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~TT~ 7 TT \ A ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS/WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”—Jefferson. VOLUME XVIII. ATLANTA, G j., WEDNESDAY, MAY 9,1866. NUMBER 19. Atlanta, Then And Now. Twelve months ago—the afternoon of the 4th j From the Montgomery Mail. Loases of the Sonth. PUBUBHKD DAILY AND WEEKLY BY JARED I. WHITAKER, Proprlet or. JOHN H. NTKELE, ... - Ildllor. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, Wednesday, May O, 1866. Cotton Jfoveiuent*. We notice in the New York Times of the 25th ultimo a statement o» movements in cotton that greatly surprise us. It seems that during the week ending on the evening of the 24th ultimo, the exports of cotton from tlie port of New York, had reached 22,277 hales, the currency value of which was $3,382,709, or an average of one hundred and seventy-live dollars a hale. In cluded, says that paper, “ in the exports, were: To Liverpool, 17,762 lwles, valued at $3,109,638; Cronstadt, 1,412 bales, valued at $230,100; Ham burg, 982 bales, valued at $857,997 ; Naples, 747 bales, valued at 141,642 ; Bremen, 682 bales, val ued at $122,174; Antwerp, 246 I .tales, valued at $47.301; Havre, 30* bales, valued at $43,145; and Burcfcjpna, 137 bales, valued at $20,700. The toolings <*r the week's return make the total shipment front this port exclusively, since the first of the current month, 63,371 hales or an average of about three thousand hales lor each business day ; and since September 1,180.1, 410,- 167 hales, worth at least eighty vallions of lawful money. Since the liist instant, the receipts at the port have beet) 36,661 hales ; since January 1, 1 .00, 271,580 bales; and since September 1 lMi.j—less than eight months—723,348 hales, certainly eq al to •; currency value of one hnn- drtd and tliirty-ii'/ht minion doll/'is. Estimates ol the available supply now here range from 170,000 to 230,000 hales—the average being 200, 000 bales, representing a currency value of not less than thirty-five million dollars.” Wlmt other staple, either for home purposes or lor export, cun compare with cotton ? In its raw state, commanding hundreds, ami when manufactured into lorries, commanding thou sands, of millions. If not “King” in a political, it is certainly so in a manufacturing and com mercial sense. All other manufacturing pro duets sink into insignificance before it. Nor wool, nor hemp, nor silk, nor all else with these combined, ear. compare with this great Southern staple. Long may it flourish and grow in the South, commanding tribute from the world ! Colored Men Excluded from Ronton The atrea. The theatrical managers in Boston have com bined to keep colored people out of the places ot amusement, notwithstanding the recent law on the subject. As only a nominal fine is imposed for breaking the law, and their licenses are not ntfeeted by the exclusion, they think they can successfully resist the law.—Xeic York Ecening Post. We have never had a doubt that the Boston aristocracy would be among the first of all class es in the North, to repudiate the exactions of the civil rights bill, especially that one of them which bestows upon the negro the right to oc cupy seats in their churches and theatres side by side with the whites. We see evidence now of this in the action of their theatrical managers, and we shall see it in the action of their church wardens or trustees Neither will the players play in theatres where the negrb is permitted to occupy the seats side by side with the whites, nor will the preachers preach under similar cir cumstances. Resistance to the law, as it now is, is certain in Boston. Whatever may be our opin ion of the civil rights bill, if its provisions in re gard to the privilege referred to are to he en forced anywhere, we trust they will be first en forced in Boston. What that city has so effectu ally sowed, let it reap 1 A Curious Case. The Nashville Union says “it will he remem bered that after the surrender ol General Lee, the military in Georgia captured $100,000 in gold, which was claimed by the Farmers’, the Ex change, and the Bank of Virginia, at Richmond. Recent investigations of the facts, however,show that a few weeks before the evacuation of Rich mond the Legislature of Virginia passed a law authorizing the said banks to loan the Confeder ate Government, upon the faith of the State, $300,000 of gold to purchase supplies for Lee s army. This sum was placed by the respective banks to the credit of the rebel Government, and before the surrender of Lee $60,000 was paid, leaving $240,000 belonging to the rebel Govern ment with these banks at the time of the evacu ation. The Government, therefore, claims not only the $100,000 captured in Georgia, but also the $240,000 additional in custody of the banks. This is the present condition of the question.— The notes of these banks have been bought up with the expectation that the Government would relinquish its title to the $240,000 of gold. This claim will certainly be abandoned by the Government. Ilad the $240,000 passed into the hands of General Lee. or any of the Confederate authorities, then, being seized by the military, it might, with some show of justice be held by it as captured property. But to claim what had never passed out of the vaults of the bank, we think is rather hard, and not at all consistent with either moderation or justice on the part of the government. day of May, 1865—Col. B. B. Eggleston*, of the “First Ohio Volunteer Cavalry,” at the head of his command, took possession of this city. On the day of the occurrence of this event, the com paratively few of Atlanta’s old residents who had returned to it upon General Sherman's aban donment of the place; and who had adhered to theCunfeclerateeau.se “through evil as weH as through good report;” feeling that resistance were madness, and suffering as they severely had, since the “surrender” had been made known, from acts of lawlessness daily committed by desperate men coming from whither, and going bo one could divine where; felt rather relieved than'otherwise at the re-entrance of the Federal troops and their re occupation of tl>*, city. As a Confederate Post, it liud been under the command of our fellow- citizen, then an officer in the Confederate ser vice, Col. Luther J. Glenn*, ever since its evacuation by General Sherman, but wiio having been abandoned by nearly the whole of his com mand, was left almost powerless to defend either private or public property, from the marauding parties that from day to day trespassed upon it, and bore wliat they pleased of it away. The mules and-the horses ; the State and Confederate quartermaster’s and commissary stores, though in charge of vigilant and brave officers; were borne away by men “tetuming from the wars,” who claimed, with some show of justice, that they were as much eutitled to them as any one else, and who, be it said to their credit, lavishly* bestowed upon the suffering women who iu crowds followed them through our streets, a large share of the provisions which they siezed. For two or three weeks previous to the occupation of the city by Coi. Eggleston’s command, there had existed if not a “reign of terror,” one at least of great disorder and distress. Our citizens and its authorities felt the ueeessity that existed for mili tary protection, and though mortified at the re sults of t lie war, were prepared to bide those re sults. Atlanta was then an impoverished city. It was a vast pile of ruins. Desolation and de struction had done their work upon it. Her peo ple were paralyzed in their losses, and in their poverty. Each gazed upon the other almost in despair, and where to get bread absorbed the thoughts of most of ifs inhabitants. Fortunate it was for the city, that the Federal officer who took possession of it, was a man as well as a sol dier. To relieve the wants of the suffering, to restore order, to maintain rigid discipline in his command, and to protect the persons and prop erty of the citizens, his efforts were directed.-— Those ot us who were witnesses of his man}* acts of kindness, will ever bear Col. Eggleston in kindly remembrrnce. YYar made him our en emy ; peace made him our friend. Such was Atlanta twelve months ago. Look at her now ! How great the change! From her ruius she has sprung, as if by some magical in fluence, into a city again, commerce flourishing in her midst, and the “busy hum of industry” an imating her people in all their varied pursuits. The whistle of the steam engine; the trains of cars reaching and departing from the city day night ; the evidences presented on every side of contemplated improvements; the sound of the hammer and the saw ; manufacturing enterprises of Various kinds iu successful operation, and others iu progress; an energetic population en gaged in trade ; professions all ably represented; artists and artisans engaged in tbeir vocations; civil law restored ; the city again under the con trol of its civil authorities; order and peace pre vailing in her midst; such is Atlanta now. Its then was all gloom ; its now, by comparison, how bright! Twelve months ago, how dark the prospect; to-day, how encouraging the future of the Gate City ! Our people are too apt to despond. Let them take courage ! From the fall and rise of Atlanta, let them hope; “hope on, hope ever! Let them remember that the wost possible feeling which can overtake a man is that of despair /” He will be good for nothing when such a calamity over takes him. It made Judas go and hang himself. To Messrs. Hodgson & -Whitfield, Editors of the Mail: Gentlemen : I observe in your issue this morn ing an article extracted from some paper (not de signated) in which it is stated, that Commodore Maury, in a letter to the London Morning Herald, estimates Southern losses during the war, at the extraordinary total of seven billions of dollars.— Any expression of opinion or deliberate state ment made by this distinguished man, deserves great consideration, and one should hesitate to venture on even a partial dissent from his views; but I respectfully submit that he has fallen 1 incautiously into a grave error in the matter of this particular statement. The amount ot losses as exhibited by him charges in its first item a loss of three billions of money on emancipated slaves * Is not this evi dently too high—is it not nearly or quite fifty* per cent, above the actual damages? In all the Southern States before the war there were about three millions and a half of slaves; and an aver age price of five hundred dollars each for these slaves, men, women and children, taken together, would exceed their then value. But if we sup pose three millions and a half of slaves to hav been worth five hundred dollars each, their ag gregate value would produce the sum of one bil lion seven hundred and and fifty millions of dol lars. In the next item Com. Maury puts down the sum of two billions of dollars lor expenses of the war independently of private spoliations and losses. In other words, he estimates the public debt of the Confederate States and of the several States at this large figure. YYe know on the contrary, that the nominal value of this debt on its face and its real value iu gold were two distinct proposition. The paper estimate of the debt and the gold value, (by which it must, if paid, have been ultimately tested and measured,^ were'vastly disproportioned in relation to each other. Is it not quite safe to set the sum of six hundred millions of dollars in gold against all the possible losses incurred by the public debt of the Confederate Stales and of each separate State? The destruction of private property appears in Commodore Maury’s statement, in an item of one billion of dollars ; too high, as it appears to me, from all the information I can obtain, by at least 25 per cent. The last item in the account is ten millions of dollars per annum—or fifty millions for five years—as additional taxation forthe pay ment of the Federal war debt; this sum being calculated as the result, at six per cent, interest, on one billion of dollars. But should these fifty millions of dollars as interest, and one billion as principal, be charged as a dead loss to the South ern States, when the tax goes into the Federal treasury, to be partially expended upon the South ern States in the administration ot the govern ment ? I should, therefore, rather state the ac count thus: By Emancipation 1,700,000,000 Expenses of the war 000,000,000 Destruction of private property 700,000,000 Additional Federal taxatiuii., 500,000,000 The Tax on Income*—Licenses, Ac. Our readers, perhaps, are not apprised, that, under the requirements ot the law, they are now called upon to make their Income Tax returns for the year 1865—the first day of May being the day designated from which the collection of the Income Tax is to commence. All business Li censes, too, must lie taken out—failure iu either case being attended with fixed penalties. Our attention to these matters has been called by the Federal Assessor for this district of our State, who, with the Federal Collector, while discharg ing the duties of their respective offices in this city and district with fidelity to the government, have ever done so with a lenity and courtesy that entitle them to the respect and esteem of our citizens. Go forward all who have returns to make, and licenses to take out, otherwise the penalty for re fusal or neglect will be surely imposed upon you. Losses or the South. YYe copy tr-day, from the Montgomery Mail, a letter addressed by the Hon. Robert Tyler, to the Editors of that paper, in which that gentleman reviews Commodore Maury’s estimates of South ern losses during the war, in an article written for the London Morning Her aid, which has been ex tensively copied iu the papers North and.South. Occupying the position in the Confederate Treas ury Department which Mr. Tyler did during the war, and familiar as he is with the history and events ot the war, no one is better prepared to estimate correctly the losses of the South by its j entrance and defeat in its late great -struggle for | independence We think the gentleman has j done this iu his letter to the Mail; lie lias cer- j tainly at least, corrected serious mistakes made i by Com. Maury in his article to the Morning Her- J aid. Tlie reader's attention is directed to Mr. ! Tylers letter published in another column of our I issue of to-day. Uatlicrcd to lit* People. On yesterday the remains of Major Thomas H. day, a gallant Confederate officer, who died in this city, in the Spring of 1864, and which were buried in the cemetery near by, tvere disin terred, and accompanied by a number of the friends of the deceased to the depot, from thence were forwarded, by Express, to the land of his fathers. A son of the gallant Lieutenant Henry Clay, Jr., who fell upon the plains of Mexico, and a grandson of the immortal Sage of Ashland, it is meet that his ashes should mingle with the soil ol that State made illustrious by the name lie bore. Iu the beginning of the war, young Clay, then iu the vigor of youth, and tlie iiope of manhood, thought “ Through whom hi? life-'o’.ood tracked its parent lake,*’ and struck for the honor of his uative State, the pride ot principle, and tlie memories clustering around his glorious name. As iu the instance ot his father, death came upon him in a strange land—each a sacrifice to the convictions of truth and light. His surviving triends imitating the example of Kentucky, in removing the father's remains from the battle field of Buena Vista, to her own capitol cemetery, where they sleep in the shadow of a proud monument on whose marble front engraved his deeds glitter in the sunlight of Heaven, have resolved that the son shall be placed beside tlie lather in the silent halls of death, whilst 3,500,000,000 Do not these figures present a terrible array, without magnifying them in the least? In the whole history of war such an immense loss lias never been so suddenly and completely suffered by a country containing not more than six mil lions of people, responsible for government and property. Indeed, I can recall no instance in any history where a country of the largest wealth and population lias lieeu subjected to so tremen dous a shock. Never has it happened before, I believe, in tlie world’s annals that, any people have been required to submit, between the rising and going down of the sun, to the utter extfhc- tion of seventeen hundred millions of property, and to the violent extirpation at tlie same moment of an ancient institution, reaching the hearths and hearts and comforts, aud the social and political interest of almost ev ery inhabitant in the land. Aud I trust it will not be vainglorious to assert in this connec tion, that lit) people in any country have ever waged war more heroically for real or supposed rights, or have manifested more patience, forti tude and wisdom, under extreme reverses, than the people of the Southern States have done.— Tlieir arms, carried for four years on many a hard lought field, had scarcely fallen from tlieir hands before they were seen at work in tlie fields and work shops, and in tlieir various professions and trades, courageously accepting the conse quences of deteat, peacefully renewing tlieir al legiance to a government excessively distasteful to them at the time, aud apparently resolved to conquer the disastrous circumstances of their un happy social and political condition by an ad mirable reticence and a brave industry calculated to excite every generous sympathy of both friends and enemies. To subject such a people, in the wantoness of power, to unuessary insults and op pressive burdens, would be alike inhuman and impolitic. Do not justice and true policy both suggest, that, with a restored Union prejudices and hatred, and depraved passions should pass away* as last as is possible or reasonable; and above and beyond all, those who control the des tinies of the United Stales should long hesitate before taking the risk of sacrificing the fixed facts of our political experience to the pleasing assumptions of a plausible theory—should also beware of the danger of being excited by ground less fears, or stiff more groundless hopes to com mit liberticide—to slay true freedom in the name and on the altar of some false prophet, blasphe ming in that name. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, Robert Tyler. •• On Fame's eternal camping ground. Her silent tents are spread. And glory guards with solemn round. Tlie bivouac of the dead." Trial of Br. Davis. It is announced in telegraphic dispatches from Washington City that Messrs. Evarts, Clifford, and Rosseau, have been retained by the Govern ment for the trial of Mr. Davis. These gentle men. it is stated, were in Washington a day or two ago arranging the case. The time and place of the trial had not then been definitely settled. Attorney General Speed, who will lead in the ease, is now in Kentucky recreating, so that it is not probable that the trial will come off at an early day. We notice, also, in a Press Association dis patch the statement that “there seems to be no doubt that Mrs. Jeff. Davis lias permission to visit ber husband.” , . i has fu rnished the public, iu the shape ol a chart while the 4th Michigan cuxa.ry was in- of character addressed-to that distinguished of- We learn that Captain Frank M. Myers, of Marietta, was elected Solicitor for the county of Cobb on Wednesday last. The Washington correspondent of the Cincin nati Gazette says: “The justice of the awards for the capture ot President Davis was the subject of a brief discussion in tlie Senate the 24th inst. Mr. Howe introduced a resolution calling upon the Secretary of War for the evidence upon which tlie l?t Wisconsin cavalry was excluded from the award eluded, air. Chandler sad he supposed the mat ter was so decided because Colonel Pritchard caught Mr. Davis and the other Colonel did not catch him. Mr. Cowan doubted the expediency of calling for the evidence, since there could be no appeal from the decision. Mr. Howe thought the award could be overruled, and wished to see the evidence upon which it was founded. Mr. Chandler said he was not unwilling that the Senator from Wisconsin should be permitted to see tiie manuscript of the evidence, but he hoped the cost ot printing it would not be assumed.— The resolution was adopted.” Bad State of Affairs in Tennessee. The Bristol Hews, of the 27th inst., says: Since our last issue, several gentlemen have ar rived from Jouesborough, Tennessee, who report that quite an unfortunate state ot affairs exists in Washington county. We learn from them that a large number of those who sympathized with the South in the late war, are being whipped and maltreated, and that still a larger number are receiving orders to leave the country, being noti fied that if they do not comply they will suffer the penalty of death. YVe regret to* make such an announcement. We have always been treated with tlie utmost kindness by the citizens of Well ington county, and we dislike very much to hear of them doing anything that will bring reproach upon tlieir fair name. Washington is the oldest county, we believe, in the State, and it does look like her citizens ought to have more respect for law and order. Among the number that have been driven from their homes is James W. Deaderick, Esq., a gen tleman who is noted for his peaceful character and gentlemanly virtues. The history of Mr. Deaderiek’s family has been closely connected with that of upper East Tennessee, and we should think that Washington county could ill afford to lose such a citizen. As our Governor is entirely too busy with mi nor matter to take any notice of such things, we trust the President will take cognizance of them. Front him alone the remedy must come if it comes at all. The Knoxville Commercial says : YYe regret exceedingly that the Radicals of East Tennessee should have found it necessary to take such direct steps to drive every* citizen, who has been in the rebel army, out of our section of the State. We have many good, peaceable, quiet, law-abiding people who have been in the rebel army, and we need good citizens in this part of the State, and we cannot for the file ot us under stand why the powers at Nashville should inau gurate a movemenFrtmt must drive capital from East Tennessee, and every man who has been in the rebel army. But such a charge as was made by Judge Swann, at Dandridge, is like most of* the Radical moves—having neither hon esty nor good sense, directly opposed to consti tutional libery—and cannot* and will not be sus tained by the Supreme Court, and this is the dis agreeable feature about ihe whole thing. Judge Swann, if he knew anything, knew that fact, and, therefore, reveals, a flimsy plot to drive men out of the State, who, they knew, never would vote the Radical ticket. YYe say to one and all do not show the least fear, you will be sustained by the laws ot your country. From the London Times, April 10. Tlie Negro: Question In England— Lessons frum the New world. It is not fdways that we can remark on the troubles amgdifflculties of our neighbors with out being even suspected of self-gratulation; but in the case now before ns -we see the laboring ship, not from the shore, but from a craft iu like evil plight Having just had to accept from our chief Yvest Indian possession an almost total surrender offthe right of self-government, and being engaged at home in the business of consti tutional recoi$Wruction, we cannot help sympa thizing with ill three branches of the American Legislature, now brought to a dead lock by* the “ irrepressible ; negro.” That personage has just been proved, 6y wager of battle and by general acclamation, ? a man aud a brother; ” his chains have been. bmken, and he is a slave no more. He is even permitted to fight for his country* and for equal law* But then comes the difficulty. Is he also a citizen, and must he be admitted within the pale ot the Constitution, as we say at home ? Thq question lias agitated parties con siderably in America, for it is obvious that very little has been done by* changing the slave into a pariah, and that, such is human natuie, if the negroes are allowed uo voice in making the laws, they will be much at the mercy of tlieir old mas ters. As wegJbe the slave of one man as of a State—nay ,+j^pv, some think, for the one man Butler's Bumps.—A New York phrenologist has been examining General Butler’s head, and fieer, with the results of the inspection of his bumps. The document is a funny one through out but the following extract is especially enter taining : You are sure to make what you touch pay.— You are an excellent judge ot the value of prop erty. Are almost skeptical in matters of religion. Are more radical than conservative, and if ever inclined to be conservative, are so from policy. Can anybody question that phrenology is a scieuee after this?—Philadelphia Age. ‘"‘Dexter, a Government Cotton Agent, who has been in jail at Mobile for six months on a charge of embezzlement, has been turned over to the civil authorities by order of the President must care finite slave at least as much as he does for liis cattle, whereas the State may only regard him as m public enemy. There ate zeal ots there who think this vast expenditure of men and money has been to little purpose if the ne gro is still to he excluded from civil rights—in fact, to be nothing but “ a man and a brother.” The Civil Rights Bill is the Reform Bill of the day at Washington. The President, represent ing the common sense and practical wisdom of the community, and not wishing to saddle him self with new* and insuperable difficulties, has, however, vetoed this bill. The great work of the day is the reconstruction of the Union, and it is held that this can be done better without previously putting the negro into a status alto gether new to him. His freedom itself is diffi culty enough, and it is not necessary to add his civil equality ana citizenship. It is observable that the question is not made to turn ou the merits of the negro. Nobody thinks it necessary to assert either that he is wise, temperate, honest and independent, or the contrary. People do uot even seem to ask how the negro would vote and act if left to himself. There can be no doubt ot President Johnson’s warm and strong feeling for the race, and his hearty desire to make the best bargain for it within the compass ot circumstances. .Even liis pride as a politician is committed to this as well as his philanthropy. The reasons which have led to his veto ate reasons of State, which is only a phrase for the reasons which any sensible man feels better than he can explain—better, perhaps, than he can always venture to avow. There are matters of which a thousand people may be fully* and equally cognizant, though not one will allude to them, for he knows well that somebody will call’ him a libeler, aud the rest will stand by to hear him so called. Why canuot tlie negro be declared a citizen and invested with all the rights of man ? The real answer is that he is not a citizen, and cannot be made a citizen by a proclamation or a law.— We have unfortunately had a little experience of our own in this matter. We gave the Jamaica negro, in common with his w hite master, civil equality and the right of self-government, and we see how* it is ended. All the negro’s instincts and habits go in the other direction. He is care less, credulous and dependent; easily excited, easily duped, easily frigliteped; always the ready victim of the stron^S* will. He is material for the hands of any*body who wishes to make use of him. Invested with full political rights, the race must be a magazine of mischief. In Jama ica it appears that the negroes w’ould imbibe at a day’s notice any absmd delusions as to the au thority and wishes 4|Llhe British Queen, of the Commissioners, v>r aSyootVy else; but what they w*ere always looking for w*as something to be given them, or something to be done for tiiem, or some law to make them all rich, happy, land- owners, and tax-free forever. Such men are not citizens, call them as we will. President John son, in his message, takes into account the edu cation and circumstances, as well as the race.— These four millions have, he observed, just emerged from slavery; and he notices that the United States require a five years’ training in re publican institutions and habits before they admit a European foreigner to citizenship. Even an intelligent Englishman must go through this pro bation. The slave must have at least as much— we fear very much more. He has his virtues.— In some respects he contrasts favorably with the w*hite man. Nobody w’ishes to speak ill of him, but he simply* is not capable of government in the sense we mean when we talk of Common wealths. It is not in him. Is it strange to us ? Have we no class at home that even our most liberal politicians are content to see out ot the tale of citizenship, like the four million negroes President Johnson is obliged to leave out of it ? For the answer we state a single fact. Nobody on either side of the House of Commons has dropped a word about the enfranchisement of our twelve hundred thousand agricultural labor ers, representing, as they do, a much larger popu lation than the negroes in the United States.— Nobody praises them; nobody abuses them; no body proposes to give them votes; nobody thinks it necessary to give reasons why they should not have votes. But if the matter ot the President’s Message has a siugular bearing upon our present case, so also has bis argument. He is engaged upon the w ork of reconstruction, he says. He has to main tain the federative system of limited powers, and the barriers w hich* preserve the rights of the States. This is an actual and traditional system, arising out of a great variety of circumstances. For such an actual state of things the President declines to substitute an universal equality, with nothing control it but a central Government. Our own case is not very dissimilar as it might seem. In our great varieties of classes, condi tions and interests, and the consequent variety of art-angements that have sprung out of them, we have a parallel to the relation of the United States oue witli another. There is no American statesman of note who has not looked with dread to the possible day when a mere crowd of self- called citizens might usurp the rights and pow ers now* residing in the various communities, and adapted to their own local circumstances.— America has had her anomalies, but they have been amply justified by their working, and it has only been by their exaggeration that they* have ever proved mischievous. But the first thing, says the President, is to restore the balance, to repair the Union, to mend the barriers, and retain as much as is allowable of the old state of things. After that, and in due time, he intimates cautious ly, it may be necessary to proceed to an enlarged and comprehensive definition of the citizen.—^ That is the order taken by a man who has hith erto shown singular sagacity and firmness. It is the precise contrary of the order taken by Her Majesty’s advisers. Though, as it appears, w’ith quite as great difficulties before them as the President, and with quite as little intention of meeting those difficulties, they nevertheless will take first the definition of the citizen, partial and unfair as it must be, and postpone to the indefi nite future the reconstruction—that is in our case, the distribution of seats. They do not even pur pose to enfranchise our millions of field laborers; but they have a franchise to give and citizens to make ; and this they will do out of hand, let w ho may do the rest, if it ever be done. Ireland—The Established Church* INTERESTING DEBATE IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS In the House of Commons, on the 10th, Sir J. Gray moved his resolution on the Irish Church in these words: “ That the position of the Es stablislied Church in Ireland is a iust cause of dissatisfaction to the people of that country, and urgently demands the consideration of Parlia ment.” Sir John commenced a lengthv speech by disclaiming any wish to provoke an‘acrimo nious discussion, or to give offense to individual members of the Church of Ireland, and pointed out the great social inportance—apart from tlie money questions involved—of removing the feel ing ot religious inequality which was produced bv the ascendency of one church over the rest. He contended that the Irish Establishment had fail ed polemically and politically, and had accom plished no object for which it was imported into the countiy, quoting copiously from the census returns to show that it neither succededas a mis sionary church iu w inning over the Roman Catho lic population nor had even held its own. Colonel Greville seconded the motion, assert ing that tWt was not a local but an Imperial question, and claiming for Ireland the same jus tice which had been conceded to Canada, Austra lia and other colonies. He combated the notion that Parliament w*as precluded by the act of Union from dealing with this question, and in dicated various savings in expenditure and re forms in government which might be effected if the Church Establishment were disendowed. Mr. C. Fortesque, though personally regarding the resolution with cordial concurrence, pointed out that it was impossble for the government to accept it unless they were prepared to follow it up by immediate action, and he maintained that public opinion even in Ireland was not yet suffi ciently clear, strong, or matured to call upon them for that. Their opposition, therefore, to the motion at the present moment would not be founded on any grounds of equity or ot perma nent policy, but simply ou consideration of time and circumstances. The O’Donoghue expressed his disappointment with the decision of the government not to deal with this question. He characterized the- Irish establishment as an unparalleled anomaly, and described the question at issue to be simply whether revenues granted to the pastors of the people should be enjoyed by those who minis tered only to a small minority—six hundred thousand out of live millions—maintaining that the experience of centuries proved the utter fail ure of the establishment as a missionary church. Mr. YYhiteside drew a sarcastic contrast be tween the manly tone ot the O’Donoghue’s speech, aud the vague and evasive manner in which the government had dealt with the ques tion, hinting that their chief object was to attract votes in the coming reform discussions. He ve hemently denied that Ireland w*as a Roman Cath olic nation, maintaining that the intelligence, wealth, and industry of the country were Pro testant, and warned the House of the impolicy of attacking a conservative institution at a mo ment when there was no force in Ireland capa ble of resisting the spirit of disaffection but the conservative party. He stigmatizad the motion as an attack on property and the Protestant re ligion-prompted by the hierarchical party; and went at great length into the history of the Un ion and Roman Catholic Emancipation to show that this country was pledged to the maintenance of the establishment, and that the Roman Cath olics by the pledges of their bishops in 1829 were precluded from attacking its property. In thfe same way, in tracing back the history of the Church’s title deeds to her property*, he referred to the events of the Plantation of Ulster and the Act of Settlement, and drew an eloquent picture of the services of the Irish Church in the cause of order, loyalty, and true religion. Sir H. Hoare made some remarks in support of the motion, and the debate was then adjourn ed on the motion of Mr. Esmonde. Slie Hath Eallen. On her chain of life is rust. Ou her spirit's wing is dust. She had let the spoiler in. She hath mated her with sin, She hath open'd wide the door. Crime hath pass’d the threshold o’er. Wherefore has she gone astray? Stood temptation in her wav, ..... , : u* v. With its eyes so glittering bright, Clothed in angel robes of light ! Oh, her story soon is told ; Once a tamo within the fold, Stranger voices lured her thencs, In her trusting innocence. Woe—she had no strength to keep, With the Shepherd of the Sheep, For the fleece* so spotless white, Thence became the hue of night, And she stood in her despair, * — - Bleating for the Shepherd’s care. Woe that none might lead her back, From the bloodhounds on her track. Hunger prowl’d about her path, With a wild hyena wrath: Scorn came leaping; from its lair. With defiant growl aud stare, And she grappled, all in vain. With the fetugs of wautand pain. Hope and mercy shut the gate. Ou this heart so desolate. So she turn'd again to sin, What had she to lose or win ? Resting on her life a stain. Deeper than the brand of Cain. Heard she not a pitying tone. Weeping in her shame alone ? Was there not a human heart In her anguish bore a part ? None to hold a beacon light. Up before her darken'd sight ? No; the altar was not there, For a canting Priesthood's prayer. She hath fallen 1 Let her die— Said the Levite passing by ; So she turned again to sin. What had she to lose or win ? Sisters! there is work to do, Field of labor here for you. Ye who pour the wine and oil. Up 1 and rest not from your toil, her children. Mr. Brasstkld was also prosecuted for larceny, in taking from her former residence the clothes of his wife, she being with him for that purpose. He was also prosecuted for resist ing an officer. Thus, by marrying one of another man’s wives, he got himself involved in two criminal prose cutions, besides the suit for the custody* of his wife’s children. Betore the conclusion of these suits Mr. Brassfield was shot and killed while in company ot the United States Marshal. To show the zeal with which the Vedette attacks po lygamy, we give tlie introduction to its notice of this murder: YYe are called upon this morning to chronicle one of the most cold-blooded and inhuman mur ders that has ever fallen under our notice—un paralleled even in the bloody record ot Utah’s foulest crimes. The victim of this last exhibi tion of the hellish doctrine of “blood atonement,” promulgated by* these fiends of hell from thu rostrum of their tabernacle, is Squire Newton i Brassfield, late resident of Austin, Nevada, by ! bnsiness a freighter, and aged about thirty years. YVopder whether the Vedette could live in Salt Lake were there no Federal bayonets in that re gion ?—Cincinnati Times, 27th. The Lord Nayor or London and President Johnson. ’Vill the bruised and wounded heart.' Aching from the tempter’s dart, Sore and weary with its pain, Shall be bound'and heal’d again— ’Till, uo more defiled by sin. Like the pardoned Magdalen, Kneeling in repentance sweet, She may wash the Savior’s feet With her tears—that while they roll, Blot the sin-stain from her soul— Do ye ask ior your reward? “They are blest who serve the Lord.’ - Gossip About Miss Lucy Gwin’s Marriage. —The Paris correspondent of the Cosmopolitan, gives the following brief and interesting sketcli ot Miss Lucy Gwin’s marriage. * He says: But as the Cosmopolitan circulates widely among American families, I have a wedding an nouncement to make that will interest many read ers on both sides of the Atlantic. On Thursday last—mi-Car erne—Miss Lucv Gwin, of California, was married to Mr. E. J. Coleman, of Louisville, Kentucky. The cere mony was performed by the Rev. Mr. Lamson, in the American church. Rue Bayard. In conse quence ot the bride’s father, Dr.* Gwin, being a State prisoner in Fort Jackson. Louisiana, die weliding was entirely private, the witnesses be ing only the relatives of the parties and two or three of the groom’s intimate friends and coun trymen. From one of these I have received the following bridal picture: “Miss Lucy looked splendidly, as fresh and pretty as a lily, dressed a la Princesse—white satin trimmed with lace, orange flowers, and pearls: long ceinture of satin ribbon falling down behind. A veil of tulle, diamond ear rings, a solitaire with pendants. After the cere mony the company returned to Mrs. Gwin’s Boulevart Malesherbes, and partook of a sump tuous dejuner a la fourchette. Mr. and Mrs. Cole man left in the evening train for Brussels, to pend the honey-moon.** The population of Nebraska is 50,000. A very folio’ Nature. important principle is to be found in the following from Prof. Hilton’s Lectures on Rest and Pain : “A few weeks ago a surgeon from the country came to my house with a patient. He said : ‘I want to consult you about a young lady who has a diseased toe. It lia9 been very troublesome, and I have not suceeded in completely relieving her.’ YYith her was an elderly gentleman, a relation of the patient, a very kind-hearted man, who thinks himself a good surgeon, and goes about doctor ing the people, sometimes doing harm, and sometimes perhaps a great deal of good. He is very fond ot animals, and has a number of pets. After I had examined with the surgeon the lady’s toe, the elderly gentleman said: ‘Well, Mr. Hilton, what are you going to do to cure this young friend of mine?’ I said: I think we shall put a splint on the foot and keep the toe very quiet, attend to her general health, and nature in all probability will do tlie rest.’ I then said to him : ‘What led you to adopt the occupation of a philanthropic surgeon in addi tion to your other occupation?’ “Well Mr. Hilton,” he replied; “I will tell you. You know I am very fond of animals. Some years ago I caught a live mouse in a trap. I took it in my hand, and I said to myself, Poor thing, you must have suffered a good deal of pain and distress. You have had a severe laceration of your cheek; one of your eyes has been torn out; your skull has been broken, and instead of having bone covering your brain, you have now only a thick, dense membrane defending it.’ Then I thought, to myself, This mouse must have had difficulties in its treatment of its injuries ; and’—interrupt ing the relation of the story*, he said, I hope you won’t be offended at what I am going to say!’ ‘No,’ said I‘not in the least.’ ‘Well 1 ’ he continued, ‘I jjaid to myself, surely this mouse, although it is cured, never had a physician or a surgeon I I quite agree with you, Mr. Hilton, that nature is a very valuable surgeon.’ It would be well, we think, if the surgeon would inscribe upon liis memory* as the first professional thought which should accompany him in the course of his daily occupation, this physiological truth—that nature has a constant, tendency to repair the injuries to which she may have been subjected, whether those injuries be the result of fatigue or exhaustion, inflamma tion or accident. That this reparative power becomes most conspicuous when the disturbing cause has been removed; thus presenting to the consideration of the physician and surgeon a constantly-recurring and sound principle lor his guidance iu his professional practice.—Boston Transcript. Morinouism—Polygamy Strongly- Opposed at Salt Lake—Hon* tlie Women regard the Institution. YY’e are in receipt of the Vedette, published in Salt Lake, at $8 per annum, weekly*, and $16 daily. SALT LAKE. Salt Lake contains 17,000 people. The city is one ot the most beautiful in the Union, and the largest between St. Louis aud Sacramento. It is three miles square, contains 260 blocks of ten acres each, tlie blocks divided into eight lots. It has four public squares. Its streets run due North and South, East and West, are 128 feet wide with shade trees, and a living stream of water flowing on each side to irrigate the fruit trees and gardens. The distance from that city to St. Louis is 1,500 miles; to San Francisco, 784 miles; to Fort Benton, 710 miles; 1,053 to Portland, Oregon; and 800 to Los Angels. TIIE VEDETTE. The Vedette is strongly interested against polyga my*, and seems to be doing good service against that infernal scandal upon the civilization of the age. The weekly issue before us contains four leaders on this abomination, beside a local ac count of a murder committed through the insti gation of those who, it claims, have corrupted the church by* this disgusting heresy*. POLYGAMY INCLUDES INCEST. It seems that the system does not stop with the crime of-a plurality* of wives, but it includes incest in its worst form. The Vedette says: We know that pnl yaga mists in Utah have married the mother and lier daughters—exercis ing connubial rights with each one—and having children by them, YY r eknowof polyagamists in Utah who have married two or three blood sis ters. YYe know of poly*gamists in Utah who have married the daughters of their own blood brothers. YYe know of at least one polygamists in Utah who married his half -sister—he and his half sister having the Same mother. nOW THE WOMEN REGARD IT. As to the temper in which the women regard this system', the editor says: Now we will assert from our knowledge of the Tlie civic state banquet of tlie Lord Mayor ot London, usually given on Easter Monday, came off this year on the 9th ult. Titere were some three hundred guests present. The occasion will be memorable, made so by tlie matter ns well as the manner of the speech of the Lord Mayor, which was devoted exclusively to just, though complimentary, tributes to Mr. Adams, Mr. Peabody, and President Johnsou, and good wishes for our country. “YY’e deplored,” remark ed the Lord Mayor, “not alone in this countiy, bnt in the civilized world, the lamented death of that able and distinguished statesman, Mr. Lincoln; but I believe Providence watches over the government of America, for in his place there has been raised up one whose moral worth, whose courage, whese forbearance and whose honesty must be the means of restoring to his country and his countrymen the blessing ot peace, of prosperity and of happiness. No one could have read the history of the past without feeling a deep regard for the President of the United States—without seeing in him the man of all others suited to tlie moment, aud blessed with powers of mind, with a spirit of concilia tion, with a love of justice, with an admiration for truth—that combination of mercy, ot charity, and of the truest philanthropy which a statemau can show, namely, an earnest love and desire to promote the prosperity, to secure the happiness and to consolidate those true principles which f ive security to a State and happiness to a people. iet us hope that the happiness ami prosperity of the United States may continue unimpaired, and that the friendly feeling, tlie cordiality which has ever existed between the States of America and this country may be preserved uninterruptedly, to improve our commerce, to strengthen our friendships, to bless its with peace and prosperity, and shed the lustre of hope throughout the civil ized world.”" It is quite refreshing, in the midst of the daily aspersions of the character of President John son, and impeachments of his intergrity by ra dical partisans at home, to read this proper esti mate of liis ability, honesty and worth by a dis tinguished Englishman, speaking on an occasion of so much interest and importance. If any*- thing could put to shame the revilers of our Chief Magistrate, such tributes ought to do it.— But that is not to be expected. They have cer tain ends to accomplish by detraction, and will not cease their infamous work. The remarks of tlie Lord Mayor will, however, be received by great masses of the American people as expres sive of the conclusions of an enlightened judg ment, unbiassed by* partiality or prejudice.— Nashville Union. working of polygamy, that of every ten women of Utah, who were the fi The Founder of Nelhodtsm in America. The year 1868 marks an important epoch in the history of the Methodist Episcopal Church in America; for it looks back upon the first cen tury of its existence in this country—a century of existence and labor, during which time the congregation of five persons, whom Philip Em bury, an Irishman, its founder, gathered in liis own house in New York, 1766, has grown to an aggregate numbered by hundreds of thousands, scattered over the whole of North America: and the first conference, of 1773, with its ten preach ers, lias multiplied to sixty conferences, with 6,821 intiuerant and 8,205 local preachers. After a life of severe labor as a preacher, Em bury, who wa3 born in Limerick, Ireland, in 1728, died suddenly in 1775, and was buried at Ashgrove, Washington county, New York, where he then resided. It was arranged some time ago that during the recent session of Troy* Methodist Episcopal Con ference, the remains of Embury should be trans ferred from tiie obscure location where they have lain and deposited in the new Woodland Ceme tery, recently opened in the town of Cambridge, Washington county. Last Friday afternoon witnessed this ceremony, and two hundred min isters in attendance at the Conference,, with a large number of villagers, followed to a new grave the relics of their great pioneer, and with solemn rites recommitted them to mother earth. Rev. Bishop Janes officiated, assisted by several prominent clergymen of the denomination.- Cineinnuti Times. The Methodist General Conference.— A special to the Louisville Courier says the Conference on the 2Gth elected the following Ministers Bishops in the Methodist E. Church, South: Dr. W. M. Wightman, of Greensboro, Ala.; Rev. E. M. Marvin, of Mo.; Dr. D. L. Doggett, of Richmond, Y~a.; Dr. H. N. MeTyiere, of Montgomery, Ala. Rev. H. Redford, ot Louisville, was elected Book Agent; Dr. T. O. Summers, Book Editor. The Domestic Missionary Board was located at Nashville, Tenn., and Dr. J. B. McFerrin was elected Secretary. The following are the editors of the different church papers: St. Louis Advocate, Dr. D. R. McAnnally; Memphis Advocate, Rev. W. C. Johnson; Ar kansas Advocate, Rev. J. E. Cobb; Texas Ad vocate, Rev. J. G. Johnson, and the Southern Christian Advocate, Dr. E. H. Meyers. The Bishops were ordained op Sunday, first and legitimate wive9, seven ot the number, agonized nearly unto death when their husbands brought into their hearts other women to divide the title of wife with the living and legitimate one, the remaining three were silent acceptors of their fate only from what they conceived to be a religious duty; and that no one of the ten, if left to her own judg ment and wishes, would ever consent, toiler hus band taking such a step. If we bad no knowl edge of the Workings of polygamy, we could safely assert tiiis much, having only a'woman’s heart and nature to guide out opinion. We have heard ladies residing in this city, who have been gently reared, highly cultured, and ca pable of adorning any fireside in the land, say* that -they* have never 'enjoyed one day of peace or happiness since their husbands yielded to the degradation and took to their hearts tlie great abomination. Many legitimate wives will not permit their husbands to bring other women into the households; on this point they stand firm and inflexible. They will not consent to be dis graced by living under the same roof with po lygamy, and the husbands are compelled to find other abodes for the second, third, fourth, fifth, and so on to the end of the chapter. In many instances the first wife does not know the chil dren her husband may have by liis second, third, fourth, as the case may be. Each act of the wo men of Utah, which is free from restraint or com pulsion, indicates beyond dispute that tlie system of polygamy cannot find any support within their hearts, aud church leaders labor in vain to com pel tbe women “ to round up their shoulders to bear the cross.” POLYGAMY NOT A MORMON DOCTRINE. The Vedette contends that polygamy is a heresy* introduced by* Brigham Young, who claims that it was revealed to Joseph Smith in 1843. To re fute this claim, tiie following document is given from the Nan coo Times <f* Seasons, dated Febru ary 1st, 1844, a year after Smith is said to have received such a revelation : Notice.— vVe have lately been credibly in formed that an elder of tbe Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day* Saints, by tlie name of Hi ram Brown, has been preaching polygamy and other false and corrupt doctrines in the county of Lapeer, State of Michigan. This is to notify him and the Church in general that he has been cut off from the Church for his iniquity ; and he is further notified to appear at the special confer ence on ihe 6th of April pext, to answer to these charges. (Signed) Joseph Smith, Hyrum Smith, Presidents of said Church. Other documents are given, showing that po lygamy* is a Latter Day* corruption of the Gospel according to Joseph Smith, the founder of the Latter Day Saints. Armed with such authority, we judge that the Vedette is doing fearful execu tion among the Polygamists. DEFIANCE TO THE UNITED STATES. In another article it shows how the Polygam ists laugh in .their sleeves at the success with which they have trampled upon the law9 of the country*, and bid defiance to tlie spirit of Ameri can civilization. Speaking of the two great out rages of the age—slavery* and polygamy—the Vedette says: But Southern treason has been conquered, and African slavery is no more in all our laud; yet polygamy remains, and its apostles are striving 1>V every means in tbeir power to extend the evil. Is it not high time that these enconragers of treason, these defyers of the law, should lie made to feel tlie penalty* of transgression ? Is it not time that the issue of jurisdiction be tween the United States Government and the Territory of Utah should be decided? If the government has not power to enforce its own law in Utah, then, iu God’s name, let the Jaw be stricken from the statutes, and let Utah be what she says she is, “an independent nation by herselt.” Let not our government continue to be a sub ject for the mirth aud ridicule of “-this people,” who pride themselves on (the impunity with which they* openly and defiantly transgress its statutes, and whose leaders tell them they will not be meddled with, “becansc* the government is afraid of Brigham Young." POLYGAMOUS MURDER. In the local column we have an account of the marriage by Mr. Brassfield of the second wife of A. N. Hill,'a Mormon missionary* now in Europe. Mi*3. Brassfield aud tiie friends of Hill had a warm controversy in eourt about the custody of Great Discovert.—For some time past, a party of Indians, numbering fifteen, belonging to the Cherokee tribe, have been encamped on the banks of the Illinois river, ten miles from this piace. Their ostensible object was fishing, hunt ing, &c., but it appears from recent developments that their chief aim was to secure a hidden treas ure of seven urns of Spanish coin which had been embedded in the bluffs at that point in years agone by their ancient forefathers. They seemed to be extremely cautious in their maneuvres lest the pale face should discover the cause of their presence in that parlicnlar locality, and wrest the coveted prize, for which they had traveled many weary miles. After dilligent search which, occupied some ten or twelve days, they succeed ed in finding the spot where lay concealed tlie secret of tlieir researches. Little remains to be told. Suffice to say, that after clue exploration their brightest anticipations were by far more than realized. The urns of gold and other sa cred relics spoken of by their chie*s, long since gone to the “happy hunting ground,” were se cured, and on yesterday morning these untutored children of the forest took their departure for the far west with many thousand Spanish dollars to cheer them on their long and tedious march.— Carrollton Democrat. Age of Animals.—A bear rarely exceeds twenty y*ears. A dog lives twenty years ,* a wolf twenty; a fox fourteen or sixteen years; lions are long lived. One has been known to live to the age of seventy years; a squirrel or hare seven or eight years; rabbits seven. Elephants have been known to live to the great age of 400 years. YVhen Alexander the Great had conquered Phorus, King ol India, he took a great elephant, which had fought valiantly for tlie King, and named him Ajax dedicating him to the sun, and let him go, after placing upon him this inscrip tion : “Alexander, the son of Jupiter, hath dedi cated Ajax to the sun.” This elephant was found with this inscription three hundred and fifty years afterward. Pigs have been known to live to the age of thirty years; the rhinoceros to twenty*. Ahorse has been known to live to the age of sixty-two, but averages from twenty to thirty. Camels sometimes live to the age of one hundred. Stags are long lived. Sheep seldom exceed the age of ten. Cows from fifteen to twenty. Cuvier con siders it probable that whales sometimes live one thousand years. A swan has attained the age of two hundred years. Pelicans aj£ long lived. A tortoise lias been known to live to the age of one hundred and seven. Insects, as a general rule, are short lived, though there are a good many exceptions. Sowing YYild Oats.—In all the wide range of accepted maxims, there is none,take it for all in all, more thoroughly abominable than the one as to the “sowing ot wild oats.” Look at it on whafsicle you will, and I will defy you to make anything but a devil’s maxim of it. YYhat a man—be he young, old, or mid dle-aged—sows, that and nothing else, shall he reap. The only one thing to do with wild oats is to put them carefully in the hottest fire and get them burnt to dust, every seed of them. If you sow them, no matter in what ground, up they will come, with long tough roots, like tlie couch grass, and luxuriant stalks and leaves, as sure as there is a sun in Heaven—a crop which it turns one’s heart cold to think of. Tlie devil, too, whose special crop they are, will see that they thrive, and y*ou, and nobody else, will have to reap them; and uo common reaping will get them out ot the soul, which must be dug down deep, again and again. YVeil for you if, wiih all your care, you can make the ground sweet again by your dying day.—Dr. Arnold. The Creek Indians.—YY r e were sorry to learn yesterday from General McIntosh, who is in the city, that there are three hundred and sixty C'reeic Indians who followed the fortunes, and fell lieirs to the misfortunes of the Confederate cause, who are now camped on the upper waters of Red River, far away from their homes, without horses, wagons, or money, and who are straightened for the actual necessaries of existence. YYe are very sure the claims of these brave warriors of “the lost cause,” will not be unrecognized by those of our people who may have something to spare of their abundance. YYe have heard al ready of several liberal subscriptions in tlieir be half. Until their corn crop this year shall ripen they will Ire dependent for bread upon the prac tical benevolence of others. YY’e hope General McIntosh may return to these people with glad tidings ot relief, and that they* may be cheered with evidence of the substantial sympathy of those who are fortunate enough to have saved something from the wreck oi the Confederate cause, and who are willing to relieve human dis tress in any form in which it presents itself— New Orleans Crescent. The bier on which YYashiugton’s remains. were carried to the tomb, with many other relics which used to grace tlie museum at Alexandria,. Virginia, but which disappeared at the begin ning of the war, have been kept secreted from government detectives and other camp followers. D*«mT