Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

UtrklQ ^ntclligtnrfr. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, Wednesday, February 14, I860. The Bank* and (heir Bill-Holder*. It is proposed that the officers of the Banks of tliis State be relieved from ■whatever penalties they may have incurred, during the war and since, according to the statutes of the State. W c have no objection to this measure of relief, where it can be shown, and we believe it can be in most cases, that the circumstances of war operated to that end. Thus far we are willing to go, but no farther, and we trust that the Legislature will grant relief in ail such cases. When, however, it is proposed to go farther, and deprive the bill- holder of liis legal remedy against the Banks, or their Stockholders, under the “personal liability” clause, we must protest most earnestly against any such measure of relief to them, inflicting as it would a wrong upon the bill-holders—a mon strous wrong; a gross violation of their right to resort, in the event of the failure of the Banks, to their stockholders for the redemption of their bills. There is too much wc believe of intelligence and honesty, in the General Assembly of our State, to enact any such measure of relief. This would Ikj nothing more than the robbing of one citizen to relieve another, and for a moment, it ought not to receive the favorable consideration of any legislative body. Why not relieve as well the man who has lost his negroes, as the Stock holders in banks from their personal liabili ties Y Why not the poor man from liis liabilities as the Stockholder* in banks from theirs? Why not as well relieve all men from their liabilities, ns they the storkhoUl- ers in hank V What more favorable claim have they to such indulgence than any other man en gaged in any othci business, or avocation ? It is not the Stole they owe, which might forgive the debt, but ini/ivtdt/al citizens who hold tlieir “prom ises to pay,” and whom they ouglitto pay, if able, to the very last cent., and if not, like any other debtors, as far as they may be able. As citizen* we arc willing that the stockholders in banks shall share the relief bestowed u|>on all by the law making power; but ns stockholders in those institutions, they should bo held up to their pecu niary liabilities. Nothing con be more unjust than to deny to hid holder* their legal redress; and nothing that flic present General Assembly could enact, would meet with severer condemna tion by the jwople they represent than the mea sure proposed—the denial to the bill-holders of the banks of the Stare, tlieir legal remedy as pre scribed in the charters of the same. Wc shall watch the progress of tliis measure before the Legislature of our State, and advise our readers of the same. Protection of Frccdmen In SouUi Carolina. The New York Times refering to the order of General Sickles relating to the industrial re lations of negroes and tlieir employers in South Carolina, the department over which lie presides says, if if can he fairly and honorably carried in to effect, llie objects lie aims to accomplish can hardly fail to lie accomplished. These objects, that paper slates are “ to define the rights of the employer and flic freedmen respectively ; to see that while I lie soil is cultivated the system of free labor is fairly undertaken ; that the owners of estates are secured in the possession of their property ; that, persons able and willing to work may have employment; that idleness and vagran- cy may be discountenanced, and that humane pro visions may be made for the aged and infirm.— General Sickles doubtleas knows full well that this is a stupendous field of labor to enter upon, and that after all that may be attempted by yen- end order, much of the real work of harmonizing the interests of the employer and flic employed in their new relations must be left to the soothing influence of time. It is, however, eminently sat isfactory to find that General Sickles lias begun in the right spirit, uiul with none of that fero cious dogmatism which characterizes the pro fessional philanthropists." Theprofesxional philanthropist! Just so! These are the men that are now working injury to the freedman, and annoyance to tlieir employers all over the South, if not evils of greater magnitude. “Ferocious" indeed is their dogmatism on the pulpit and on the press; in the halls of the na tional legislature and on the high-ways and by ways throughout the land. They do not even stop at the entrance to the White House, but press forward even into the presence of him who presides over the destinies of the nation, demand ing what, may not be conceded, and what wcfccl confident, will not lie, so long as the Presidential chair is occupied by “Anoy Johnson.” We are glad to see that the Times and other leading Re publican papers at tlic North, recognize and de nounce the “ferocious dogmatism" of the radical portion of their party; and that others in mili tary authority, like Gen. Sickles, view tho “situa tion" of the South as it is, “that idleness and va grancy may be discountenanced." Mainly now to these authorities must we look to save the negro trom tho "professional philanthropist.” Senator C’onnkss, of California, has got mail with “Mack” of the Cincinnati Commercial, be cause of a remark written by “Mack” about him over a year ago. “Mack” says: “It was simply an illusion to a pernicious habit of lioriug the Senate with remarks on every proposition that came up, to which Mr. Comics had, unwittingly, perhaps, became addicted. For so recent an ac quisition to the Senate ho was altogether too much given to oratory, lie made seventy-four speeches on one question—that of taxing whisky, and 1 thought that lie was going it a little too of ten. So 1 felt under the painful necessity of ad ministering a few words of advice to the loqua cious Senator from the Pacific slope, which I am sorry to olisorve he did not accept in that kindly spirit in which they were offered. I must do him the justice to say, however, that he profitted by my gentle admonition, though he didn’t like it, for he has since been less given to verbal dis charges. Frederick Douglas, making a siieeclf the other evening in Brooklyn, was induced to con sider the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher and some of his recent utterances aflecting the rights of negroes. “1 do not find fault with Mr. Beecher,” said Fred, “though I do not always agree with him. I remember that, not man}’ years ago, he declared that, if lie could abolish slavery on the instant, or, by waiting twenty-five years, could have it so abolished that its overthrow would wholly redound to the glory of the Christian Church, lie would prefer the latter. I presume he was entirely sincere in this preference; and yet, if I were a Maryland slaveholder, and Mr. Beecher were my slave, and I had a rawhide, 1^ could take this opinion out ot him in less than half an hour." A New York correspondent tolls the follow ing stories of Commodore Vanderbilt: “ lie lias a will and au olwtiuacy that cannot lie equalled. He got mad with Collins and swore he would run his line off the ocean, and he did it Fif teen years ago he held some of the bogus stock of the New Haven Railroad, issued by Schuyler. He demanded pay of the Company. His de mand was refused, lie told the Railroad Com pany he would have it, it lie spent all he was worth So he has followed the Company through all the courts for fifteen years, and at the close of the last term of the Court of Ap peals, the Court ot last resort, gave him a deci sion by which he gains $750,000 and costs.— Vanderbilt is a “big gun," but he will never be translated on account of his amiability. The lovely young Queen of Portugal, Maria Pia, second daughter of Victor Emanuel, is de scribed as a sweet girl ot nineteen—blonde and delicate looking, but of singularly well propor tioned figure. Much prettier than her sister Clothide, yet she resembles her in the beauty ot her snowy throat and chiseled shoulders. The Governor** .Veuajp. The Governor’s recent message to the Legis lature which wc publish so-day, embraces recom mendations on several important topics. Among them none is, of more interest than that portion of it which refers to the proceedings of the Stock holders of the Bank of Augusta, the Augusta In surance and Banking Company, the City Bank, and the Mechanic’s Bank, all located in the city of Augusta. Two of these Banks it appears have surrendered their charters, and tfic other two in tend doing the same, while all have provided for the assignment of their assets, real and personal for the benefit of their creditors. Under these circumstances, and with reference to the alleged fact that but for the large accumulation in tlieir hands, as the Governor states, of State securities of different kinds, which have been repudiated, and of irredeemable Confederate Treasury Notes, we agree with liis Excellency that “certainly it would seem reasonable and beneficial, as well to them and to their creditors, that they be allowed to go into liquidation under such restrictions as may avoid protracted and liarrassing litigation, without inquiring any security provuled by their several charters for ltill-holders and other creditors." (Italics ours). This is precisely the view we took of this matter in our last issue, and before we had seen the message of the Governor. Justice to the bill-holders and other creditors of the Banks demand that there fie no impairing of any security provided in the charters of these or any other hanks, by the Legislature however much these institutions may have suf fered by reason of the war, and we are pleased to see that our excellent Governor takes the same view of the case. Like Ills Excellency, and we have before so expressed ourself, justice, not charity, demands that “if, by conforming their conduct to statutory requirements, the directors and other officers have been placed in a condi tion which, if voluntarily assumed, would have subjected them to penalties imposed by prior legislation,” they lie relieved from the same. To go farther than this we me not willing. The Banks have no reason to expect it, and those who do will be disappointed in that expectation. The Legislature must protect the bill-holders; wc say must, for here again “justice, not charity" dematuls it. Those who, at the capital or in the Legislature, contend that the stockholders in •these Banks, or any others in the State, are en titled to be relieved from the “personal liability clause," which is engrafted in most of the char ters of the Banks of our State, would commit a wrong upon their bill-holders, which we do not believe the Courts of the State would sanction, and which no code of morals would endorse.— The Legislature, we trust, will not consider any such proposition with any degree of favor. Other topics of interest are embraced in this message of Governor Jenkins—the relation of the freedmen to the body politic—the final report of the Georgia Relief and Hospital Association —how provision should be made to meet the di rect tax assessed upon the State by the Federal Government—and some suggestions in reference to the publication of the decisions of the Su preme Court. The message is brief, but it is multum inpurco. The reader will find it in another column. On Confiscation. The Hon. Mr. Dawson, of Pennsylvania, re cently delivered a speech in Congress oullie pres ent and prospective condition of the country, from which wc make the following extract: “The idea ot a certain class of politicians, of confiscating, the lands of the Sout h and parcel ing them out among negroes and adventurer^ has for its object the extermination of the pres ent generation of Southern whites, and shows the barbarous animus of that most' impracticable party. They would adopt that same policy of irritation which was attempted by Elizabeth and James in Ireland, which has been fruitful only of heart-burning and discontent to the present hour. It is not the policy of the government to keep it pressed upon the minds ot the South that they are subject to a galling yoke. Neither is it right. The people of the South when they have once given in their adhesion to the government are as much freemen, are as much entitled to protec tion in the rights of self-government, as any por tion of the North. There is a broad distinction between power and right, and while the govern ment possesses the power, she should exercise it in subordination to those great principles of de mocracy and republicanism which constitute the basis of our system. It is a plain violation of these to force upon the South any modification of her social condition, any political status not sanctioned by her people through their law-mak ing assemblies. Such a policy may drive a people to despair, may prepare the fuel for lighting anew the flames of insurrection; but will never generate love for the government which thus seeks to oppress them. True statesmanship will not attempt to succeed by such means. A strict regard for jus tice, abatement of extreme pretensions; a steady effort to show the South that the war was not waged out of hatred to her people, but only for the preservation of the national territory un fractured ; a careful regard lor her interests in common with those of the other States, tfiese, I believe, are the - only means which will ever suc ceed in obliterating the silent but corroding mem ories of errors, wrongs, and sufferings; of effa cing the deep scars of civil bloodshed and warm ing the estranged hearts of our countrymen to wards a common government once more. The expressed desire of the South, if conquered, to belong to a strong government, and her readi ness to resent the imagined injury inflicted upon her by the neutrality of the European powers, should be wisely taken advantage ol' to revive and rivet the Union feeling. An Associated Press dispatch says that the Virginia Legislative Committee had an interview with the President on Tuesday hist, and present ed resolutions endorsing his policy. The Presi dent replied, thanking them for their visit and expressed his gratification at the sentiments ex pressed by them, and declared his determination to follow the principles lie had pursued through out. They were that the Union could not be dissolved, and rcsjKmded cordially to the senti ments of the resolutions and. trusted that the time would soon come when they could meet under more favorable auspices than at present. 11c stated that lie would not be forced to take the position that any State is out ot the Union. The interview was a very important one. At the conclusion of liis remarks the members of the committee were introduced personally, and expressed pleasure at the President’s ad dress. The Council ot Generals at Washington City have made the following recommendations to the Senate army bill: “They approve of the number of men for which the hill provides and the pro portion to be taken from each arm of the service. They also recommend that in addition to the Major and Brigadier Generals now in the regular army, five Major Generals, ten Brigadier Gener als, and a number of Adjutant Generals, be ap pointed from the volunteer forces—these officers to rank with the death or resignation of the first incumbent. The only recommendation of im portance in regard to the military bill is that the commander of the army shall have power to or der inspection. They also report in favor of ta king the siqierinteudent of West Point from the army at large instead of confiding the appoint ments to the corps of engineers.” The Constitutional Amendment. A northern exchange says that a Richmond I paper has already driven a coach and six through | the proposed Constitutional amendment in re- ‘ gard to suffrage, in this wise : “ The amendment enacts that when any class shall lie deprived ot suffrage on account of race or color, such class shall not lie counted as repre- j sentative population. Very well; there is no other restriction; we may fix, as a qualification for voting, anv amount ot property, say a bun- : dred thousand dollars in real estate; or we may . require a voter to understand Hebrew, or solve i Euclid’s problems on the blackboard, or do any . other most difficult thing; if we say nothing j about his race or his color the amendment will not touch us.” GEORGIA LEGISLATURE. OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE Milledgeville, Feb. 7, 1866. SENATE. The Senate met at the usual hour. Prayer by Dr. Manson. Mr. J. A. W. Johnson offerred a resolution providing for the sale of property of the State in the card factory. Agreed to. Mr. Strozier introduced a bill to divide the State into twenty judicial districts, and to pro vide for four sessions of the Superior Court in each county every year; also a bill to provide for the discharge of insolvent debtors, and for the disposition of the property of the same. Resolution that the bond of $1,000 of tbe se curities of Aaron Thornby, shall be regarded on a Confederate basis. Adopted. House resolution requiring the Tax Receiver of each county to take a list of each, person in his count} - who lias lost a leg or arm in the war. Adopted. House resolution calling on the commissioners appointed by the Convention to inquire into the financial operations of the State the past four years, to report to the Legislature at its present session. Adopted. House bill to incorporate tbe town ot Dawson. Passed. Bill to authorize an extra tax in Elbert county. P.issed. Bill to amend the act incorporating the town of Elberton. Passed. Bill to prescribe an oath to be taken by voters. Passed. Several bills were taken up and laid on the ta ble for the present. After reading bills the second time the Senate adjourned. HOUSE. The House met at 9 o’clock, A. M. Prayer by the chaplain. Mr. Hudson of Harris moved the reconsidera tion of the action of the House on yesterday, in relation to the penitentiary. Lost. NEW MATTER. Mr. Pottle of Warren. A bill to establish rules of evidence in regard to the liabilities of banks; also, a bill to allow sheriffs to sell cotton that has been removed out of the State or county in which it was levied on. Mr. Wilburn of Terrell. A .bill for the relief of all persons who may have during the war is sued shinphisters ; also, a bill to incorporate the Dawson Manufacturing Company. Mr. Groce ot Screven. A bill to place the coun ty of Screven in the 5th Congressional district. Mr. Ridley of Troup. A bill to regulate the printing of county officers. Mr. Dodd of Polk. A bill to allow the Ordi nary of Polk county to keep the papers of his office in his residence until t he court house of the county is re-built. Mr. Kibbee. A bill to change the line between the counties of Pulaski and Dooly; also, a bill to revive the military code of Georgia, and to repeal all lad's passed since its adoption, incon sistent with the Constitution and laws of the Uni fied States. Mr. Bush of Miller. A bill to amend the laws allowing administrators and guardians to resign and regulate such reservations. McWhorter of Oglethorpe. A bill declaratory of the laws touching contracts, liens and obliga tions made and entered into prior to the first of June, 1S65, where the credit was based in part, or on the whole upon slave property, and to pro vide for the payment of the samo, except in the ratio of the value of all property other than slave property. Mr. Willis of Talbot. A bill to provide for the establishment of lost papers.* Mr. Render of Meriwether. A bill for the re duction of members of the General Assembly. Mr. ltussell of Glasscock. A bill to hold liens on buildings for the lumber used in said buildings. Mr. McWhorter of Greene. A bill to submit the question of Penitentiary or No Penitentiary to the people, at an election 1st Wednesday in May, 1806. Mr. Woods of Floyd. A bill to incorporate the Oostonaula Steamboat Company. Mr. Redwine of Fayette. A resolution that the Governor cause to be held an election, to see whether the people desire a Penitentiary. Mr. Gartrell of Cobb. A bill to authorize the Mayor and City Council of Marietta to issue change bills to the amount ot $1,000. Mr. Adams of Clarke. A bill to abolish the Penitentiary. Leave of absence granted to Mr. Smith /if Hancock; Harrison, of Chatham; Hughes, of Twiggs; and Bennett, of Brooks—the latter confined to his room by sickness. Mr. Gartrell of Cobb. A resolution relative to the Commissioners appointed by the Provi sional Governor to receive the Western & At lantic Railroad from the United States. Adopted. BILLS ON THIRD READING. ' Bill to relieve all persons over sixty years of age from jury duty. * Passed. Bill to define the liabilities of the several rail roads of this State, in reference to freight received at their depots for transportation. Lost. Bill for the relief of Perry L. Cox, confined in the penitentiaiy. Postponed. Bill for the relief of J. L. Martin, confined in the penitentiaiy. Lost. Bill to provide for the payment of Judges of Supreme and Superior Courts during suspension of civil law. Lost. Bill to incorporate the Dalton Petroleum and Mining Company. Passed. Bill to change the line between Henry and Spaulding counties. Lost Bill to facilitate the trial of tenants holding over and intruders. Passed. House adjourned to meet at 3 o’clock, p. in. N. Milledgeville, Feb. 8,1866. SENATE. The Senate met at 10 o’clock A. M. Prayer by Rev. S. E. Brooks of the Baptist Church. NEW MATTER. Mr. Carter. A bill to limit the number of Judges of the Interior Court to one; term of of fice four years. Mr. Casey. A resolution authorizing the Gov ernor to appoint a commission to goto Washing ton for the benefit of persons who subscribed to the Confederate cotton loan, without ever receiv ing Confederate bonds for the same. Referred. Mr. Gresham. A resolution to allow the Trea surer of the State to purchase and open a new set of books. Referred. Sir. J. A. W. Johnson. A bill to fix the lia bilities of persons of African descent It places them on precisely the same footing, so far as lia bilities are concerned, as white persons. Sir. Sloore. A bill to authorize persons ex empted from jury duty to be made tales jurors. Sir. Overstreet. A resolution for the appoint ment of a joint eommitte to examine into the condition of the State's arsenal and magazine. Sir. Owens. A bill to amend the charter of the Oglethorpe Insurance Company of Savannah. Sir. Quillain. A bill to incorporate the Han- sell Manufacturing Company of Campbell county. Sir. C. H. Smith. A bill to exonerate Sheriffs and their deputies from liabilities in eetain cases. It applies to cases where those officers have re ceived ami hold bank bills, Ac. Mr. Strickland. A bill to change the time of holding the Superior Courts of Floyd, Polk, Paulding and Campbell counties. Srr. Strozier. A resultion to authorize the Governor to publish ‘By Authority” acts of a general nature passed at the present session of the General Assembly, in such papers -as he might select. The resolution was lost. The stay law, the special order, was then taken A recent Washington dispatch says: The ante-room of the White House was thronged to day, many Senators and Representatives being in attendance. Delegations from both parties | up. After various amendments had been adopted waited upon the President, The Democrats are J {tending the decision of the bill, the Senate ad- said to have come out clapping tlieir hands. | joumed. HOUSE. AFTERNOON SESSION. February 7,1866. The House met at 3 o’clock, and spent the whole of the session in reading bills the second time. MORNING SESSION. The House met at 9 o’clock, A. M- Prayer by the chaplain. Leave of absence was granted Messrs. Sale, Redwine, Scandett, Cameron and Morris. Resolution in relation to the seizure of cotton by the United States military authorities.— Adopted. BILLS ON THIRD READING. Bill to incoporate the Empire State Maunfactu- ring Company, of the county of Newton. Refer red to Special Committee of seven. Bill for the relief of securities on criminal bonds. Lost Bill to amend section 4512 of the Code. Lost Bill to extend the time of granting lands sur veyed on head rights till 25th of December 1868. Passed. Bill to amend the charter of the Etowah Auroria Hose Mining Company. Passed. Bill to amend section 3764 of the Code. Passed. Bill to appropriate a sum of money for the use State University. Lost Bill to allow administrators, executors, &c., to resign trust Lost. Bill in reference to retail licenses in Quitman. Passed. Bill to allow an extra tax of 25 per cent, on the State tax in Scriven county. Passed. Bill for the relief of Isaac Hardeman, of the county of Jones. Passed. Bill to allow a legal partner ot an Ordinary To practice law. Withdrawn. Bill to allow corporations to tax auctioneers, and require bond of the same. Passed. Bill to change the line between Fayette and Clayton counties. Passed. Bill to amend section 4597 of the Code. Lost. Bill to change the line between Baker and Early. Passed. Bill to secure persons in rights of bottles. Lost. Bill for the relief of administrators in certain cases. Passed. Bill to hire out colored persons for debt. Lost. Bill to amend section 3320 of Code. Paased. Bill to compensate Commissioners for prepar ing Freedmen’s Code. Passed. (It gives each $750.) Bill to allow Dawson county to levy an extra tax. Lost. Adjourned. Milledgeville, Feb. 9,1866. SENATE. The Senate met at 9 o’clock A. M. The Stay Law, after considerable discussion, was passed. It provides that one-fourth of the debt shall be paid on the first day of Januaty, 1867, and one-fourth every y?ar thereafter until paid; and refers to all contracts made prior to the passage of the bill. Mr. Owens introduced a resolution in reference to the representation of the State in the Atlantic and Gulf Railroad Company. Mr. Thornton. A bill to punish the burning of any dwelling house and burglary in the day or night with death; also, a bill to incorporate the Columbus Street Railroad Company. BILLS ON THIRD READING. Bill the incorporate Atlanta Street Railroad Company. Passed. Bill for the pardon of John W. Martin.— Passed. Bill to authorize married women to deposit money in savings’ banks. Passed. Bill to change the time of holding Superior Courts in the Western Judicial Circuit. Passed. Bill to regulate annual returns of incorporated companies. Lost Bill to define the rights of persona owning landings on water courses. Passed. Adjourned. HOUSE. The House met at the usual hour, Prayer by the chaplain. Mr. Edge of Campbell, moved to reconsider so much of the action of the House on yesterday as relates to administration in certain cases. Car ried. Mr. Brock of Haralson, moved to reconsider so much of the action of the House as relates to the compensation of the commissioners appointed to prepare a code for freedmen. Carried. Leave of absence was granted to the commit tee on the Blind Asylum to visit said institution. Mr. Kirby of Chattooga introduced a resolu tion to admit no new matter after the 12th inst, Bill to compensate Ordinaries and Clerks for administering the amnesty oath. Passed. Mr. Peeples of Berrien. A resolution that no new matter be introduced after the 16tl> instant NEW MATTER. • Mr. Hardeman of Bibb. A bill to incorporate the Wilcox Iron and Coal Company. Mr. Morrow of Columbia. A resolution that the roll of the counties after the 12th instant lie dispensed with and that no new matter after that time he received without a two-thirds vote. Mr. Thomas of Floyd. A bill to extend the cor porate limits of the town of Rome. Mr. Morris of Franklin. A bill to repeal an act amendatoiy of the 24th section of the Code. Mr. Maddox of Fulton. A bill to incorporate the Gate City Insurance and Banking Company. Mr. Baker of Lownds. A bill restraining the frequent changing of the Code. Mr. Render of Merriwether. A resolution to publish the laws in such newspapers as the Gov ernor may direct Mr. Dubose of Hancock. A bill to allow ex ecutors to resign their trusts in certain cases. Mr. Davenport of Oglethorpe. A bill to author ise the Inferior Coutr of Pickens county to appro priate any money arising from the sale of cotton after the surrender of the Confederate States army, to the building of a jail in said county. Mr. Snead of Richmond. A bill to authorize the Inferior-Court of Richmond, to levy an extra tax. Mr. Stewart of Spaulding. A bill to incorpo rate the Grand Bay Manufacturing Company, in tlic county of Berrien,. Mr. Speer of Lumpkin. A bill to authorize a waiver of legal principles in certain cases. Mr. Ridley of Troup. A bill to make the sal ary of the resident physician of the Lunatic Asy lum $3,500; also a bill to provide for the pay ment of the officers and members of the General Assembly. Mr. Pottle of Warren. A bill to amend the laws of this State in reference to Inferior Courts. Mr. Robson of Washington. A bill to pre scribe the time for advertising property to be sold by sheriffs and constables. The bill for the pardon of Terry L. Cox was passed. Leave of absence granted to Mr. McWhorter, of Greene, and Mr. Hicks. House adjourned to meet at 3 o’clock P. M. Milledgeville, Feb. 10. SENATE. , The Legislature met at 10 o’clock, A. M. Pray er by Rev. L E. Brooks. The journal was read and approved. NEW MATTER. Mr. Carter. A bill to relieve the people of Geor gia tfie present year from the payment of taxes, and to provide for the raising of $2,000,000 by the sale of the bonds of the State. Mr. Butler. A bill to change the line between Greene and Morgan counties. Mr. Gresham. A bill to amendjsection 4420 of the Code. Also a bill to provide for the taking of the census of the State, and a bill to enlarge the powersof the City Council of Macon. Mr. Strozier. A bill to change the time of hold ing the inferior courts of Worth county. Mr. Kenan. A bill to reduce the bonds of the sheriffs of Washington, Hancock and Baldwin counties. ’ Mr. Moore. A bill to enlarge the powers of the city court of Augusta. Also a memorial from citizens of Richmond county in reference to aid to Mrs. Brown. The bill to alter the second and third congres sional districts was passed. Bill to amend sections 4793 and 4793 of the Code. Passed. Resolution in reference to persons who sub scribed to the Confederate loan. Passed. HOUSE BILLS ON THIRD READING. Bill to fix the salaries of State Librarian and clerks in the State House. Passed. The salaries are fixed at $1200 each. Bill to incorporate the Blairsville Mining and Manufacturing Company. Passed. Bills were then read the second time. Adjourned. HOUSE. The House met at 9 o’clock A. M. Prayer by tbe chaplain. Mr. Byrd of Mitchell, moved to re-consider so much of the action of the House on yesterday in the passage of a bill to compensate Ordinaries and Clerks tor administering the amnesty oath. The motion prevailed. The bill was afterwards passed. The use of the hall was granted to an agent of an emigration society to address the members of the General Assembly on Monday night. BILLS ON THIRD READING. Bill to incorporate the Empire Manufacturing Company of Newton county. Bill to require defendants to give bond for the forthcoming of property in certain cases. Lost Bill to incorporate the Gate City Gas- Compa ny. Passed. Bill to carry out au ordinance in reference to ■executors, &c.; also, to carry into effect the 5th article of section 708 of the Constitution of the State in reference to judgments of courts. Passed Bill to regulate jail charges for diet of prison ers. Passed. Bill to increase the fees of county officers.— Passed. Bill to incorporate the North Georgia Petrole um and Mining Company. Passed. The House adjourned till Monday 1 morning 9 o’clock. LIST OF ACTS SIGNED BY THE GOVERNOR. 1. An act to consolidate the offices of Secreta ry of State and Surveyor General, and to pro vide salaries for the Comptroller General, State Treasurer and Secretary of State, and State Li brarian. 2. An act to make free persons of color compe tent witnesses in the courts of this State in cer tain cases therein mentioned,and to authorize tlic making and declaring the force of affidavits by them in certain cases. 3. An act to change the place of holding the Supreme and Inferior Courts and Courts of Or dinary of Bartow county, until a court house is built. 4. An act to authorize an advance of payment to be made to the Public Printer of the present session of the Legislature. 5. An. act to amend the several acts of force in relation to the city of West Point in Troup county, and to grant Mayor and Aldermen addi tional powers and to define the same. 6. An act to encourage the Richmond Fire Company No. 7, and for other purposes. 7. An act to extend the corporate limits of the town of Forsyth, Monroe county Georgia, and to increase the powers of Commissioners thereof as to taxes and the enforcement of fines and pen alties. 8. Au act to appoint certain persons herein named Trustees of the Knoxville Camp Ground in Crawford county, and to vest certain powers in them. 9. An act to change the place of holding the Justices’ court of the 97th district, Georgia Mili tia, Washington county. 10. An act to suspend the action of section 1528 of the Code ot Georgia. 11. An act to alter and amend the 10th para graph of the 2d article, parti, title 16, chapter5 of the Code. 12. An act to change the line between Worth and Irwin counties so as to include No. 30, sec ond district of Irwin in Worth county. 13. An act to repeal an act assented on the 21st of December, 1857, requiring the Court o Ordinary of Tatnall county to be held on the 2d Monday in October, instead of 1st Monday as provided for by law. 14. An act to authorize and require the freed men of this State to make certain advances, and for other purposes. 15. An act to establish the seal to be used in the office of Secretary of State. 16. An act to change the time when the Jus tices of the Inferior Court must draw juries foi the Supeior Courts. 17. An act to amend the charter of the city of of Rome by authorizing the Mayor and City Council to raise the fee for retail license, and to prohibit the erection of wooden buildings. 18. An act to authorize and empower the Judges of the Supeior Court of this State to hold special terms for the trial of criminals, and for other purposes. 19. An act for the relief of securities on recog nizances in certain cases. 20. An act to confer certain powers on the commissioners of Louisville. 21. An act to permit certain persons to build stock gaps on the Western and Atlantic Rail road. 22. An act to amend an act assented to March 9,1865, entitled an act to extend the civil juris- •diction of the city courts of Augusta, to abolish the tax or court fee, and to make the fees of the officers of that court the same as the Superior Courts of the State. 23. An act to make all suits, writs and process es which were returnable to the Houston Supe rior Conrt9, as October term, 1865, returnable to the February term of said Superior Court to be held in the year 1866. 24. An act to repeal an act entitled an act to alter and amend an act to incorporate the city of Americus, and to alter and amend an act to in corporate the town of Americus in the county of Sumter, and for other purposes, assented to De cember 7tli, 1861. 25. An act to prevent the spread of small-pox in this State. 26. An act to enable the Superior Court of the several counties in the State to raise a fond to pay off the indebtedness of their several counties in this State, and for other purposes. 27. An act to legalize the issue of bills and bonds by the Mayor and Council of the city of Atlanta. RESOLUTIONS. 1. Resolution relative to adjournment. 2. In reference to continuation of cases against the banks of this State. 3. Authorizing the Treasurer to make certain advances. 4. In reference to selling the debris of the Georgia Military Institute. 5. Requesting the revocation of the order of the Secretary of War relative to branded stock in this State. 6. To instruct the Superior Courts to report destitute widows, orphans and disabled soldiers. 7. In relation to the improvement of the pub lic grounds and buildings. 8. In reference to the President of the U. S. j 9. Relative to a revision of the Code of Geor- ! gia by Hon. David Irwin of this State. 10. Authorizing liis Excellency the Governor to borrow upon the faith and credit of the Slate, the sum of one hundred thousand dollars. 1L Requesting of the President of the United Statesjif not a withdrawal of the troops, a sur render of private property, and the restoration of the writ of habeas corpus. 12 To appoint a committee of three from the House and two from the Senate, to take into consideration that portion of the Governor’s message, which relates to the State’s interest in the cotton card factory. 13. Authorizing the appointment of a joint committee to inquire into the present condition of the Executive Mansion. 14 Requesting the Governor to intercede with the President for the restoration of property on Wilmington, Witemareh, Skidaway, Sapelo and other islands to their lawful owners, &c. 15. Requesting the Governor to call upon the several banks of this State to make a return of their condition conformable to law now existing within ten days. 16. To authorize the Governor to prosecute the claim of this State for cotton lately seized by the Federal army. 17. In relation to the Card Factory recently in operation in the Penitentiary of this State. 18. In reference to a final settlement of the State’s interest in the Cotton Card Factory. N. [COMMUNICATED.] Speech of the Hon. Josli. Hill. The writer, in common doubtless, with many of Mr. Hill’s past friends, has read with great pain the recent speech of that distinguished gen tleman before the Legislature ot Georgia. As the writer, in his humble way, occupied the same position with Mr. Hill, being sternly opposed to secession, he feels it due to thousands ot eo-ope- rationista, as well as to himself, to express his dissent from the position taken by Mr. Hill. It would be a grievous wrong to allow those at home who differed from us, and also the Gov ernment, to suppose that Mr. Hill correctly re presents the present sentiments of the great body of those who were most decidedly and actively opposed to secession. In order to accomplish the object of this com munication, it will be necessary to follow Mr. Hill somewhat in the order of his remarks. The first part of the speech is occupied with the recital of Mr. Hill’s past public fife. That public life, as portrayed by him, has for the most part received the sincere approbation of the wri ter. The deeper, therefore, is the regret at its unhappy termination. The word “termination” is used, for Mr. Hill can never again expect pub lic favors at the hands of the people of Georgia. That this speech will gain him friends elsewhere is evident. That it will be followed by Federal honors is probable. Bat neither these new friends, or Federal honors will compensate for the loss of those friendships ordinarily dearest to man, or for the unmitigated, defecated mis chief which this unhappy speech must occasion. Mr. Hill asks, “what was it that gave me the power of doing good ?” “Nothing hut the con viction on the minds of all that I had been true to the Government throughout the frightful scenes of conflict.” Passing by minor acts, how could Mr. Hill consent to be a candidate for tiie gubernatorial chair of a State then in arms against the Government? Did he design, if elected to cripple the State in the contest in which she engaged ? This supposition is impos sible, for it would involve a meanness below con tempt. Did he design, if elected to enforce the thenlaws and constitution of the State according to the solemn oath he was to take f If so, how could he have been “loyal to the Government throughout these frightful sconces of conflict ?”— After the expression just quoted, there is little to choose between, either horn of the dilemma.— The difference between Mr. Stephens and Mr. Hill is simply thi9: Mr. Stephens took office un der the Confederacy, Mr. Hill tried to obtain of fice and failed. After speaking of his availability, Mr. Hill goes on to say—“If you feel a reluctance to elect a man who can take the oath, then is it because you disapprove his loyalty.” Is no man loyal who cannot take the test oatli ? Is no man loy al who will not vote for Mr. Hill ? It may be that he may refuse to vote for a man for meanness, or timidity, or double-dealing, or other causes.— What is loyalty to a Government? Does it ne cessarily involve love to the Government ? Does it require that we should vote for a man for a given office, whom we think disqualified for it, simply because he has done nothing against that Government, and in preference to another man eminently qualified, who has, indeed, resisted that Government under conviction of duty, but who has sworn ever afterwards to be a loyal citi zen to it ? If loyalty at the present time requires that a man should never have done anything against the Government; if it requires that we should love the Government we have offended; then is the writer disloyal; then are ninety-nine out of every hundred men in Georgia disloyal. The good Book requires that we should kiss the hand of Almighty God when he smites us; but there is no similar injunction as to man. To say that we love the Government, with widows and or phans, with men crippled and enfeebled, with faams laid waste and despoiled, with towns sack ed and burned, with the fresh graves of our countless dead ever before us, would prove us destitute of human hearts. The terri ble events of the war are too recent to admit this. Love for the American Union was once a passion with the writer; its banner then to him was sacred. When in foreign cities, alone among strangers, he has seen an American man- of-war enter the port, come to an anchor, fold up her sails as the sea-bird folds its wings, and then fling out the stars and stripes, he felt that, the arms of a giant were around him—that all Europe dared not molest him; he was proud that he was an American citizen. The first gun fired upon that flag was to him like the shock of an earthquake. All this has passed away. No thing is left but obedience to a superior power. He can he a loyal citizen of the Government he cannot lOve. If a solemn oath to be good and orderly citizens, to maintain and defend the laws and Constitution of the United States, if lives in accordance with this oath prove loyalty, then are the people of Georgia at this day loyal. Ifthisdefi- nition of loyalty be correct, the refusal of the Georgia Legislature to elect Mr. Hill to the Sen ate does not prove that body to be disloyal. The tone of Mr. Hill’s remarks on this point is auda ciously arrogant. It is not dignified resentment, but querulous petulence. It is not comminution, hut reprobation. It is not expostulation, but vi tuperation. It is the style of a powerless peda gogue towards unruly schoolboys too large to be switched. Mr. Hill says he can take the test oath. How he can take it, with his unforgotten candidacy for the Governor’s seat, it is difficult to imagine. If it he not aiding a rebellion for a man to say to a State engaged in rebellion, “Make me your Governor and I will lead you; I will swear to enforce your laws,” then what in the name of common sense is aiding it? He is sorry that so few can take the oath. It is the boast of Georgia that there are not a dozen men of respectable position in the State who can take it The man who, after the State was invaded, could coolly sit down in odious nentrality and see his neighbors’ sons killed, perhaps his own, his neighbors’ houses burned and their farms laid waste; who could hear the agonized cry of women for help and raise no hand or fire no gun, is either more or less than man. If more than man, he would be better off in a better world; it less than man, he is nnworthy a place among men. Mr. Hill quotes the example of South Caroli na. We have had quite enough of the example of South Carolina in her connection with our re cent struggle. He complains that we love the President and do not like him. The position of the two men differ widely as the poles. Andy Johnson was an honest enemy; and, since his elevation, has exhibited a combination of qualities moral and mental that would have made him illustrious in any age or any countiy. Ills policy towards the South lias been liberal, clement and magnani mous beyond precedent. The South loves him —the word is not too strong—the South loves him and wifi be as true as steel to him and his administration. If, under conviction of duty, Mr. Hill had imitated President Jolmson—if he had sacrificed kindred and property—if he had gone to the North and taken np his abode among those with whom we were at war—this, at all events, would have been honest and manly. But to remain among ns ? to seek office among as, and now to tell us he was all the time loyal to the Government we were fighting, can he won der that high-minded men at the South do not like him, while they love the President. Mr. Hill has asked the question; he cannot complain that it is answered. Mr. Hill tells us the President readily distin guishes between mere lip service and genuine devotion. “You will not be able to deceive him.” This sentence is an insult to' the representatives of the people of Georgia. It gives them the odi ous character of hypocrites, rendering mere lip service. The imputation should be repelled with honest indignation. Professing no love for the Union, per se, while they do love the President they are prepared to keep their pledge and con tinue to be as they now are, good and loyal citi zens to the end of their lives. Nothing more can be asked, nothing more expected. The most exceptionable sentiment of this most exceptionable speech is found in the following extract: “It you shall madly and revengefully choose a man over me, prominently identified in either a civil or military capacity with tlic rebel Government, I will denounce the folly and infat uation of the act.” This threat is made by one who tried to he Governor of the rebel State of Georgia, and couldn’t! It is bullying, and what is worse, bullying in very bad taste. It is like the child in a quarrel for an apple, who, finding that he is about to lose it, cries out—“You give it to me, or I’ll go right straight and tell my ma.” Seriously, if those distinguished men, Messrs. Stephens and Johnson, are refused then- seats, so far as in him lies, the blame will rest with Mr. Hill. He will occupy the unnatural position of a Georgian thwarting the efforts of Georgia to obtain the restoration of law, order and civil liberty among her people. But this protracted notice must be closed.— Tbe effect of this speech with the President is not to he feared. He understand us better than Mr. Hill does. But its effect is greatly to be feared among the Radicals. It is giving a wea pon to our enemies. It is the endorsement of an odious and unconstitutional Test Oath by a prominent Southern man. It will given urrency lo the impression among them, that our oath of loyalty is a peijury. It will lead to the opinion that there is a party in Georgia who entertains Mr. Hill’s views, when there is not a corporal’s guard, and to the results which followed a simi lar error before tbe war. To Mr. Hill and to the State, it can be followed but by disaster. This criticism is penned under no personal feeling to ward Mr. Hill. It is written not in anger, hut in sorrow. No one can regard Mr. Hill, in pri vate life, but with respect, to his many virtues. His talcuts are decided. Prior to the war, his political course was worthy of all admiration. How unfortunate, that in a moment of disap pointment or passion, with one sad blow he should have struck down the fair fabric which himself had reared. Georgian. Tlio Sick of Bagdad-Demolition, I’iltnge and Outlawry. The Matamoras Ranchero, of the 9th, thus fastens the responsibility of a war between Max imilian and the United States on the latter country: The Federal commander, upon being apprised of the unholy and hellish pillage of Bagdad by liis own soldiers, lelt Brownsville for that place. Two days after the pillaging commenced, lie crossed into Bagdad a force of three hundred men, with the object, we are told, of protecting the lives of the non-combatant population. But remarkable to relate, did not restore Imperial authority, hut instead, recognizes the authority of a pack of highway robbers, who received the place from his soldiers, and who went into it from the Texas side. Thus he recognizes the right of his soldiers to take and sack a town of the Mexican Empire and after they had enjoyed two days, pillage, he sends into it a force and commands the peace, but instead of putting the place into the hands of those from whom his soldiers took it, lie virtually turns it over to Lib eral robbers and makes himself and government responsible for the whole affair. His soldiers attack and take a city from the hands of the Imperial Government of Mexico; his soldiers capture the Imperial garrison; assas sinate Imperial citizens; shoot Imperial soldiers; sack the city, and turn all over to fillibusters and so-called Liberals, who enter the place from the soil of the United States. Such, even, Is the picture we arc called upon to contemplate ; and such is not only a declaration of war on the part of the United States but the commencement of actual hostility by the government. Whether the Federal authorities have commit ted this awful crime wilfully, or whether they are guilty of the higher crime, inertia, stupidity, ignorance, we leave it for the public to determine. One thing, however, is certain, the course which the Federal commander has taken, fastens, ir revocably fastens, the entire responsibility of the ignoble affair upon his government. The Ranchero, of the 10th gives further parti culars of the sacking of Bagdad, from which we take some extracts: The pillage of Bagdad continues, but on a small scale in comparison to the first i. w days proceeding. The negroes cross boxes of ebampaigne and other wines and liquors, besides packages of mer chandise without molestation from the federal officials, but when the whites attempt to carry on the same work, they are picked up by the federal custom house officials and made to pay duties. All the principal houses of Bagdad have been gulled completely. Some firms in this city in form us of tlieir receiving houses and branches have been robbed of cveiy article worth carrying off, including their safes, which had been taken to the Texas 9ide and blown open. The federal commander has been at Clarks ville, and has sent a force over to this side to keep order, and was holding the place in con junction with outlaws and fillibusters. He bail done nothing toward restoring the place to those from whom his soldiers took it. He left here tor Brownsville, having been, and saw, and done nothing. The federal commander arrived up yesterday, from below, and has ascertained that very few of his soldiers had a hand in the taking and sacking of Bagdad. Those few he was going to have ar rested. | We do not understand that he computes the number ot his soldiers who took part in that hellish affair. Lest he should arrest too many of them we would inform him that not more tiian from five hundred to eight hundred took ltand in the work of pillage. Only a few—very few. We are told that goods taken at Bagdad con tinue to arrive in Brownsville, and are already affecting that market. The number of killed and wounded at Bagdad is so variously estimated that without something more reliable it would not be worth while to make an estimate, Louis Napoleon** mistake. The intervention in Mexico was a mistake, though we are precluded from condemning it ton loudly. Our own government was ill-advised enough to concur in the moderate attempt as first suggested, and we can only congratulate ourselves that it had the discretion to retire as soon as it could with decency. It ought to have been seen from the first that it would be impos sible to restrict the movement to its proposed di mensions, and even were it possible, the move ment would still be impolitic. The practical question is, however what shall the Emperor Na poleon do ? Luckily, it is not our function to de termine his future policy. There are some situ ations in which it seems equally impossible to advance or retreat. The Emperor may, however, persuade himself that he most either advance or retreat; it is impossible to do both, as so many people would willingly do, and it is equally im- .possible to stand still. If he retreat, he exposes himself to the imputation of failure, and must run the risk of tiie disfavor which the French are very apt to feel toward anything like a want of military success; but he would be relieved from considerable exposure, would mitigate some do mestic opposition, and would appease the Amer ican people. If he persists, he must be prepared for growing embarrassments and must brave American resentment: We are not inclined to reckon this last danger so threatening as it is sometimes assumed to be. American officials must, of course, resent the establishment of an Empire in Mexico; it is opposed to every tra dition of American policy, and it is a simple du ty'to protest against it. American politicians and writers must and will declaim against it, were it only because a little bluster against Maximilian is such an easy escape from the discussion of delicate domestic problems. But were he to withdraw his support, it is most probable that the Emperor Maximilian would soon return to Europe, and the Emperor Napoleon would have to acknowledge that a scheme upon which he had lavished thousands of French lives and mil lions of French money had ignoininiously failed, and that the French army had been compelled to reciol from before a contemptible enemy. It is a most painful dilemma.—London Times. The future wife of the heir apparent of the crown of Italy, the Princess of Leuchtenberg, is the niece of the Emperor of Russia. The young princess has been brought up as a member of tho Greek Church.