. While Sumner, to-day, was silent, Chandler expressed his own rabid radicalism and that of other radicals who are run in this Chandler’s moulds, when he de clared that the Southern States are conquered communities with no rights but thpse conferred by the will of the conqueror. The-manly speech of Senator Doolittle declared a true conservatism. He declares truly, that if the Southern States are not in t he Union the flag floating over the Capitol which bears to-day thirty-six stars, is (quoting from the poets of the Tribune,) a “hypocritical, flaunting He.” Every conservative who heard him, Republican or Democratic, enjoyed im mensely his close and keen carving of the House caucus,, and his discussion of that bitter, malig nant opponent of the administration, old Thad. Stevens. It was a genuinely good speech. But Thad Steveus errs greatly in saying that President Johnson is carrying out the reconstruc tion policy that President Lincoln begun. This is a stale repetition of the Seward slander uttered be fore the sportive, ancients and sapient youths of Auburn. Mr. Johnson’s plan of restoration, and Mr: Lincoln’s plan of reconstruction, are no more alike than the recovery of a sick child, and a new and still birth in the family. And now the resolution, no longer joint, but concurrent, goes back to the House. It repiains to be seen whether, in its emasculated, enfeebled state, the House will recognize the strong, vigor ous bantling set out with such promise ten days ago. The Position of toe President.—What ever may be said to the contrary, the evidence is conclusive that the President remains firm in hia position, and has no idea whatever of chang ing it to suit the radicals. Before he announced Ins restoration policy, lie weighed the subject carefuUy, and adopted the only course which he considered justifiable under the Constitution.— Having carefully, and after full deliberation, de cided upon his course, lie will not now abandon it, unless some greater obstacle presents itself than, has yet been developed. He may yield on some trivial points for the sake of harmony, but in no case where it will affeet his general plan of re-adjusting the country, and restoring perrna- civil law is established and enforced, securing to | nent peace, harmony and prosperity to all sec- ! the State. We have no right, as a church, to en- : join it as a duty or condemn it as a sin. Our T „ „ „ i business is with the duties which spring from the The Educational Jocbnal. We regret to jetton. duties of the masters on the one state that the material of, this journal was en- i hand, and of their slaves on the other. These ; things. Try to do good in a Saviour’s church tirelv consumed by the fire which occurred re- ’ duties we are to proclaim and enforce with §pir-and a world of sin. Let piety be shown at home; itual sanctions. The social, civil, political pro- let the holy Sabbath be indeed a day for God, bleins connected with this great subject transcend j and let your children be trained op in the nur- our sphere, as God has not entrusted to His , ture and admonition of the Lord. Live daily cently in Forsyth, Georgia. Latest advices from Jamaica say the number of executions to four thousand, corpses. j as much right to preach to the monarchies of You have been called to pusthrough deep wa- the freedmen their rights and full protection at present. However, it is independent of the mili tary establishment of the country, and seems to be co-operated witli by the different agents of the bureau according to their individual notions. Everywhere General Howard, the able bead of the bureau, made friends by the just and fair instructions and advice he gave; but the com plaint in South Carolina was that when lie left things went on as before. Many, perhaps the majority of the agents of the Freedmen’s Bureau, advise the freedmen that by their own industry they must expect to live, and to this end they en deavor to secure employment for them, and to see that both contracting parties comply witli their engagements. In some cases, I am sorry to say, the freed man’s mind does not seem to be disabused of the idea that the freedman has the right to live without care or provision for the future. The effect of the belief in the division of lands is .idle ness and accumulation in camps, towns and cities. In such cases-1 think it will be found vice and disease will tend to the extermination or great destruction of the colored race. It can not be expected that the opinions held by men at the South for years can be changed in a day, and therefore the freedmen require, for a few years, not only laws to protect them, but the fostering care of those who will give them good counsel and upon whom they can rely. The Freedmen’s Bureau being separated from the military establishment of the country, re quires all the expenses of a separate organization. One does not know what the other is doing, or what orders they are acting under. It seems to me this could be corrected by regarding eveiy officer on duty with troops in the Southern States as agents of the Freedmen’s Bureau, and then have all orders for the head of the Bureau sent through the best commanders. This would create a responsibility that would insure a uni formity of action throughout the South, and would ensure the orders and instructions from the head of Re Bureau being carried out, and would relieve from duty and pay a large number of employees of the Government I have the honor to be, veiy respectfully, your obedient servant, U. S. Grant, Lieut Gen. In London an experiment as novel as it was interesting was lately initiated by the dispatch of a party of 20 patients from the consumptive hos pital at Brompton to Madeira, for winter resi dence in that salubrious climate. tlons. If Congress desires that the country shall be kept in an unsettled condition, and that one section shall be threatened with anarchy, im pairing our commerce and endangering our financial interests, they can rest assured that they can have the opportunity of taking the whole responsibility. The President will so play his card that it cannot in any way be charged at his door. The evidence that be in tends to remain firm is so conclusive that it seems almost impossible to find the slightest point upon wliich to hang a doubt. A promi nent official, whose position and daily inter course with the President gives him an oppor tunity to know officially what Mr. Johnson will do, remarked today, “ that the President had designated his Southern policy, after due delib eration, and had checked his baggage through, and intended to stick fast to that train at all hazards.” No authority in the city of Washing ton is any better or more reliable than the per son who made that remark, except President Johnson himself— Washington Letter, Dec. 2- -* *"—: A Beautiful Queen.—Queens and literary women are very seldom handsome, bnt there are some exceptions to the general rule: The Empress of Austria is one of the most beau tiful of European princesses, and famed for her kindness of temper, notwithstanding her rather haughty bearing. She is tall, slender, graceful, with a very white skin, a good deal of color, laige, limpid blue eyes, and an amazing head of Ught, hair, which she wears in eight massive braidst' wound round and round her head, forming a magnificent diadem of hair, such as very few women could match from their own resources. She is also said to be highly accomplished. She speaks all the principal tongues of Europe, and is particularly fond of the English language, which she speaks as perfectly as though it were her na tive dialect. She is an excellent musician, paints and draws extremely well, and is one of the boldest and most skillful horsewomen of Austria. She possesses a stVd of veiy valuable horses, and a pack of splendid hounds; and die is said to take the warmest interest in the racing and hunting of all Europe, and to know by heart the names of the heroes of the turf, biped'and quadruped, of all the countries of Europe. A flock of wild geese kept pace with a train of care on the Hudson River Railroad, going at about thirty miles an hour, the other day, for ten miles, when they changed their ^ourse, private intercourse most charming and winning. His social magnetism was remarkable. Old and young were equally attracted, interested, amused, and fascinated bv liis inimitable original flow of conversation, in which were blended anecdote, humor, tenderness, argument, and narrative. Corwin would have made a divine whose influence over the minds and hearts of men wpuld have been unbounded ; and—we say this with due reverence for the pul pit, aud only to illustrate the idiosyncracies of kis genius—if he lmd chosen the si age as liis pro fession, lie would have rivalled Garrick himself. To him belonged a weird power over the tears of men, and he could play upon their sentiments as a master fingers the strings of the harp. It was thus that he became the most successful popular orator of his day, and the worthy rival of the greatest in this line that our country has produced. His more serion* efforts have a classic vein.— His memorable speech in reply to a member of Congress, wherein he indulged in a description of the militia and of a militia general, will live as long as Irving’s story of Ichabod Crane, as a master-piece of good-natured satire and of liter ary skill. His famous speech on the Mexican war question, delivered in the Senate of the Uni ted States, although unpopular and often illogical, is nevertheless one of those speeches of our Sen ate that will lie preserved. Mr. Corwin was not a.great practical lawyer, nor had his mind the grasp and power that.'dis tinguish great original men, who are born to give birth to ideas and to control the action of the pe riod in which they live. His mind and heart went together, and his sentiments and philosophy curbed that will and fierce earnestness which al ways mark men of absolute rule. Mr. Corwin undoubtedly was a man of convictions, but these were not earnest enough to force His eloquence like a tornado through all opposition, unit so to carry hisliearers, as it were, at the point of the bayonet. His oratory was like the skiltull work of the lapidary, that enhances and beautifies the precious stones wliich lie cuts, so as to reflect from them the most hues possible. Thus Cor win enhanced simple subjec s until they glowed and grew rich and sparkling, and seemed great and precious in the setting of liis genius. But the burning heart of the orator the interesting aud f itted Corwin lacked. Those who will think of lufus Choate and Thomas Corwin, and compare them, even superficially, will at once perceive the significance of our criticism iu this respect.— While earnest orators like Choate grow prema turely old,* the genial sous of genius, among whom Corwin was foremost, walk cheerfully ana gailv into age. No public man iu all our history has been more popular, in a certain sense, than Corwin. Although always a party man, and a leader in the fiercest times of party strife, still he disarmed opposition of personal rancor, and he never failed to make a breach in the heart of his adversary. When in his prime there was no man who could stand out long against Corwin’s humor and bril liant illustrative tun. His political anecdotes anil 9tories, which were resistless weapons in his hands, liave overthrown many a Goliali iu de bate, and these are yet freshly remembered and preserved throughout the whole country. And Corwin was the idol of the young. Every where young people followed him, courted him, loved him, respected him, and came to him for words of counsel and encouragement. His large nature naturally attracted youths about him.— The princely trunk was thus clad in verdure un til it fell. Naturally indolent, Mr. Corwin will live .more in tradition—like Patrick Henry—than in his works. His memory will be handed down from lather to son throughout the great West, and among the public men of the nation who were cotemporary with him. He will never be forgot ten while the country has a history; but, on the contrary, (for he ■was a man of genius,) liis por trait will be fresh among us throughout the years. He was a statesman of influence, a thorough conservative, an eminent patriot, and a man be loved equally for liis domestic and social worth. Many are the eyes that will grow dim witli tears, many are the hearts that will sadden when the news reaches them that “Tom Corwin, the Wagon Boy,” (as his home-people loved to call him,) is no more. Of late years politics assumed a shape distasteful to him; but be stood deci dedly, faithfully, aad patriotically by bis country. Never a man of extremes, Ire strove with all his force to avert the war, and while he deplored the crime of the South, he mourned the desolation of the land. We rejoice to know that he lived long enough to see our torn country in the way of hope and of health. Now that Corwin has gone, how few remain of the old regime, who elevated politics into a knightly trade, and who brought up the senti ments of the people to an American level by their so-called “stump-speeches!” Among these, his cotemporaries, we recall as bright lights as haye flashed from our firmanent. But few yet linger, bending under the weight of years, of that right royal set of which Thomas Corwin was a bright, particular star. The land is fast being bereft of the old fathers! May we not hope that those who now fill the places of such honored names will catch the inspiration of'their pure and useful examples, and thus, in their day, help to perpetuate the blessings of that Union to which the eminent man whose demise we so deplore devoted the prime of his life and his entire powers ? The decease of Mr. Corwin fills the city with a gloom that reminds us of the melancholy night when the news of the death of Lincoln depressed all hearts. He is universally mourned. — ♦ - Confessions of a Suicide.—An old man, who committed suicide by strangulation in Paris on the 27th ultimo, left the following - document among his papers, headed, “The Mysteries of My Life,” with an introduction to this effect: I belong to a veiy good family. I was well brought up. Fatally for myself; I adopted as my device the plain maxim, Chi va piano va sano. I know now that, on the contrary, no man should leave for to-morrow what he can do to-dhy. For my part, 1 believe that before doing anything it was necessary to deliberate long and maturely, and the consequence was, that all I took part in turned out unsuccessful. By this mania of post ponement and this dilatonness of execution I injured my fortune, I forfeited an important sit uation, and I missed ten marriages. 1 have broken with all my friends because I never could return a visit in proper time, pay back an act of politeness, nor keep an appointment; and I was always an hour too late. I had excellent ser vants, but I never was well served, because I was never ready to be served. I thought myself extremely prudent, and I always found myself in a false or a difficult position. After long and profound reflection, I am now convinced that my constant habit of putting off everything was but a pretext; that my real character was one of selfishness and sloth, and that I sought to hide or to cover that double vice witli a fictitious vir tue. I was deterred by the fear of fatigue, by my disgust to bodily and mental exertions, by tbe indulgence of continuous and lethargic re pose. Such is the true cause of the vexations which I have constantly experienced. I believe the judgment I now pass upon myself to be cor rect. At my age I am on the brink of the grave. The thought of self-murder has come upon me, and as for once in my life I mean to take an en ergetic resolution, and not to postpone, I hang myself. English Press on American Affairs,— The London Daily News of a recent date re marks : The opening of the Congress at Washington will bring before the eyes of the world the bear ings of the war. It will settle the great question whether the American civil war is really over, or whether the causes of a conflict will remain to cany the revolution forward into a second stage. It -will determine whether the States can be re united on equal terms, or under the inequality of one section being tutelary and the other in a condition of pupilage. It will decide tlie desti nies of five millions of the colored race as to real or mock freedom and welfare. The morning Herald says the feeling in relation American affairs is not altogether satisfactory, though at present it is not supposed anv demon strations of hostilities will be made. The Neics, in an editorial on the Mexican ques tion, says: The Archduke Maximilian has been trying to make the world believe that he is at the head of a Government which has superseded that of the Republic; but Mr. Johnson conceives tlias the United States have a right to an opinion on that subject, and the appointment of Gen. Logan is an intimation that Maximilian is merely the nead of a foreign invasion. The American Government could not liave adopted a cheaper or more harmless mode of de fining its position. It is one which preserves the neutrality of the United States, encourages the Republican^ in Mexico, and prolongs a state ot things in that countiy which can only end in the downfall of the throne that has been set up at the expense of so much blood and treason.