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n Btefcty JtteUigrnrrr. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, Wednesday, March 21, I860. Nt. Lonls and lh« Houtkern Trade,. Tlie Missouri Republican, commenting upon this subject, says: “It is gratifying to see the evi dences that St. Louis can share largely in a trade with tiie South of which she in former years en joyed but little, if our merchants and citizens are only willing to use the most obvious and ordi nary means to the desired end. We have these evidences in the success which has attended the efiorte of the St. Louis and Johnsonvillc line of steam packets to furnish steady and regular transportation facilities for this trade* This line, os wc have before mentioned, is in daily commu nication with .Johnsonvillc, on the Tennessee river, one hundred miles from its mouth, and also in regular communication with Eastport, Missis sippi, and Florence, Alabama, on the same river. By its arrangements with the Johnsonville and Nashville Railroad, it has communication with Nashville, and thence with Chattanooga and At lanta. One highly advantageous feature of this arrangement is that through freights received at Johnsonville or Atlanta are transported over the entire route without transhipment or breaking of bulk. The arrangement subsists for five years, and is exclusive, the consideration with the companies which control the roads being the feet that the packet company would supply the roads regularly going South and receive as regularly the freights coming North. Sucli are the facilities now furnish ed that this route is preferred by merchants as far South as Macon, in Georgia, and even Montgom ery, in Alabama. By it goods are sent to Knox ville, East Tennessee, and shipments have been received from Lynchburg, Virginia. Through that route and the Tennessee river route to East- port and Florence, a most valuable trade for St Louis is opened up with an immense district of country. Jt would make a lengthy catalogue to name the numerous points brought into connec tion with St. Louis, in Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama and Georgia.” Conversing a few days ago with an intelligent and enterprising citizen and merchant of St. Louis, our attention was called to the steamboat enterprise referred to in the foregoing article, and to the advantages also which it afforded to the merchants of Atlanta over the old route and on to Cincinnati. If so, and it appears to be so, we have no doubt that the result will be the opening ot a trade with St. Louis that city lias not here tofore enjoyed with the South, especially from Atlanta, Macon, or Montgomery even. Ohr mer chants would do well to look into, and even try the new route. It may pay them to do so. Trade with the Northwest. - The A r ew Orleans Crescent of the 9th instant announces the arrival in that city of four barges from St. Louis, loaded with ttventy-five thousand sacks of corn. This arrival had a sensible effect on that market, producing a considerable decline in the price of grain. We cannot, says that pa per, “but hope that this enterprise will lead to others of the same and similar kinds, and that the commercial alliance between the West and South may grow stronger and more intimate.— New Orleans ought to be the importer of foreign goods for the whole Mississippi valley, and, on the other hand, she ought to not only be a heavy consumer herself of tlie agricultural productions of that valley, but tlie medium through which they seek the markets of the outside world. To bring about such a result, one of the most impor tant agencies is cheap transportation. In former times, before the days of steam, flatboat trans portation was costly only on account of the time consumed in making a trip. But now, under a barge and towage system, by which cheapness of transportation is combined with rapidity of move ment, there ought to be many such enterprises as that to which we are alluding, and full return freights ought to encourage the people of the Northwest toexteud their commercial intercourse with the lower Mississippi valley. “But, independent of the commercial interests involved, there is a growing tendency to a politi cal combination between the West and South, as a means of protection against the insatiable de mands of Eastern capitalists, me.•chants, shippers and manufacturers. Tlie West, no less than the South, is plundered by high tariffs and monopo lies of every description, and the principle of self-protection requires that the two should unite against their common political enemy. That an increase ot the commercial ties between tlie two would 'cad to a closer political affiliation is evi dent enough. And that good would result iu both respects is equally plain. With a great natural highway like the Mississippi to say noth ing of its tributaries, to serve as the path of com merce between the West and South, and with New Orleans sitting at the gate which opens into the ocean, the great highway of nations, there is nothing which should prevent tlie closest recipro cal trade relations, in the interest of both sections, and thus sever those Eastern connections which are a common burden to both." Dwellings for Workingmen. It is stated that the propritor of a large found ry at Guise, in France, has erected two large buildings for lodging houses *for his workmen.— Each building is four stories high, and has a square courtyard in the centre, covered with a skylight, so that in all weathers the children can play beueatli. Every set of rooms for a family has its own cellar and store-room; there are hot and cold baths on every floor. On the ground floors of tlie buildings are stores where the housewife can buy all her marketings &c., at the cheapest rates. Such houses reflect credit on their projector and arc worthy of imitation/ Too little attentiou has been paid in this coun try to similar enterprises—dwelling houses for mechanics and workingmen who labor for foun dries, manufactories, railroads, and other institu tions, requiring mechanical and other labor. In Atlanta, where there are so many worthy me chanics employed, no attention at all has been paid to it, and we fear none will be for some time to come. Dwelling houses—neat and comforta ble ones—for tlie families ot such men to live in tend more to secure their labor and citizenship, than high prices do. Will not capitalists who construct railroads, embark in manufacturing, erect foundries, and engage in other enterprises, think of this, aud imitate the example of the Frenchman above referred to ? We venture it would prove a paying business, securing too, at the same time, the most experienced and best workmen. The County Court. The law creating this Court requires the County Judge to be elected on the first Wednes day in May, 1866, and on the first Monday in January, 1870, and every fourth year there after. Except in tlie county of Muscogee, where the Judge is required to be a practising Attorney, there is no special qualification re quired. It is provided also that no disqualifica tion for the office shall attach to the Clerk of the Inferior Court—that is, he may be Clem and Judge too. The new Court has jurisdiction without limit os to amount in all civil cases aris ing out ot the relation of master and servant, and in all cases in which not more than one hundred dollars is involved. No salary is paid by the State to the County Judge—his compensation is derived from fees prescribed in the act. Jurors sit in the cases before this Court the same as in the Superior Courts of this State. We have only to remark that if the Judge who may be elected to preside over this Court in this county, be not a member of tlie legal profession, he should be a citizen of respectable attainments, 1 possessed of sound mind, a man of integrity and hard sense. It is an important office, aud should , not be thoughtlessly bestowed upon auy one. ! Governor JeaUai* VetM«, In another column we publish the Governor’s veto of the “Act to allow the redemption of real estate sold under execution wjthia a specified time," and of another entitled “An Act to ex empt from levy and sale certain property of ev ery-dehtbr in the State, and for other purposes," otherwise termed the “Homestead Bill," the dis cussion of which consumed so mnch of the time of the General Assembly that has just adjourned. The Senate, upon the reception of this veto mes sage from the Governor, upon an attempt to do so, tailed to pass the last named bill by a consti tutional, or two-thirds vote, the yeas being only 15, nays 13; consequently it was lost. It passed, however, the first named bill, the yeas being 19, nays 9; when it was sent to the House, but there lost, it foiling to receive the required two-thirds vote, the yeas being C4, nays 39. So the veto was sustained, upon constitutional grounds, on-a constitutional vote. This veto message of the Governor is brief, and will doubtless be read with interest by tbe people. The New Ham pah ire Election. The New York Times claims that the result of the recent election in the State of New Hamp shire for Governor, is a triumph of the Union party—that which sustains the President and hjs policy. ItsayB: “ We congratulate the sound and practical Union men of the Granite State upon their steadfastness to faith and principle. Their example will stimulate our friends in Con necticut to renewed exertions, and we shall con tinue to hope for equally gratifying results in that State next week.” “ One great fact,” it also says, “ never doubted by the. well-informed—is emphasized by. the New Hampshire election; and that is, that how_- ever leaders in Congress and followers outside may differ and dispute upon points of doctrine and means to ends, the loyal Republican people believe in the living reality of the Union, the Constitution and the iaws, and that they mean to Btand firmly by tbe great party of Unionists who sustained the policy and the hands of our martyred President, and who recognize the es sential points of that pnlicy in the acts of his legitimate successor, Andrew Johnson. If the new firm of Wendell Phillips & Willard Sauls- bury, are delighted their first venture in a State canvass, so be it; we are content” For our own part, we confess that we do not exactly comprehend how it is that both the Rad icals and the Union men in and oat of New Hampshire claim this election to be a victory each, on their side; in other words, how it is that what Wendell Phillips claims to be a victory on his side of the question, the Times claims to be a victory on the side of those who sustain the President and his policy. We trust that the Times is right, and that the old Granite State is on the Union or constitutional side of the great issue that is now before the people of the North and West. Tbe Despotism of Congress. It the despotism of Congress be as huge, and we believe it is, as it is stated to be by Raymond of the Times, who is a member of that body, then it is huge Indeed. Hear what he says in the fol lowing paragraph upon the subject: “The age of bastiles and guillotines has passed, but there is a despotism in Congress as infatuated as that which caused France to weep tears of blood. The majority of the House ot Represen tatives hits invested a ‘Committee of Fifteen’ with powers which, under the guidance of a Jacobin Chairman, is becoming as odious as any triumvirate created by despotism.” Commenting upon this declaration of Mr. Raymond, that sterling, journal the Nashville Union & American says: The above is from the New York Times, edited by Henry J. Raymond, a Republican member of Congress. That Committee of Fifteen, or Cen tral Directory, as the President of the United Stifles terms it, is a complete revolutionary body, whose whole proceedings are for the overthrow of the Gouernment, and for the destruction of constitutional liberty. That he fully appreciates the dangers with which the liberties of the coun try are threatened, is evident from a striking pas sage in his response to the Kentucky delegation that called to pay him their respeets on tlie 8th instant. He then said: “The present is regarded as a most critical juncture in the affairs of the nation, scarcely less so than when an armed and organized force sought to overthrow the Government. To attack and attempt the disruption of the Government by armed combination and military force is no more dangerous to the life of the nation than an attempt to revolutionize and undermine it by a disregard and destruction of the safeguards thrown around the liberties of tlie constitution. My stand has been taken, my course is marked, I shall stand by and defend the constitution against all who may attack it, from whatever quarter the attack may come. I shall take no step backward in this matter.” The history of the world presents no suhlimer spectacle in defense of constitutional liberty than we now have in the person of Audrcw Johnson. Base must be tlie man who will not stand by him in such an emergency. Accident at Madlcon. Tlie Liraminer says a dreadful accident occur red at the depot on last Saturday. A box car was being attached to the engine on the side track by Mr. Stephen Lyons, an attache of the road. By a mis-step he was thrown on the track, the car passing over both legs, crushing them completely. He was immediately removed to the “Madison House,” where every attention was given that could be bestowed by tbe gentle manly proprietor, the physicians and citizens generally. Before the preparations for amputa ting tlie limbs was completed-his system had un dergone such a shock that it was considered im practicable to perform the operation. He lin gered in great agony until Monday night at nine o’clock and expired. Mr. Lyon was a native of Ireland, and has considered Augusta, Georgia, his home for the last fifteen years. He lias been on the Georgia Railroad for the last fourteen years, and one ot tlie most faithful and expert hands in their employ. His untimely death was much lamented by every one that knew him.— His remains were removed to his home in Au gusta on yesterday. Late News Items. A destructive fire occurred at Jacksonville, Florida, on Sunday night last, which destroyed the office of the Jacksonville Union and two other buildings. Hon. S. R. Mallory, late Secretary of the Confederate navy, has been released from his protracted confinement in Fort LaFayette. His health has suffered considerably from his long imprisonment. The Rock Island Paper Mill Company of Co lumbus, Georgia, announce their purpose of re building their paper works at an early day. A dispatch from Washington of March 10, says that Mr. Stephens’ final acceptance of the Georgia Senatorsliip was in consequence of an assurance from high officials in this city that he would be admitted to his seat, and the President is determined to do his best, to secore that ad mission, and that his case is not an isolated one. The Baltimore Sun advises all who are having their property insured to examine well into the character and ability of the insurance companies. The losses sustained have been unusually heavy during the last two months, and several of the New York companies have recently failed. A house worth twenty-five thousand dollars has been presented to General Sherman in St Louis. . TgRihUowigg, relative.to tbalax on, legacies and distributive shares, in accordance with the provisions of the United’&ues Excise Law, we pobliah at the request, of the Assessor for this district: CkTTao Status Barsxr*. 1 r Asufroa's Oman, irm District or Gtowm, V AttoU March 1G, IbuO. ) LReACTSS AXD DISTRIBUTIVE SHARES. Sir : ^Tour attentions is herewith called to the provisions ofojtbe United-States Excise law;.J»- lative 'to the'tax on legacies and distributive shares. The 124th and 125th sections of that act provide that any person or persons having in charge or trust, as administrators, executors, or trustees of any legacies or distributive shares, arising from personal property of auy kind what soever, where the whole amount of such person al property exceeds the sum of one thousand dollars in. actual, value, passing. from my dece dent, either bv will or by tlie intestate laws of any State or Territory, to any persbn or persons, or to any body or bodies politic or corporate, in trust or otherwise, shall be subject to a duty or tax, to be paid to tbe United States before distri bution, as. follows: First. Where the person entitled to any bene ficial interest in such property is the lineal issue or lineal ancestor, brother or sister, to the person who died possessed of such property, at the rate ot one dollar for each hundred dollars of the clear value of such interest Second. Where the legatee or distributee is a descendant ol a brother or sister of the person who died possessed, at tbe rate of two dollars for each hundred dollars of the clear value of such interest Third. Where the legatee or distributee is a brother or sister of tlie father, or mother, ora descendant of a brother or sister of tli» father or mother of the person who died possessed, at the rate of four dollars for each hundred dollars of the clear value of such interest. Fourth. Where the legatee or distributee is a brother or sister of the grandfather or grand mother, or a. descendant of the brother or sister of the grandfather or grandmother of the person who died possessed, at the rate of five dollars for each hundred dollars of the clear value of such interest. Fifth. Where the legatee or distributee is in any other degree of collateral consanguinity thilt is hereinbefore stated, or is a stranger in blood to tbe person, who died possessed, or is . a body poli tic or corporate, at the rate of six dollars for each hundred dollars of the clear value of such in terest All legacies of property passing by will, or by the laws of any State or Territory, to hus band or wife of the person who died possessed, are exempt from tax. The return must be made and the tax paid upon each legacy or distributive share ot the E nal property liable to tbe tax before distri- n thereof and the administrator or execu tor will then file his receipt in settlement ot his account, which will be allowed as part payment of the distributive share. Should no administra tion be taken out, the law provides that the party or parties shall be liable who undertake to dis tribute or settle the estate. succession tax: The 126th to 151st sections of the law provide for the payment of a tax upon real estate by all persons and corporations who become entitled in possession to real estate by reason of the death ot any person, and by all persons and corpora tions who receive a gift or distribution of any in terest in real estate while the grantor is living, as well as those who receive conveyances of real estate which, in fact, either by the face of the in strument itself, or by some secret arrangement, is to take effect upon the death of the grantor. No’ such taxes are payable by a widow for any interest that she may receive from her hus band, but interests in real estate passing from wife tp husband are subject to the succession tax. The rates of tax are pie same as those provi ded for legacies or distributive shares of personal property, except that in case of real estate, when the descendant, devisee, or grantee, is a brother or sister of the predecessor, the tax is two dollars on a hundred dollars of value. As the United States have a lien upon both personal and real estate for the taxes upon the same, respectively, and as the parties liable to pay this tax are subject to penalties, and faithful administration cannot be performed by allowing the tax and penalty to be assessed by the assessor througli your neglect, which assessment and penalty may be larger than the facts [if known and duly returned to the. assessor] would war rant, you are respectfully requested to notify the assistant assessor of the division in which the deceased lived at the time of his decease ot your appointment as executor, administrator, or trus tee, and to furnish him with the amount of the inventory and a copy of the deed or will, if any, and with a statement of the names of the gran tees, devisees, or heirs, of the real estate passing to them, so. far as you have knowledge of the same. This course will have a tendency to se cure you as well as the Government, and the honest taxpayer who may be ignorant of his duty. The return of succession tax must be made by the party possessing tbe real estate, and not by tbe exeentor or administrator as such; and the real estate must be described with sufficient cer tainty to identify tlie same. Returns for tax on legacies and distributive shares may be made on Form No, 35, and the return of succession tax on Form No. 34, and all necessary jnformation will be furnished by the undersigned. W. H. Watson, United States Assessor. Usury. Since the war, one of the subjects of legisla tive discussion in several States has been the usury question. We are unable to state what the result has been, nor to what extent the statutes of the various States have been modified. In Alabama, we believe, they have been left intact. There are some singular mistakes prevalent upon the subject, occasioned by the different sense of the word “usury” in its popular accep tation from that which it formerly bore. In the olden time “usury” was the simple.equivalent of what we now call “interest.” It applied to any compensation paid for the use of money or for delay in payment ot a debt. Such is its applica tion in the English translation of the Scriptures inApmmon use. The Israelites were forbidden to lake “usury”—that is, any interest whatever —of their own brethren, but it might be taken from a stranger. In the popular usage of the present day the word is applied exclusively to interest (or usury) beyond the rates allowed by law. In most, if not all of the United States, a limitation is affix ed by statute to the rate of interest allowed, the transcending of which is subjected to various penalties, more or less stringent. In the olden time there were ideas prevailing upon tfaie subject of usury, which it is fashionable now to ridicule as antiquated, superstitious, and absurd. The theory of medieval Christendom was that all money-lending on interest was wrong, because “money could not breed money.” This theory presumed money to be not properly an article of trade, but a mere representatioe of the value of other articles. The doctrine of the present day is diametrical ly different. 'It is that money is as much a com modity as cotton, bay, dry goods, or any other article of trade, and hence that its use is a legiti mate subject of profit. It is very possible that, if the subject were closely ana philosophically examined, it might be found that the people ef the “dark ages” (so called) were nearer right thin we are in this, as well as in some other matters. - In practice, however, our modern legislation is founded upon an incongruous combination of two theories—theories that are not merely diver gent from, bat entirely incompatible with each other. In accordance with the modem theory, we permit a charge to be made for the use of money, as if it were a legitimate commodity; while, in the spirit of the ancient theory, we re strict that charge by certain limitations. In other words, we undertake by legislation to regulate the amount of profit that may be made upon this one article, while we leave it unrestricted as to others. If money is not a legitimate commodity, or article of trade, no interest at all should be au thorized. If it is, we do not see any reason why the rate of interest should l>e restricted, that does not apply with equal force to house-rents, or to the price of bread, beef, or broadcloth.—Mobile Advertiser & Register. Special Legislative Friends of , Hon. A. H. Stephens. Genixuux : I have read your review of m and iny recent speech on tbe senatorial election. 1 have never bad a newspaper controversy, nor have I tbe tightest desire for one. In your case, I would nab tally seek to avoid “tbe war of the many with« if for no other reason than tbe great dispari y of numbers. Yon have tele red into an elaborate argument to. prove that [ was wrong in saying ot Mr. Ste phens that,, i ader the circumstances, be could not escape a nepicion of having encouraged his election to tie' Senate. You say, after presenting your array ol facts, that “Mr. Bull must fall back upon his jot rment as being biassed by his lati tude;” I admit I am not infallible. *1 may be obtuse. Whatever may he the general effect of your remschnng and fiueta, I cannot help think- rag that-some,more incredulousthan thereat, will attribute to Mr. Stephens the amiable weak ness of being too easily “over-persuaded.” He did not refuse the high office as often as Caesar did the “kingly crown,” and yet Caesar was slain for his ambition. But there was but one Antho ny importuning Caesar. Unlike the men of Athens, I am not, “in all things, too superstitious." It so happened that I had been Warned—and that, not in a dream, but with my,eyes and ears open, at least one week before the first meeting of the Legislature —that a shrewd and knowing politician predict ed the election of Alexander H. Stephens and Herachel Y. Johnson as Senators. I never forgot the prophecy, nor ceased entirely to look for its fulfilment. It at least broke my mil, and, I think, made JamesJehnson’s descent easier. Speaking of prophets, gentlemen, hereafter commend me to this political diviner.. You cannot make less of it than a curious coincidence. Some, to whom this fortune-telling had been communicated, and who may be too apprecia tive of a jest, regarded the animated contest be tween Messrs. Gartrell and Peeples as the best joke of the seniofl. , It reminded old turfmen of a gallantly contested four-mile race, with broken heats, and the cheers of the crowd, aa the fleet steeds came 'aeck-aud-neck, thundering down the last quarter stretch, were almost audible.— Bat the gallant contestants were, in the end, re minded ofrdfiat beautiful Scriptural aphorism, “the race is not to the swift.” They both ran well, and each was nigh the goal, but it was nev er intended (at least so thought Fatalists and Predestinariaqs) that either should win. You attack’ my pretensions to loyalty to tlie Government of the United States, and demand, in an air of triumph, “What is the plea of loyal ty set up by Mr. Hill ?” You then proceed to contrast my poor efforts to save the Union, to tbe Herculean labors of Mr. Stephens to preserve it, and succeed in convincing yourselves that Mr. Stephens has the better record. I never doubted its suiting yon better, nor questioned that Jefferson Davis’ record pleases many of you better still. Mr. Davis is entitled to all the cred it that attaches to unflinching devotion to a cause that he consented to embrace and defend. Had I loved the cause, I could bat have honored his constancy and determination. I never regarded the cause and the South as synonymous. I could not look upon the rebellion with favor, when I felt that it was absolute ruin to the South, and a curse upon my whole countiy. It is surely no fault of mine that gentlemen should refuse to read my reported speeches and published letters. Hod they done so, they would now remember the uniformity of sentiment per vading them, and their ardent nationality. This is characteristic of all I said or wrote during my public service.. But I am aware that I never had any particular claims upon the public regard, farther than being esteemed somewhat above that contempti&e thing, a professional politician, in independence and candor. I never sought to win notoriety ia any manner. Unlike some of whom I wot, Fwas not ashamed of the position of a private gentleman, living secluded from the world, and but little known beyond the small circle of friends surrounding me. And if a sin gle one of yon imagine that ,my election to the Senate would, in my own opinion, “add a cubit to my stature,” or for an hour increase my vani ty, yon know little of me. No; I have weighed the “glittering bauble,” Fame, and for long years have been accustomed to say of it, that anything less than the reputa tion ot Clay and Webster is not worth seeking. Such reflections as these, aided, perhaps, by the severe teachings of misfortune, have enabled me to bear up under the frowns of former friends, and— “To suffer The stings and arrows of outrageous fortune,” without repining. For me to undertake to convince you that loathed and abhorred disunion or secession, and that I never foiled to rebuke it when I came to speak or write 1 of it, would be to make myself ridiculous; and to acknowledge that your esti mate of the value of my opinions is the univer sal one. As highly as I respect you, I cannot consent to abide your judgment or my insignifi cance. As for my recognized devotion to the Union, it was a fact fixed in the minds of such men as John J. Crittenden, Stephen A. Douglas, James Pearce and Henry Winter Davis, all of whom, “bad they but served their God with half the zeal" they served their country, would now be, as I hope they are, bright angels in a better world. And of the living, let me name John Sherman of Ohio, General John A. Logan Charles F. Adams, Dawes, Thayer, Mr. Seward: and Morrill, and, I might add, all who knew me or observed my political course. In the midst of the bloodiest scenes of the wick ed and causeless war through which we have passed, it was a source of heartfelt comfort and consolation, “when my household gods lav shiv ered around me,” to know that I was still cher ished as the friend of the Union by my old asso ciates throughout the nation. And to that settled conviction as to my character and feelings, I am greatly indebted for marked courtesy and kind ness. in Georgia, ail of which appealed to the to subant quietly peaceably, as good citizens, to the probable election of Mr. Lincoln. I answer ed Mr. Wiliam L. Yancey, who was regarded pretty generally as a respectable advocate ot dis union. We both spoke in the 8tate House of Maryland about the last of September, 1860. The next evening I spoke to many thousands in Baltimore, from the same stand with Governor Swan, Senator Kennedy and Representative Webster. The press said it was a Union speech, and complimented it very highly. Two days afterwards I addressed a large meeting in Wash ington city, as many can.testify. But, of course, you never beard anything ef all this, and refused to listen to anything I said. I received some substantial testimonials of regard from a Boston gentleman, for my reply to Mr. Yancey. You An Old Prediction.—The Cleveland, Ohio, Times of February, 1849, published the follow ing lines as coming from the Knickerbocker Al manac of 1847: “When the country is ruled liy a tailor bold, A beggar shall, stitch with a thhnble of gold; And the water shall furnish, instead of the hind, Three millions of men with their first in command.” Every man in Georgia, of ordinary intclli gence, knows that I have been looked upon with distrust and unkindness, and am yet, for my at tachment to the Union. |How many of yon have denounced me for my national principles? Which of you have censured Mr. Stephens for bis abandonment of liis opposition to secession, and for consenting to serve in the Provisional Congress at Montgomery, or for accepting the office of Vice President of the Confederate Slates? Which of you blamed him forgivi his counsel and personal influence to the rel cause? When was it that you complained of him for encouraging the people to furtlfrr exertion to obtain a separate nationality and independence ? Let us be candid with each other, gentlemen. Do you noSf love and admire him more for his identification with the cause of disunion, and his consequent sufferings and imprisonment, than for his “early disrelish” of secession ? I had come near saying, of the doctrine of secession, am not aware that either of your Senators elect has, at any time, denied the right of a State to secede, though both have condemned the exer cise of the right for insufficient cause. I would not knowing do either of them injustice. But what if they stiil hold that a State may of right secede? Do you condemn them for maintain ing the opinion ? I have never sought to depreciate the effort of Mr. Stephens before the Legislature in 1860, to prevent secession. It was meritorious. But I did complain at the time, and have continued to complaiu, that he did not refuse to sign the Ordi nance of Secession, then move to refer it to tbe people, and, upon the refusal of the majority, to submit it to the popular vote, then call upon the friends of the people to withdraw with him from the Convention. Years ago I expressed to Hon. B. H. 'Hill my regrets that he himself did not take that course. It is not pleasant to advert to it, even at this distance of time; but the truth of history de mands it. What public man, of all Georgia, be sides myselt, was burned in effigy in more places than one in his own State, soon after the fatal act of secession was adopted ? Think you it was because I favored secession ? Was that then regarded a crime ? What secessionist was treated in like manner? Was Mr. Stephens the object of such contempt ? To which of yon am I un der obligations for denouncing such unjustifiable and vindictive displays of feeling towards me? I pray yon make me sensible of my indebted ness, that I may thank y ou. Was it for my in ertness in the defense or the Union, that I was thus contemned and despieedby infuriated mobs? No; the friends of true liberty and order are never demonstrative; they are quiet and thoughtful. And to that one great, natural truth is tins country indebted for the blighting corse of secession. It was not numbers, but the con centration of passion and prejudice, and the rabid spirit of intolerance, that effected disunion. Had the honest, laboring masses, even of South Carolina, been appealed to as rational be ings. and told by their public men that tbe State desired a calm expression of tlie popular will as to tbe propriety of disunion, and that he who voted forthe Union was to be regarded as tip equal in courage, devotion to the State, and every element of manliness ot him that favored dis union, I feel confident the unwise step would gjMjfc see it stated in Northern journals that a strict quarantine of the Georgia coast, against vessels arriving from the West Indies, has been instituted by the military authorities. A Mississippian, bringing this stanzas to light says, ‘its singularity is certainly striking, to say the least. But would tlie last two lines of the stanza in question bear the construction as for commerce to crowd the vasty main with unpre cedented cargoes and numerousness of craft and crews at an imminent date ?—or do they bode ,,,, ... . - .. . . ; war, with plenty of privateering, and battles bv , They say that the prices of their produce j ^ y ‘Three millions of men with their first in J never have been taken. ” ’ ' Pardon me if T show some anxiety to refute "tint!, from 1861 to the middle of 1865'?” ' at bts-t, was. a mere passive friend of the Union, Let us hope the prediction does not “bode war,” j of doubtful character, while Mr. Stephens was but rather the former, or nothing.' We would j enthusiastic aud devoted. I did not begin to prefer that it meant three millions of immigrants • make Union speeches in 1860. I began five years from the old world during the administration of * before that, in denunciation of that unfortunate ye “tailor tblil”—MtishcPJe Union. ' measure, known as the Kaasas bill—the greatest —— blunder, except, perhaps, the defeat of the Clay- A very volatitle young lord, whose conquests ! ton Compromise, ever made in American pou- in the female world were numberless, at last j tics. I made no other bat Union speeches from married. “Now, my lord,” said his wife, “I hope j that time to this day. yon will mend.” “Madam,” said he “this is mv J made many very thorough Union speeches last folly.” j in 1859 and 1860; several in the autumn of I860 The tanners of Ulinois are holding indigna tion meetings to protest against the high price of labor. are lower than before the war, while twenty and f command’ to be on ‘the waters instead of tbe I twenty-five dollars a month and found is now 1 land,’ as the latter has chiefly proved the case ' the prevailing idea of-your letter to wit: , , . , „ , I Jt 1HJ<< ...I,. I..-.* .. Ma.ul nf the as^ed by the same “help who were glad to work for twelve dollars before the war. The marriage law of Pennsylvania is under going change. A simple agreement between the couple, in presence of witnesses, has been held to be a legal marriage heretofore, but that sort of thing will be done away with, and the services ef a clergyman or magistrate will now be re quired. may not know it, bat I can assure you the great orator of Alabama, was quite as earnest in his declamation, as was Mr. Toombs, and altogether as powerful. I never claimed- any more credit for “measuring-arms with the great orator on that occasion” than I have for discussion with Mr. Toombs, or Mr. Stephens. I never heard any one compliment Hon. B. II. Hill, on his ex hibition of nerve for “ raising his voice in favor of the then despised Union. I believe no one was killed or hurt for doing it. On the contrary I have heard that such'was the courtesy of the excited period that Mr. Toombs liimselt, at the close of Mr. Stephens’ speech, called for three cheers for the gifted orator, which were freely- given. I wrote a letter in December, I860, over my own name, published in the Southern Recorder, first urging the people to require pledges of their delegates, in writing, before electing them, to sub mit the action of the Convention to the popular vote, in which I was severe on secession. But it escaped your attention—like all my labors. Some of you are aware that I am a member of the still existing State Convention. I committed a grave error iu that body in consenting to aban don my announced intention to insist on a recon sideration of the vote adopting tbe ordinance re pealing the ordinance of secession, for the pur pose of declaring said ordinance “ absolutely- null and void.” I gave, at the time, my reasons, abating notbingof my principles and opinions, but reluctantly yielding to the solicitations of friends of the Union, aud being anxious to avoid discussion calculated to produce discord aud bit terness. Had I reflected properly on the sustaining el- fect of the word “repeal,” upon the doctrine of secession—the right of a State to secede from tlie Union—and, as a consequenee, the legality of all indebtedness incurred by such State for tlie prose cution of a war in defense of the right of seces sion, I could not have been induced to forego my' purpose. I could not have obtained a ma jority for the support of my views. : It was mani fest that a majority were opposed to the repudia tion of the war debt, and that it was only carried by some yielding to the requirements of the President, and a greater number remaining silent. To yield the willing assent of the mind, unre servedly to the absolute nullity of every act, ot every representative body, intended to sustain, in any manner, the rebellion, is to reject the whole doctrine of secession. Until this is done, there is no repudiation of the abominable heresy, it is a question of the highest importance to the peo ple of the entire Union, that a distinct and em phatic renunciation of the doctrine of secession by States that have resorted to it to destroy the Union, should precede the return o£ such States to a position ot equality in the Union, with unof fending States. The folly of restoring a State to the Union, with the boasted right of secession unimpaired, and still maintained and defended by its prominent officers, by a majority of (lie delegates of a Convention of the people, and a majority of the Legislature, can only be equaled by an amendment of the Federal Constitution, expressly admitting the right of a State, for any cause, in its own judgment sufficient to withdraw from the Union. This doctrine of secession, despite .the mis chiefs and miseries if has produced is, this day I fear, more generally tolerated, if not entertained, by the people of Georgia, than it was when it was reduced to practice. The mass of mankind, have neither leisure nor patience to in vestigate any great principle of government..— They are oftener influenced by arguments that appeal to their feelings and interests tha n to their abstract sense of right. Many favored secession, just as some others opposed it, because they be lieved their action beneficial to themselves. The rebellion lias proven a failure np to this time, but most of its devotees yet believe it was right, and that had it not been crushed by numbers, they would have realized all they were promised. On the other hand thousands of earnest oppo nents of secession, who have suffered deeply by loss of fortune, and were made wretched by the bloody causalties of war, have relaxed in their feelings, and arc, by no means, pertinacious in maintaining their former opinions. Men of sa gacity, fond of the adulation of their fellows, and ambitious ot place, know well this state of public feeling, and either sympathize with it or allow it to exist without attempting to correct it. To be sure there are individual exceptions to this rule, but not sufficient to effect a change. Many limit their political vision to the boundaries of the State—content to shape its internal polity— without special regard for its Federal relations. It is refreshing, in this dearth of sober reason ing, to find some of tlie foremost intellects that contributed all their powers to aid disunion, now openly proclaiming their opposition to the mad ness that would assert tbe right of tlie State to be represented in Congress by just such individuals as the people, or their representatives might pre fer, wholly regardless of their past history. These gentlemen perceive plainly that they themselves, though heretofore often honored by the people with tbe highest trusts, are by reason of their identification witli secession and war, no longer proper instruments to be chosen to restore cor dial relations between the State and the national authorities. Recognizing secession as a failure and a principle to be forever rebuked, they now express a willingness to be considered as no longer available public men, and to retire from the political arena, yielding to such as may be more agreeable on account of their political ac tion to the Federal Government, and consequent ly more useful to the State. This is the' "begin ningof wisdom. Do you agree with my esti mate of such conduct ? Wliat think you of such modesty and self denial ? These gentlemen found no difficulty in restraining their friends from wantonly voting for them. What, though you insist that all differences of opinion as to past political events should be con signed to oblivion, never to be revived! Can you compel Congress to adopt your suggestion ? It is not j-our will, but theirs that must govern.— Are you quite certain that your practice agrees with your teachings V It may interest some who will take the pains to read what I write, to learn a few political in cidents known to myself and others, which I re late merely to increase the evidence of my good standing as a Union man, with eminent Union ists, at a time when there was some merit in be ing a Union man. True love of the Union is like genuine, heartfelt piety. It is serene, uni form, forbearing; exhibiting itself in every act, and, without effort, convincing all men of its deep sincerity. And what is more, it is indepen dent of the frowns or blandishments of men.— Washington was its impersonation. How few were capable of appreciating his grand patriot ism; his exalted love of country. I first saw and heard read the celebrated Crit tenden Compromise resolutions in December, I860. I was invited to a room in Brown’s Hotel, Washington, and there met some half dozen moderate, but prominent members of the Repub lican party, I being the only Southern man pre sent. Oar host, a distinguished statesman and accomplished lawyer of Indiana, then in attend ance on the Supreme Court, produced the famous peace offering,” in his own elegant hand, and submitted it to the gentlemen present for their consideration and criticism. This noble man still lives, pledged never to accept political office. Should this chance to meet his eye, he will not fail to recall the scene. I mention this to show the esteem in which l was held by these national men, and the interest I felt for the preservation of the Union. I recall, with melancholy interest, my last in terview with.my Indiana friend. It- was by ray own fireside in Washington. Georgia had sece ded , and I, against the advice of true and saga- cions trends, was preparing to return to my home. Both of us were mourning the folly and madness that menaced tbe peace ot the country. He drew a vivid picture of the inevitable conflict he saw approaching, and feelingly suggested that his son and mine might meet in deadly strife, strangers to each other, and one of them might fall by the others hand. It may have been. prophetic. “Few can ever know what I have lost, and fewer still will care. Many think I was but too fortunate in preserving my own far spent life. I appeal not to man for sympathy, and yet I have met it, when it fell on my crushed heart as the gentle dew on the withering flowers. It came not from the hearts of unfeeling politi cians. Oh, secession, secession ! “Tby bruise is incurable, and thy wound is grievous,” and yet thou livest uurebuked in Georgia. A talented Georgian writes me in regard to the election of Senators, as follows: “Taking this fact in connection with the tone of our press, and the utterances of our public speakers, it may well be said of us, as was said of the Bourbons, ‘they have learned nothing, and forget nothing by revolution.’ One would think that the seces sionists were the victorious party if one did not know to the contrary.” One of the most talented men in America said, in a speech soon after the close of the war:— We have disposed of the doctrine of secession by the bayonetthat acute suggestion, that though the State has not the right to secede, yet ♦hat the citizens are bound to obey their State, and tint war by the State is not treason in them.” Do you notao regard the doetrine, gentlemen ? If you do" not, ’will you favor tlie public with your definition ? .•* > That child ot genlns, that accomplished scholar aud orator, and almost unrivaled master of the English language, Henty Winter Davis, said, in substance, that he knew of-bat. three devoted Union men m the South u who.bowed their heads to the storiban silence^ nliowiag it to Weep over them. He instanced the .venerated name of Pet- iurru, aad added, “the honored names of Joshua Hill and John Minor Softs." Whatever else may be said of him, it will scarcely be objected to Mr. Davis, that he was in the slightest degree tolerant of secession or disunion. Do you uot remember bow the disunion press of the State used to assail me for the complimentary vote l gave him for speaker V I trust I do no injustice to the memory of one of the wisest and best- men l ever knew, in refer ring to one of his treasured letters to me, bearing date the 28th of January, 1862. My distinguish ed and learned friend, though twenty years my senior, was lami and reared on a tract of land adjoining my birth-place, in Abbeville District, South Carolina. Our fathers sett led on adjoining places about the year 17SH). The two families are still represented on the old farms. ^ l was fortunate enough to enjoy tbe great man’s confi dence and friendship. I never knew a patriot so unselfish, or a great thinker :unl ripe scholar so unpretending. Lu liis matchless simplicity, lie writes from liis home in Charleston: “l received a very agreeaifle surprise by yours of the 22d.—_ It was not surfM-ising that you should think of me,»for ye have drank ot - .the same brook, and have run barefoot over the same hills, uot to for get one another, but I could hardly think that there was a-single'man left in the whole South that agreed so much with my opinions. I am faij^n join in the clown's soliloquy. sometimes, an^Ptproacli myselt lor following conscience, seeing tbe fiend gives the better counsel. For both town and country, old ainl young, on this side of the river, glorify themselves for every thing good and great as secessionists,, and rail against Yankees, a# the meanest aud. wickedest of the human race, for disagreeing with them in the destruction of the Union. In tins rebellion against tlie Union, women and parsons are con spicuous l’or their zeal and acclamations. The most ferocious feelings art: uot only - avowed, but boasted of, and nothing is respectable but despe ration. Why, a member of the Legislature de clared exultmgly in the House that he was thank- fnl for the fire, as it would make it easier to bum the rest of the town if the Yankees were likely to become masters of it.” “These things savour of madness more than passion. If they are to be believed they would rather that South Carolina share the tide of Sodom, than that secession should suffer defeat, or even a temporary reverse. Tlie detestation expressed for our late countrymen find a parallel only in the contempt which the Chinese feel for the, English and French barbarians. I am satis fied that this madness must, in time, give way to depression and lassitude,»but how long it will last no one can tell.” ’ . “The Northern mind seems tQ be almost as deeply stirred as that of the South; and though the South as natural fighters are more than a match for equal numbers—the preponderance of the North will encourage them to keep up the contest a long time, and in the end they may learn to fight, in which, at present, they are sadly at fault. So were the Ku^jkms when the Swedes gave them their first lessons.” There is a good deal more of conjecture as to the probable future, much of which-lias become history. He concludes with these sadly pro phetic words: “The future is doubly dark. Tlie most probable issue for both sides is, that instead of the military being subordinate to the civil au thority, the revolution will end in the military having it all their own way. My hopes are sub dued, but so are my tears. I don’t expect to See the end, and am glad of it.” He had his wish, and James Louis Petigru, no great while after ward, slept with his fathers. Would he have held such converse, at such a time, with any but a trusted friend of tbe Union? His whole life was one of consistent devotion to the govern ment of his countiy. I have great respect for candor, even when coupled with fanaticism; hence my high regard for my friends, Milledge L. Bonham aud James L. Pugh, both ultra disunionists and ardent in the cause of rebellion—-both scorning to hide away in bomb-proof positions, and uot content to display their valor by clamoring for war, tes tified tlieir sincerity by exposing themselves on “well stricken fields.” You charge that I became a candidate for Governor, and “tried to get an office, the obtain ing of which must have made it impossible for him (me) to take the oath,” &c. I was no more a candidate for Governor than was Mr. Stephens a candidate for Senator. I deny trying to be elected. I refused to review the administration of Governor Brown, and to condemn it, when assured that by doing so I could concentrate upon myself the opposition to him, and thereby keep down a third candidate. “Solitary and alone,” on the floor of Congress, I had censured his un lawful seizure of the United States Arsenal at Augusta, and Fort Pulaski, near Savannah. The secession Convention afterwards approved liis action, and thereby rebuked me. With which of us did you sympathise ? In permitting my name to be voted for, I only hoped to form the nucleus of a Southern con servative party, opposed to secession and war, and favoring peace. I called four or five of my most trusted friends living in this town and vi cinity, all of whom yet live, to bear me witness that, under no possible circumstances, would I ever take an oath to support the Constitution of the Confederate Slates, or the government or laws thereof. Wc examined the official oath of the Governor, and concluded that, to him, as the civil and military head of the Slate, tlie oath for civil officers only, did not apply. Aud if it had, aud I could have been elected, I would have spumed it. In doing so, I should have made more character than I could by filling the office. The gentlemen to whom l refer are men of high character, and “have done the State some service.” I am proud to claim them as my friends, and I hey are proud of niy principles and my course, which few so well understand. The secession and war press denounced my letter and its author. How many of you defend ed the letter, and vinicated me? The losers of peace, and the honest haters of disunion, voted forme, when not driven from the polls, by se cession bullies. Some of you are late in discov ering my strong anti-reconstruction sentiments. How many of you denounced me as a Unionist- reconstructionist, and everything objectionable, politically? Which of you made speeches against me? Did Union men complain of me? No, they rejoiced at the opportunity of voting for a man in whom they trusted. Your course has. made them only more devoted to me. They constant ly testify their regard Tor me. They reme/nbe fondly that I labored to prevent’disunion, and that I never “bowed the knee to Baal.” But be consoled, gentlemen'; you have the majority with you. With but a few exceptions, secessionists aud war-men sustain your action, and openly exult at the overthrow ot Janies Johnson and myself. I declined all invitations to visit tbe armies; or to speak at any point. I made no defense to tlie assaults upon me, charging me witli love of. the Union and opposition to tlie war. in my letter, I declared the utter impossibility of restoriu tbe lost Union as it teas. I do not see that : has been returned to us unchanged. It possessed many features calculated to endear it to the peo ple everywhere, that have been sadly altered by war. I rejoice that it cannot be said of me that I, in any manner, assisted in producing these in novations. How many of you admire my course in refusing to vote for any officer of the Confe derate Government? Do you not think that it would have been more praiseworthy to halve even sought place under it ? IIow many, and which of you, made speeches and arguments to soldiers to deter them from voting for me ? In a mtilant regiment, to which some of you belonged, and of which six or seven companies went from my old Congressional District—one of them from my own county, composed of tlie sons of my neighbors and friends, and of my own son—I received one single vote. That was cast by an independent, bigh-souled private, who dared to do what he conceived to be his duty.— Many of these brave soldiers had been accus tomed to vote for me for Congress, even against the advice.of Mr. Stephens and Mr. Toombs, but, on this trying occasion, they could not incur tlie odium. They liked me personally, as I believe some of you do, but thought I loved the Union not wisely, but too well.” I lost the support of the only vety influential paper that advocated for a time my election, by promptly refusing, when required, to say that I would not consent to live under the same Gov ernment with the people of the free States. The election went by, and though only second in the race, as in the recent one, l preserved the respect of iny friends and of myself. Success is not the true test of merit. -. “The rank is but the guinen a stamp, The man’s the gowd for a’ that.” Lest the President should be imposed on, some patriotic Georgians furnished him with a copy of iny letter. He understands it—he understands us all. He knows what suspended loyalty means, and knows how to appreciate new-born devotion to the Union. He knows as well as you do, that Mr. Davis voted in the Senate Committee tor the Crittenden Compromise, and of course that he. was opposed to disunion. This, you contend, makes a good Union record. Do you doubt, gen tlemen, that the President or the Senate would have approved the election of Mr. Davisto the Senate by the Legislature of Mississippi ? Wlmt objection could be urged against it ? Does any occur to you ? Has lie not talents and a large experience to commend lijin ? And was not he, too, one of the Prophets? It occurs to me to inquire of you, what apolo- gy you propone to make foRtberory inconsidera ble vote you gave the President s Provisional Governor‘ James Johnson, for. Senator ? In your zeal for the Union, .how could you forget his re cord ? What had lie done to shake your confi dence in his loyalty ? Was it his excess of kind ness in recomnrcntlins applicants for pardon to the President/that you intended to rebuke ? liis fine talents and personal worth were not un known to yon. Can it be that you intended to reprimand him for accej^tijig tlfejqjj^ointment ot Governor?. ( - \ _■ You are air satisfied. that lam flowerless m Georgia, but you are not so well assured that your ^condemnation of me is destructive of nvy influence at Washington. R rtecom^s Accessary, now, to insure that You may succeed in con vincing those who control-the Government that the organization of -a stupendous -rebefiipn to overthrow the .GohstitutionaL Government of your country, the samifiee-ttlLkundreds of thou sands of valuable lives lost iulrying to maintain , the supreme apthorify, together with, the sMngto tered tlio«saBds»ct»i4fy««hfoed.or flriten tWtJrke arms as insurgents, is a light affair. I ou may,, by ingenious argume»itrttion, peove vthafc the men most to be trusted by-the Govempiept are those most prominently - and -tropspieilopafy' ilfoniTflefl with the relK’l gorvCTtmtefftf' the men w hose names must liyeau history, pierc Ph atfmyit' of the high places they occupied in the rebel-gov ernment than for anything .thhy ever did iu the service of their lawful government. But when you succeed in all this, tltefe cover over wirh a thick veil the niches in your capitol that may con tain the statues of Washington, Jackson, Web ster and Clay, and forbid your couhtrymen-to look upon them again. Then will the revolution prove a triumph, aud the Union become a phan tom. Respectfully, Joshua Hij.l: Madison, Ga., February 10,1866. Covernpr ^Jenkins’ Vetoes^ Ol' a Bill to be entitted u An Act to Allow the Redemp tion of Real Estate sold under'Esecilttoh within a Specified Time,” aud of a Bill to be entitled “ An Act to Exempt from Levy and Salo of Certain Property of every Debtor in this State, and for other Purposes.” Executive Department, f Milledgeville, March 13,1S06. j To the Senate: I regret the necessity of interposing toy dissent to another act ot the General Assembly which originated-in your body, and W’hieh I herewith return. It is entitled “an act to allow the redemption of real estate sold under execution, within a speci fied time.” The 1st section provides that the purchaser of the property thus sold, shall be held, and taken as the trustee for the defendant in execution, for the space of two years after the sale. The 2d section reserves to the defendant the right to redeem the property at any time within two years, by paying the purchase money,-with interest at the rate of ten per cent. ]Ser annum. The 4th section allow s any creditor of the de fendant to raise the bid ot the purchaser and take all the right acquired by him, within sixty days after the public sale, .if not previously redeemed, unless the purchaser will pay an additional sum equal to the difference bet ween his bid at the sale, and the subsequent bid of the creditor. And this operation may be repeated any number of times within the sixty days. The 5th section reserves to the defendant the riglit of occupancy during the two years, allowed for redemption, without paying any considera tion therefor, to any person whomsoever. Should he redeem- at- the end of two years, lie pays interest -on the money. But failing to re ' deem, he pays nothing as interest-nothing for * tlie use and occupation of the premises. -That’it is in the power of the General Assenl- bly'to pass such an act, entirely prospective in its operation, I do not question, however fatal the legislation might be to the credit of men having moderate possessions. But this act is not so limited in its-operation. : By its very terms it will apply “whenever any real estate shall hereafter be sold, in this State, under any execu tion, order or decree of any court,” etc. This clearly includes 3ales under judgments rendered before the-passage of this act. It modi fies the lieu of such -judgments alter it Was at tached to the property, and is, to that extent, re troactive. By section 349!) of the revised Code, judgments “hind all the property of the defend- act, both real and personal, from the date of such judgments.” The universal acceptation of this clause is that judgments bind, not only eveiy ar ticle of the defendant’s property, but his entire interest in each article. This isThelien,nothing- less. A sale under it totally extinguishes the de fendants title, as much so as tlie most absolute sale he could make in the absence of any judg ment. Tlie manifest effect of the act Under considera tion is to prevent the sale under such a judgment of the defendant’s entire interest in real estate.— This it does in several particulars. 1st. It reserves to him the right of redemp tion. 2d. It reserves to him the right of occupancy against all the world, for two years, rent free, thus carrying out, out of the entire interest, a le gal estate for years. 3d. It keeps the sheriff’s sale open for sixty days, after the bidding lias commenced, during all which time lie may receive bids. It surely needs no argument to prove that prop erty exposed to sale under such incumbrances would ; yield a much lower price than if sold free from them. Hence the conclusion is, that the act imposing these incumbrances upon a sale under a judgment, affects injuriously the prior lien ot that judgment, and of course affects injuriously the right of the plaintiff in execution, in whom that lien had vested before the passage of this act. This is retroactive legislation. It it be asked why the Legislature may not do- this, in the plenitude of their discretion, the an swer is brief and simple. The 14th clause of this first article of the Constitution contains these emphatic words: “Retroactive legislation injuri ously affecting tlie right of the citizen is proh ibited.”■ This does not mean laws punishing acts previ ously committed; such are called “expost facto" laws, and are also prohibited by the same clause; but the object in extending the prohibition to- “retroactive legislation” w r as to protect private rights already vested. I also return without approval, because repug nant to the same clause of the Constitution of tlie State of Georgia, a bill to be entitled “an act to exempt from levy and sale certain property of every debtor in this State, and for other pur poses.” This act, like the other, affects injuri ously to plaintiffs in execution, the liens of judg ments obtained before its passage, upon the ex empted property. These liens are vested rights,, as already explained. To the extent of suck judgments and their liens, it is retroactive.^ And therefore it is within the prohibition of clause 14 of tlie first article of the Constitution. The difference between the two acts is only this: The first, herein mentioned, divests tins lien of judgments previously obtained, upon a porteal interest, in all the property of the debtor; the second, divests it entirely as to a portion of his property. Taking the two into connection, it is easy enough to perceive liow greatly and how injuriously the rights of the judgment cred itor are affected by this legislation. If the pro hibition quoted from the Constitution does not apply to and prevent such legislation, I greatly fear it will be a dead letter. Charles J. Jenkins, Governor. The Senate failed to pass the last named bill over tlie Governor’s veto, by a constitutional majority, the yeas being 15, nays 13; and conse quently it was not sent to the House. The Sen ate passed the first named bill over the Govern or’s veto, by a constitutional majority, yeas 19, nays 9; but the House failed to pass it by a con stitutional majority, the yeas being 64, nays 39. So both bills were lost.—Edrs. * Protection vs. Free Trade.—The Congres sional discussion upon reconstruction will soon be varied by the consideration of the new topic that is now looming up into political prominence —the Tariff question. The Chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, of the House, stated yesterday that the subject of a revision of the tariff would be brought up at an early day, and an interesting discussion upon it may be expect ed. There is a strong free trade influence in Congress, and a still stronger one in opposition to the demands of the manufacturing interests for “more protection.” The Western members, in view of the oppression that is now felt by the agricultural districts, are likely to interpose strong opposition to any further increase in the prices of manufactures. Their sentiments in respect to the Reciprocity Treaty with Canada may lie taken as an index of what they will do when the Tariff question comes up for cosideration.— They are not only disinclined to make any con cession on behalf of the New England coast fish ermen, bat they fail to see why the whole coun try should be made to pay toward the support of tlie said fishermen through the instrumentality of the fishimr bounties. Tlw: Xph- Encrtim! of the fishing bounties. The New England members will make a strenuous effort tor a heavy increase of the duty on imports. A resolution was introduced several days ago, in the interest of the manufacturers, providing for an increase of fifty per cent, in the duties, and it is probable that an attempt will be made to raise the present rates nearly or quite, to that extent. Tlie West cannot stand such legislation as this, for the far mers already complain that they can hardly raijse enough produce to pay for the merchandize that they -require. It wi 11 not be surprising, therefore, if the forthcoming political division upon the tariff question should be started at the present, session. It may not develop sutfieienliy to draw distinct party tines until tlie subsidence of die re construction excitement, but the foundation of tlie new political division may lie laid, aud the way be prepared for the war of Protection and. Free Trade.—Mete York Sun.