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/ / ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”—Jefferson. VOLUME XVIII. ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, MAY 30, I860. NUMBER 22. lifrfklQ ^utelligcnrer. PUBLISHED DAILY AND WEEKLY BY JABED I. WHITAKER, Proprietor. JOHN H. STEELE, ... . Editor ATLANTA, GEORGIA, Wednesday, May 30, 1866. comp ere bon of 3 moL — coni inn- (an. General Too^ ». A telegraphic dispatch^* mu9 that General Toombs -eft Havana on J^Vomp< 1 > nstant f° r Eu rope. Death From a privai learn that Mr rokce, Ga., w time has do to liis frien the accitfr in this city, we LAMKS. ormerly of Che wing Blanks on ha-.bsence for gome rge Wanks, on*- oL. e 0 f uneasiness Decatur, Ala., by in his own Aduiinielrf yiae, tor’s Dee* ® bauds, fciuietrulloii. Warrant of edects are now in the poa^rdianship on Letters of *3, and further in formation t Letters of .addressing A. A. Hewlett, Dei 01 " 1, _ The Commlst Will Letters T*lie Freedmen’s Letters i The Augusta nedist of Tuesday morning last states that Generals Steed man and Fullerton having left Savannah on Saturday evening, on a visit to the Islands below that city, will not reach Augnsla as early as expected ; consequently, we need not expect to see these commissioners in Atlanta during the present week. The Trial of Jefferson Ua* la. We see it stated that Chief Justice Chase has certainly signified his w illingness to preside at the trial of Mr. Davis. Asa condition precedent, however, to his presiding, lie demands that the President shall take decided measures to protect the Court from military interference. 'The Pres ident, it is said, will soon issue a proclamation exempting United States Courts from the opera tions of martial law, to meet the requisition of the Chief Justice. No lime has yet been fixed for the trial—some think it will take place in June or July ; others that it will not take place until early in September. A Financial Panic. We are advised by our telegra|jfTic dispatches of yesterday, that the financial panic has culmi nated in London, the financial metropolis of Europe, and wo may add, of the civilized world. For months past, we have been warned of the approach of a monied panic, hut had no idea that it would first culminate in the metropolis of England, where the great bankers and the great capitalists of Europe have their headquarters, and where is concentrated greater wealth, and larger resources, than anywhere else in Christen dom. While the United States has had a four years’ war which drew largely upon her finan cial resources, and left her an enormous debt to provide for, England lias been at peace, appa rently engaged in nursing her resources and ad vancing her every interest. We have looked, therefore, for the financial panic to develop itself first on this continent, and were warned of its approach by the gradual tightening of the money market in the North, and the W’ell authenticated reports of reckless speculation, over-trading, and the huge financial frauds brought .to our notice as occurring there by the Northern press. Confi dence, we have noticed, had become impaired in Wall street, credit had become restricted, fail ures had occurred, all of which were premoni tory to us at this distant point ot view, of the ap proach of a financial panic in the North. It seems, however, that, the financial crash comes first from where we did not expect it, one ol the victims of it—a significant fact—being the bank ing house of Sir Morton Peto, the individual who was so recently in the Nortli and West, who wits so lionized when there, and who, it was reported, had embarked largely in railroad and other speculations while in this country. It seems that Sir Morton Peto’s house is set down as having failed for tour millions ot pounds ster ling—only twenty millions of dollars, another house having failed whose liabilities were near titty millions of dollars, to which, nor to Sir Morton Peto would the bank of England lend any assistance. It would be singular, if, after all, the failure of this last named London banker, should involve American houses, which, it ap peared, he was patronizing when in this country, and thus hurry up what we have been looking for, a, financial panic in the Nortli and West.— If go, there will be many an individual, and many a corporation, that will hardly ever again play the toady to traveling London bankers. The effect of a general financial panic, in this country and in Europe, will doubtless be bad up on the South. We are without monied resources to develop enterprise and labor, and will be left for a time at least to work out our own salvation. We must, however, bear the “situation” with pa- tieuce, be economising and industrious. Our lain! is still the same “sunny” and prolific one it was, ere the dark cloud of wav hung over it, and our people neither paralyzed nor made reckless by misfortunes. Perhaps they can stand the pres sure of a financial panic, as well as the people of the North and West. They have indeed torsome time past, endured, if not a panic, a financial pressure such as would create dismay, it not des peration, in Northern communities. They can surely do so for a time longer. (lie Radical A Voice from tbe South to North. The words of warning embraced in the article headed as above, which appears in our columns to-day, over the signature of “ Georgia,’ may be construed by the radical press, in the North, and by radicals themselves, as threats on the part of the writer, of a disruption ot the government again, in the happening of certain events, and the renewal of another sectional war, so prone ate they to place a wrong construction outhe actions and sentiments of Southern men. This, howev er. is not so. What “ Georgia ” says, he designs as a warning only. His prediction as to the re sults following the radical policy, in its enforce ment in the South, he declares “ is not a threat, nor is it foolish gasconade. It is a sad forebo ding," and such we conceive it to bo. or the ar tide would not appear in these columus. The day for strife and threats is passed. The peo ple of the South have sworn allegiance to the National Government. They will obey its laws, and submit to its authorities in the enforcement of the same. The government, however, will not deny to the citizen the right to discuss pro pose*! measures of legislation, and to predict their consequences for weal or woe upon the country, should the proposed measures be engrafted upon the statute books of the country. “ Georgia does no more than this, nor would we allow the columns of this journal to be used for a purpose foreign to that intent. On the part of the South ern press, there should be a large amount of dis cretion. Our Radical Republican foes seize up on every opportunity offered them to retain po litical power, and will do so. even though it may produce a war of races. We desire peace, the pi War In Europe. The latest foreign intelligence indicates that there will be war between Austria and Prussia, and it is the impression in European political cir cles, and of the press, that the result will be the speedy involvement ir. the conflict witli France, Italy. Russia, and other foreign powers. Peace conferences are talked of, and hopes indulged ot peace, says the latest telegraphic news, but before such confercenees can be arranged, it is probable, says an exchange, the forces summoned to the field will be in actual conflict. That excellent journal, the New York Express, says, “peace conferences are the precursors |of almost all great wars. Well do we remember what earnest efforts were made, in the spring of ’61, in our re markable peace c-onterence at AA asliington, to prevent a civil war in the United States, which was then, under the inspiration of furies, just about to open. Men’s passions were on lire, and the fire could only be extinguished by blood. And so there was nothing but bloodshed for four long years. In regard to Austria and Prussia, we fear the proposition for a conference in like manner comes too late. Italy continues brimfull ot fight.” “ The King seems anxious to try conclusions with liis old enemy, on the battle field ouce more, and the enthusiasm of the people, is backing up the King. France, lias officially declared her choice to be a “ pacific policy, an honest neu trality, and complete liberty of action.” That last phrase, “liberty of action,” in the mouth of a French minister, means a great deal. It means doubtldSsf that—after the ball is opened, and tlie dance begun, the Emperor, according to prece dent, will choose such partners as may suit his fancy—with a single eye to the aggrandisement uml “ glory ” of France.” The effect of all this, the Express says, “ is making itself manifest in this country. The pan ic which prevails in the old world is throwing back upon us large amounts of our government and railway securities, and draining from us a pro portionate amount of gold.” Doubtless a war in Europe now will produce great distress in mon etary affairs in this country. What our govern ment and people now need, is peace in Europe, and peace in America, to insure an early return to former prosperity. War in Europe cannot but materially delay that return to a sound financial condition, which we looked to so ^confidently as rapidly approaching a few months ago. We trust it may be averted, but should it come, as the song says— “ Hay those who make the quarrels be the only ones to fight-” ■‘Head. Centre*” Contrasted. Under the foregoing heading, the Washington City National Intelligencer makes the following contrast. The reader will remember, that, some two weeks ago, we made a similar one, and were first to suggest the idea which appears in our Washington City cotemporary’s article relative to the position assigned the Hon. A. H. Ste phens as the great “Head Centre” of the Sdutli. That the Atlanta, and Washington City Intelli gencer, should agree in their views so nearly, in regard to the Irish and Pennsylvania “head centres,” and in tlieir recognition of the Georgia statesman as the great “head centre” of the South, is flattering at least to us, who first made the con trast : The arrival of “Head Centre Stephens” at New York, amid the acclamations of the Fenians, sug gests what joyous shores would liawo resounded m the commercial emporium of tint continent if, at the moment the Irish refugee stepped upon our soil, Head Centre Stevens ot Congress had embarked for a foreign strand. How strikingly these two men represent antagonistic policies!— According to our traditional humanizing system, this country is a temple of refuge for those who are proscribed under monarchical forms for State offenses. And more charitable, merciful, and forgiving still—our codes have not for obnoxious disturbers even tbe mild remedial agency ot tlie writ of ne exeat regnum. Sovereigns that tlie people esteem have a style of ridding a nation of the hated domination'of a prime minister by suggesting that his labors are too exacting—too harmful to his precious health—and that the ne cessity of country air is imperative. A good man—a wise statesman—is, from necessity, raised to tlie exalted position thus vacated to the gene ral joy. Who will say that if our “Head Centre Stevens,” who holds much tlie same relation to our legislation and to politics as does a prime minister in England—as did a Castlereagh, for instance—was defeated upon a “test vote of con fidence” in our House of Commons, as he assu redly would be if a secret ballot could be had— who will say, we repeat, that our head of the government, our ministry, our parliament, and our people would not rejoice with an exceeding great joy—not alone the Southern people, who are menaced with a fate like that of Ireland, but two thirds of the voters of the entire country? It is a compliment to Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, that he is the Head Centre of a just Southern thought and feeling in harmony and dutiful submission to the Constitution and to the logic of events. Tlie Irish “Head Centre Stephens” lias es poused the popular sentiment, that taxation car ries the correlative right of representation. Our Head Centre Stevens prescribes the reverse sen timent—one which our fathers rose in revolution to oppose. The Irish Stephens invokes the last resort of an oppressed people to re-establish tlieir true dignity before Goil and man. I lie Ameri can Stevens would enforce a condition that will be a nourishing mother to nothing but rebellion. The Irish Stephens would raise up a long-perse cuted and oppressed people to the diguity of manhood in its best form in tlie British realm.— The tyrant ot Congress would trample tlie life out of a crushed people, by destroying the famed pride and prerogative of American citizenship. The Irish Stephens would enfranchise tlie hum bled white race. The tyrant of Congress would disfranchise tlie whites upon questions on national affairs until “IS,070,” and it he could have the full sweep belonging to his sanguinary nature, would elevate the blacks to be the electors and tbe elected. The Irish Stephens nas not, we be lieve, suggested agrarianism, but tbe Congres sional Stevens avows, as we hear, an intention of forcing a measure which will give farms to negroes, and let tlie landless "whites shift for themselves.” The former would develop the re sources of Ireland by the stimulant of exalting character; the latter would degrade Southern character by making the people the victims of corrupt satrepies of force, whose creatures would so despoil them of the fruits of labor as to destroy the inducements to mental, moral or physical effort. The Fenian chief sought to create a tree gov ernment. Tlie leader of the disunion fanatics undertook years since to subvert the State gov ernment in Pennsvlvania. The former retired before British bayonets. Tlie latter ignominious- ly fled from the capitol at Harrisburg when con fronted with the swarming and incensed burghers, whose liberties lie sought to overthrow. But incubus upon Congress—the bad old “one- man power,” that glowers upon members and goads them to extreme conduct; that grossly grovels in the groans of the late rebels and in the gloom of the people—cannot begot rid of in tbe manner usual in monarchies that are made stable bv the safeguards of constitutional law. Confi dent of a return to his place by Boeotian follow ers at home, his violent nature has no wholesome restraint upon it at the head of a rabid and des perate faction here. It is to be eoutidedtly hoped, however, that the next Congress will be of such a composition as to rescue the American name and fame from the shame that is fast attaching to it in tlie eves of Christendom. If there* is a despotic government with which we have relations that has intimated to our Gov ernment—as is not untrequently done in diplo macy— a desire for the presence with them of an American Minister of a ferocious type of arbitra riness, then let the Congressional tyrant be selected for that mission. Nothing that he can do for the country would so much become him as to leave it. " [communicated.] j there would be no war on account of it. But A Voice from the South to the Radical ; when the war did occur, and they felt that it was North. a war inerelv to save ikind of propertv in which This voice may be “ tox et pretaea nihil. Its L ... * ..a utterance can, at all events, do no harm. Possi- Starting a Newspaper—Most everybody has beard the anecdote of Sheridan’s telling his ivilege of pursuing our avocations, the rights j * on to la k e a wife, when the son replied, “Yes, which the Constitution bestow upon us, and the liberty' to maintain and preserve those distinc- «ions in race which God has made, and which affect our social and political relations. AYlien we ask for these, discharging our whole duty to the government, how can they be denied us ? father, but who's wife shall I take ? A similar story is the following: A young gentleman said to the Colonel a few days since—“Colonel, I wish to start a newspaper.” “Very well.” re plied the Colonel, “which newspaper do you wish to start.” bly it may reach the ears of some not irrevoca bly committed to that policy, which, in its consu- mation, must involve tlie whole country in ulti mate ruin. There is no reason for expostulation on the part of the South with the Administration and its adherents and supporteis. Of them the South has no right to complain. Since the surrender, the policy of the Administration has been mark ed by habitual clemency and magnanimity. The change wrought in Southern feeling by that pol icy, since that time, has been marvelous. The course of President Johnson was so dignified, so free from passion, so full of kindly intents, so ob servant of the Constitution, so oblivious of tlie political maxim “To the victor belongs the spoils,” that we were taken by surprise. We were thus twice overwhelmed, once by force of arms, then by force of kindness. Tlie genial sun melted, wliiie tbe fiercest storm could but have shattered the stern material of Southern feeling. Under the President’s wise policy, disorder was yielding to order, despair to hope, passion to rea son, inaction to activity. It tlie course of events had been uninterrupted, ere long tlie whole South would have become loyal, and it may even be said, attached citizens of tbe United States, de fending her flag in war, and ministering to the ilie national prosperity in peace. The two causes of alienation between tbe two sections having been removed, time, the great physician, would soon have healed the wounds made by this tena ble war, and tlie North and the South, the East and the West, would have become in a fuller sense than ever before, one people. But this sun lias been • renst. Availing itself of a temporary majority, U. Radical party has determined not to win the loyalty, but to crush and destroy. This party is not new. It was Agrarian in Rome, Jacobin in France, Chartist in England, and Radical in America. The last name, perhaps the best, not going to the root of things, but tearing up by the root, not merely unwholesome weeds, but the life sustaining grain. The ends you propose are suffrage to the ne gro, and the disfranchisement of the white men, who took part in the rebellion. Suppose these ends gained, what will be tlie necessary results ? When the Southern army surrendered, its of ficers and men swore to “ maintain and defend tlie laws and Constitution of tbe United States.” They understood their oath to bind them to the Constitution as it then stood. They could not so far have put out the eyes of their minds, or so far stultified themselves as to bind themselves forever to any changes which might be made in that instrument. Do you suppose that these men would have surrendered, if they had sup posed the negro would have been made better than the white man, and that they w ere hence forth to be governed by men elected by negro votes, while they themselves were to be excluded from voting ? They would never have surren dered, but would have died first, as death would be preferable to such dishonor. The oath of al legiance was taken in good faith. AYlien tempt ed by tlie sight of the graves of their comrades, of widows and orphans, of burned cities and de vastated farms, to cry out for revenge, tlieir oath met them and silenced the inchoate threat.— They had sworn to maintain and defend the laws and Constitution, and as men of honor, their oath left them no alternative. But by tbe hideous amendments you are grafting upon that once symetrical Constitution, amendments in the adoption of which they had no voice, you are absolving them “ iu foro conscientia” from that oath. You are unsettling a settled thing. Yon are opening a door once securely closed.— You are causing topics to be discussed, which, six months since, would not, in honor, have been ruminated. It is not necessary to say to what results this absolution may lead. You pronounce yourselves “ par excellence” the friend of the negro. More than a million of these unhappy people have disappeared since you extended to them your friendly band. The process of extinction progresses. That unhappy physiological law by which the Caucassian be comes a Upas tree to all tlie inferior races, lias this peculiarity about it: its poison distills not per pendicularly, but laterally. AYliile the negro re posed under its shade, the bosom of the earth did not sustain a happier being. Standing each by its side, lie withers and dies. The people of the South, as a mass, have none but kindly feel ings towards the negroes. They had no hand in their own emancipation. Our wives aud chil dren were at their mercy while we were in the army. Instead of using this license for bad pur poses, they were dutiful, subordinate and indus trious, feeding the families of the men who were fighting tlie liberating army. Not only humani ty, but obligation requires us to treat them kind ly while they behave properly. But our feelings towards them, in tlieir new relation, cannot alter the physiological law. They are doomed to perish. Disease, exposure, want, infanticide, are actively at work, thinning their numbers. Do you wish to hasten this process t Thou amend the Constitution, enfranchise tlie negro, disfran chise the white man. You will change utterly our feelings towards this unhappy people. Hate will take the place of commiseration. Pass what law you may,you cannot alter our relative position socially and indugtrially. If you sink us down ) the negro sinks by necessity still lower. AYaste- ful, improvident, without a thought for the morrow, he is still at the mercy of the white man, in whatever pit both may have de scended. Instead of employing and befriending him as we are now doing, you will create a war of races. The result is inevitable. All the bay onets that once glittered in Grant's and Sher man's armies cannot prevent it. Ponder that expression, “a war of races !” It means all that is sickly', ghastly, horrible in poison, assassina tion, arson, murder, starvation. The scenes of St. Domingo cannot be re-enacted here. The whites are too numerous. In on open contest you might help them to victory'. But no such contest will occur. It will be tbe silent, surer, and not less fatal plan of withholding from them labor, wages and food, besides those mobs and assassinations which no law will be able to pre vent. Under these combined influences, their destruction must be speedy. For the sake of the negro, pause in your course. AYe have elevated him as far as his capacity will enable him to bear. Leave him where God and nature placed him.— VYe have made him an equal before the law. If vou force him beyond this into an unnatural po sition, you must bear the terrible responsibility of his ultimate but certain min. Allusion has been made to the rapid change of public sentiment at the South, produced by the kindly policy of the President, and to the subse quent change in the opposite direction wrought by the recent measures by the majority in Con gress. This change is becoming more conspic uous daily. There are certain features in the late war to which your attention should he directed. A con siderable proportion of the slaveholders were op posed to secession, and entered into the war re luctantly. The mass of the poorer classes who owned no negroes were indifferent as to seces sion, especially as they were induced to believe they had*no interest, they deserted the army in great numbers. Hence we surrendered about 100,000 men under arms, while upwards of 600,- 000 men were paroled. If these men had con tinued to fight, the North never could have con quered the South. The North was fighting that which has invariably' defeated an invading army, in a country whose people were united in resist ance. They were fighting space—space which drove Napoleon from-Russia and Spain, and the British from the American colonies, and which would have driven the North from tlie South if the hearts of the mass of the Southern people had been in the contest. It is chiefly among Ibis mass that the change of sentiment referred to lias occurred. The ne gro now competes with the white laborer, aud can work for less wages as his wants are fewer than the other. BujLwhen the white laborer finds that the negro is entitled to vote, while per haps he is disfranchised, his fury will be uncon trollable . It will lv'*‘<ftertaincd both against the innocent negro and the radical who gave him su periority. The end -qf this condition of things must be a second sectional war. No remonstran ces, no entreaties of the wise and aged can pre vent it. May God avert it. But as sure as the sun shines, so shure nuistit come, 1 if the Radical policy' be carried out. This generation of middle aged men may be spared from beholding it, but Southern children wiil be brought up with a hereditary hate of tli” very name of Yankee. These children will bide their time. A second war will be very different from the first-, for it will then be a war oUthe people. In imagina tion change conditiocS'with us. Can you con ceive of any other result t han the one which has been suggested? AYould you call yourselves men it you could? ,You have children. Can you voluntarily adopt a course, which will com pel them to encounter, another war? Inscribe then upon your banners, “Radical success and another bloody' war.” This prediction is not a threat, nor is it foolish gasconade. It is sad fore boding. The writer was sternly opposed to se cession. He foresaw the war which occurred. Tlie grounds of the prediction were not so strong then as now. He knows the people. He sees the change which is rapidly passing over them. AYliile President Johnjbn’s reconstruction policy would have harmonized us into one great whole, the Radical policy must as surely repeat, with additional intensity the horrors through which we have passed. For humanity’s sake, for your country’s sake, for your childrens’ sake, for God’s sake, forbear. There is a consideration of pecuniary interests which it may be well to offer in conclusion. The war debt is heavy. Tlie South is expected to pay its share. It will be rendered lighter at the Nortli in proportion to the amount which the South is able to pay. If tlie Radical policy be successful, the South can pay almost nothing. The industry of the people will be paralyzed by the insecurity of their condition. They will be unwilling to em ploy black labor, and they will he unable to pay other labor. It may be said that Northern capi tal would come in to work our cotton fields. At present, a Northern yjftn who comes to invest and live among us, is cordially' received. But let the Radical policy be successful, and no Nor thern man will be tolerated so far as the ordinary courtesies of life are concerned. AYhat Northern gentleman of capital would voluntarily place himself and his family in a position in which ne groes would be his and their only associates ? The South must become a- comparative waste and its citizens for a time be content to eke out a miserable existence, satisfied with merely sup porting life. A calm view of this matter must have its weight witli Northern men, who are not disposed to bear the w'hole taxation arising from the war debt. AYill they allow a temporary, and it may be said a factious majority in Congress to impose upon them this serious burden. The state ot things which has been considered, cannot last long—it must end quietly or violently iu a short period. But it may last long enough to work the ruin of the negro. It may last long enough to provoke the Southern people to extrem ity, and deluge again the land with blood. If this catastrophe can be averted for a sufficient time, there is reason to trust to the good sense and magnanimous feeling of the Northern peo ple, who will not suffer a tew Radical leaders for tlie sake of party to ruin permanently the whole country. Besides, in this day and age, and in this trembling vibration of the balance of power, Christendom will not tolerate an oppression grievous as that imposed by the Egyptians upon ancient Israel. It is the intermediate state which is to be dreaded. It is the change or defeat of the Radical policy which is to be hoped. That done, we shall prosper;—that left undone, the future to us and to tlie whole country is “another night shut in upon midnight.” The writer will be little affected personally by whatever course events may take. His years are drawing to a close; but lie has a family, friends and a country. He cannot contemplate without a shudder their inevitable lot, if the Radical policy succeeds, even for a few years. May that August Being who holds our destinies in his hands, overrule the designs of these rash or bad men for our good and His great glory. Georgian. General Ewell.—Among the fanners in this city, on Monday last-, we were glad to meet this gentleman, so distinguished as a soldier, who is now a resident of “Old Maury,” and is going largely into stock farming. The General lias a magnificent farm, is entering upon his new life with his accustomed energy and zeal, and we hope and predict for him great success. He appears in excellent health and cheerful spirits.—Maury County (Term.) Herald. Released.—A man named Michael Maloney, policeman in Memphis, killed a negro there last December while attempting to arrest him. The negro was a citizen and in no way connected with the military. Maloney was tried before a military commission and sentenced to two years’ imprisonment in the Nashville Penitentiary, where he has been confined since the sentence. On Thursday he made application for a writ of habeas corpus, and being brought before the United States District Court, he was ordered to be released from confinement by Judge C. F. Triff<r.—Nashville Gazette. The Author of “Beulah.”—A New Orleans correspondet who has been to see Miss Augusta Evans,sa.vs of her: Miss Evans is about twenty-three years of age. is well formed, of medium hight, has hazel eyes and a magnificent head. She has a fail-, smooth skin and a very superior temperament, being a mixture of the sanguine and nervous. The brain of Byron, it is said, did not seem to be more than* two-thirds the size of that of Cuvier, but owing to the fineness of its texture and great density, it weighed within a few drachma of the brain of the illustrious naturalist. The tem perament of Byron was a mixture of the san cminp and nervous—identically the same as that of Miss Evans. I am not prepared to give a critical opinion of Miss Evans’ principal works, nor shall I attempt it at present, as I have neither the time nor space. She informed me that she was engaged on a work at present, which she hoped to be able to <ret out in the course of the summer. Though a considerable portion is written, she has not yet given it a title. The scene is laid in the State of Georgia. A bachelor arithmetician says a girl is a mm when she causes one to sigh-for her. E UROPEAN CORRESPONDENCE. [We are permitted to make the following extracts from a private letter written by a highly accomplished young lady of this city, who is now traveling in Europe. To the numerous friends of the fair young writer will these jottings in a foreign land be fonud especially interesting:] London, May 1860. * * * A sudden transition from the noisy and smok\- streets of Liverpool to the ancient walls of Chester, where beautiful aud divers pan oramas greet the sight at every glance, affords truly a field for reflection and admiration.— Chester, an Episcopal city, the capital of Cheshire, eighteen miles from the sea on the river Dee, crossed by two fine bridges, is surrounded by a wall which was erected by the Romans, aud is now used as a favorite promenade. On this wall we mused for hours over the varied scenes of sport and nature. The races are made a great fete of by all in the surrounding districts, fifty thousand having assembled to enjoy the gay fes tival. It was quite amusing to hear ejaculated on all sides in one monotonous tone “ three to one bar one,” which infers that one horse struck out of the list, three pounds to one will be wager ed against any of the remaining. Inside of the ring fifty-seven booths were erected en guise de- bazaars, there were four circusses, negro min strels, see-saws that worked by machinery, shoot ing galleries, boys wishing to clean your boots, some selling books, others with lights for cigars, women witli baskets of oranges exclaiming in a supplicating voice, “ Oranges, please !” Add to these pictures beggars, with uplifted eyes invok ing on you all the blessings of Heaven, with the hope of a penny in return, and you will have but a faint idea of this motley crowd. From the races we proceeded around the wall where sub silentio we paused to admire nature—never be fore garbed in sweeter attire. An Italian sky, such as is seldom enjoyed in England, tended much to embellish the picture. A hill crowned with a weather-beaten castle overhangs a slope of green, dotted over with frolicing lambs, and dancing sunbeams, guarded by a lone sentry pacing to and fro his worn track; down in the valley where the houses are completely hidden by willows, and the river, filled with gondolas, seek ing her course through the forest, leaving to the right a winding road, at the terminus of which stands a little gothic church overgrown with ivy; all this forms a modest coloring of the grand tableau of Chester. Continuing our journey we soon found our selves at the Tower, where Charles I. saw liis army defeated by Cromwell. Pursuing our ram ble we next approached a neighboring Tower, where by means of the camera obscura saw ev erything that transpired in the city—who was walking, who riding, their place of destination, their dress, countenances, and even the cars that arrived and left the station. AVe then visited the museum, and garden of Roman antiquities. The road leading from the Tower to the museum is beautiful beyond description ; you descend five or six flights of stone steps, which are entirely enveloped with the native ivy, wall-flowers, ge raniums, and verbenas, with here and there a tree; below is a bathing house, the river rolling around it, and mountains in the distance. The sun had set when we left this picturesque spot, but we could still discern the shadow of day lin gering for a parting kiss from eventide.^ AYe returned to the city and promenaded through the four principal streets, called “Rows,” which lead from the four gates of the wall, all terminating as it were in a centre at tlie cross. The houses are very antique, on the front of one of them are sixty-four windows, and each pane formed six small squares; on another are bas- reliefs of Adam and Eve, Abraham and Isaac, Cain and Abel, etc. The Cathedral of Chester is a place of much interest, especially to stran gers; it was founded by Henry VIII. AYe visited it with a guide, par parenthese—the only particu larly polite one we have had during our travels. The carving ^considered the finest in England; on tlie whole width of the North side of the wall is a picture of the Virgin, etc., all done in Mosaic work, the stones being not more than a third of an inch; on all of the windows frescoes of a scriptural character. Our guide placed us on a magical seat, planned for the monks, and con structed in such a manner as to assign them to the floor whenever they felt inclined to pay their homages to Father Somnus. The guide asked if I entertained the idea of matrimony ; answering in the affirmative, he lead me near one of the monk’s seats, bade me look forward and study well the result of matrimony; with utter astonishment I was presented to a bronze couple, busily employed in tearing out each others eyes, and fighting fearfully their expres sions, in fact, their tout ensemble were comical in the extreme. Laughing heartily, I turned to the guide and told him, that no doubt many would change their minds if such must he tlie sequel* He then begged the privilege of introducing us to a gentleman w’lio would make me an admiral suitor; w'ith our mutual consent, he conducted us in a very mysterious way to another part of the church, and pointed to a representation in bronze of a decrepid old man, with a most fero cious countenance; and opposite the crusty old bachelor was a lean, cadaverous old maid suffer ing with toothache. The idea of having such comical statues in a church, was indeed suipris ing. The guide lead us through many subter ranean passages ; showed us a Bible, written on parchment, some four hunched years ago, and other curiosities too numerous to mention. A few more fine buildings, such as the Infirmary, Jail, etc., are about all else of particular interest in Chester. St. Paul’s Cathedral, in London, is very differ ent from the one just described; it3 dome is one of the largest in the world, measuring four bun dred and four feet in height, and one hundred and forty feet in diameter; and was finished by Sir Christopher AYren in 1715, at a cost of one million five hundred thousand pounds. AVe were con ducted first into the library, which contains seven thousand volumes, some of which are four hun dred years old; there was also a music book, written on parchment, three hundred years ago. The library was founded by Bishop Compton, the floor is composed of two thousand three hun dred and seventy-six oak squares, joined together in a kind of Mosaic work. Then we were shown the geometrical stair-case, which consists of one hundred and ten steps, all supported by the bot tom one; this stair-case was the first of the kind ever built. Next, to the whispering gallery, where you can reveal a secret to the wall and it will convey it to any one on the opposite side. Then, we mounted six hundred and sixteen steps, which took us to the golden gallery, where we had an excellent view ot London—being nothing more than a field of chimneys, and smoky, dis mal looking streets as far as the eye could reach. The English envy us our beautiful sky; here there is a continual fog, and sometimes so dark at mid-day that the gas is kept burning; but they enjoy a long twilight—which is of all hours the AYales, Prince Alfred, and others of the royal family in its enceinte, none of whom impressed me in appearance. Mademoiselle Titiens is the finest singer and actress of any we have heard. Next to her comes Madame Parreppa, who sang at the Crystal Palace, selections from the best operas. Patti, we will see in Paris. In conclusion, finding that many English la dies who have visited America, make no hesita tion in expressing their opinion of the people there ; I, perhaps, may be allowed the privilege of mentioning the peculiarity of the English la dies, whose “ understanding” exceed even some of the demoiselles of the African persuasion. Undoubtedly, the English envy our Southern ladies’ feet, and our Southern sky. „l. l. NEW YORK CORRESPONDENCE. News from Mexico—Death of Governor Allen—The Re construction Report-Collector Smythe—Head Centre Ste phens—The Fenians still Factious—Governor Fenton and the Pardoning Power—The Germans and the Liqno r Law—Lecture of Bishop Lynch—Business—The Cotton Market. &c. New York, May 18, 1866. The budget of Mexican news at hand this morning, contains one item, which will be read with painful interest throughout the South. It relates to the death of ex-Governor Allen, of Louisiana. Governor Allen died in the City of Mexico, on the 22d of April, and was buried in American cemetery, in full Confederate uniform, on the following day. It seems the American Consul, a Mr. Otterburg, objected to the deceas ed soldier being buried in the uniform which he honored, but the objection created so much in dignation among the people, that it was finally withdrawn. The Mexican Wines,which Govern or Allen so ably edited up to a few days before his death, is now the property of John N. Ed wards, formerly attached to Gen. Shelby’s army. Mr. Edwards is said to be a good writer, and the Times, under his management will continue to support the Empire aud maintain the reputation earned for it by its late editor. The same writer who announces the death of Governor Allen, says the Con federates in Mexico are not doing well. The Emperor had notified General Magruder, Surveyor General of the Em pire, and Colonel Maury, who succeeded his father as head of tlie Emigration Bureau, to re turn tlieir portfolios on the 1st of May. Owing to tlie lack of sufficient revenue, their offices would he discontinued. On the same authority we learn that General Early had left for Havana, and that General Wilcox was about to leave for Interesting to the United States. Since the first Confederate officer went to Mexico, it lias been believed here that the colonization project would fail, and the occasional advices which we receive from that country only confirm our belief. AYe still talk a little—not much—about the re construction report and its prospects. The gen eral belief is that tlie report will be knocked on tlie head by the Senate. The third section, whereby the South would be disfranchised until after the next Presidential election, is rather too strong for the moderate republican stomach. Pri vate advices from Washington say an unexpect edly strong opposition to that section has been developed in the Senate, and when the report comes up for consideration, as it will early next week, that section will be stricken out, or the whole report will be rejected. The moderate re publicans in tlie House intended and expected to get rid of the third section in some way before the final vote was taken, but Tliad. Stevens was too sharp for them. There is more conservatism even among tlie radicals in the Senate than there is in tlie House, and as there is no previous ques tion to rule in tlie former branch of Congrsss, mder which the report could be rushed through, it is confidently believed that at least the disfran chising section will he knocked out. The Times, which generally represents the views ofthemod- eaate republicans, says that the retention of this section secures, beyond all preadventure, the ab solute defeat of all Constitutional amendments. There is a confident feeling here that the report will not be indorsed by the Senate, but it is im possible to say positively what the result of the discussion and the vote in that body will be. Collector Smythe is already run down by gen tlemen anxious to show their devotion to the Government by serving it for comfortable sala ries. Two hundred applications for Custom House appointments are already on hand, and others pour in at the rate of thirty a day. Mr. Smythe says he will make no changes at present, and as all the positions under him are already filled, the new applicants will have plenty of time to cool their heels before they get a chance to draw tlieir means of support from Uncle Sam’s treasury. Tlie appointment of Mr. Smythe to the important post he now occupies is most gratifying to tlie merchants of this city, to all of whom he is known as one of the ablest businessmen in the.Metropolis. Of late years there has been a great deal ot downright dishon esty in the administration of our Custom House affairs. Mr. Smythe promises to put a stop to all that, and onr merchants believe he will make good his word. lie says he is a Republican, but not a politician. He approves the President’s policy of restoration, and will expect those serv ing under him to support the Government. He disapproves extremes, and has advised liis subor dinates to lie moderate in their polities. Tlie appointments of Head Centre Stephens, at the Metropolitan, are still found quite attrac tive by his Fenian friends. It has not escaped remark, though, that Mr. Stephens has not been visited by any of our leading citizens of his own nationality. I suppose it is because our practi cal, clear-headed Irish merchants and lawyers have no faith in Fenianism, and do not like to countenance it in any way, that they have neither feted nor called upon its cliiet. Mr. Stephens will leave this city early next week, on a tour througli tlie country. He will try to re-unite the bretheren, and collect funds to help the cause at home. The Union Square Mansion is closed up. The men who lately dwelt and feasted there are drifting about, without much aim or object.— The treasury is empty. The vast sums of money contributed thereto have disappeared. The late managers are freely accused of malfeasance—and the circumstances are against them. Stephens wants Roberts to haul flown his colors, and Rob erts won’t do it- Tlie spirit of antagonism be tween the two wings is as bitter as ever. The outside public look upon the whole thing as a little worse than a humbug, and finally, it is now intimated by some of tlie Roberts men that Ste phens is neither more nor less than a British spy. Poor Ireland! how she suffers from those who think they are her friends. A former Republican Governor of this State, bv name Myron H. Clark, earned an enviable no toriety by pardoning nearly every criminal who invoked his clemency. Our present Governor seems anxious for a share of the same notoriety. A few davs ago he pardoned a mock-auctioneer, named Burnham, who had been convicted of most shameful swindling. 1 would hardly find republicans make the warmest appeals in his lie- half. Tlie same men censure the President lor pardoning political offenders. The Germans are still very restive under tlie new liquor law. The closing of their saloons and gardens on Sunday is likely to ruin the business of some of them altogether. Tlie brew ers put in large stocks last year, in anticipation of an active business this summer; but now the law closing doors on Sunday will diminish tlieir sales nearly one-half, and leave them in the fall with large quantities of beer which must spoil. They have petitioned the Excise Board to modi fy their interpretation of the law, so as to allow the lager beer saloons to be kept open on Sun day, and the board have refused point blank to anything of the kind. Since the law went into effect, gangs of row dies have been going over to Hoboken every Sunday afternoon, and fighting among themselves and maltreating all who happen to fall in their way. This thing has become so annoying to onr neighbors across the river, that tlie proprietors of the Hoboken ferry boats say they will stop running the boats on Sunday altogether. AYhile many features of the new' liquor law are good, some are entirely too sweeping, and these un likely in the end to defeat the operation of the law altogether. The Right Reverend Bishop Lynch, of South Carolina, delivered a lecture in this city lust night, for the benefit of the Protectory for Boys, in Westchester county. The subject was “Amer ica before Columbus,” and the learned lecturer undertook to prove that voyagers from Ireland had visited this continent aud actually established a colony here long before Columbus was heard of. The proposition to widen Fifth Avenue is frowned upon everywhere, and will undoubtedly be defeated. If it was started for the purpose ot blackmailing property owners on tlie Avenue, it will fall very far short of its object. I find on inquiry among retail merchants that they are doing a very fair business. The whole sale men are not. There seems to be a steady decline in the price of domestic and foreign dress goods, and many classes are offered nearly as low as they were in 1861. The cotton market continues to improve in tone. The latest quotations are: ordinary, 29(gj 31 cents; low middling, 32@34 cents; middlings, 35@37 cents ; good middling, 36@38. The re ceipts since September have been 747,517 bales. Noteholders Banks. of National The following letter from General Spinner is intended to reassure those of little faitli in na tional banks: Treasury of the United States, ) Washington, May 16,1866. j Dear Sir : A'our letter of the 10th instant lias just now been received. You ask to w'bat ex tent is the Government liable for the redemption of the notes of the national banks. I answer to tlie full nominal face value of every note issued by the Comptroller of the currency to a bank, and by the banks put into circulation. You ask, should tlie bank deposit with the United States Treasurer to secure the circulating notes with the banks depositing them be inadequate to the redemption of the notes of the hank, by reason of the decline of the securities deposited, is tlie government bound to redeem the notes at par ? The forty-seventh section of the National Cur rency act, not only gives the right to forfeit all aecuritien held, but for any defi(*if»upv tho cmr. emment has a first and permanent lien upon all the assets of a defaulting bank. • I therefore an swer this question affirmatively. You ask, again, could the absolute failure of a national bank im pair the value of the circulating notes of the bank making such failure ? I answer, no; on the contrary, the notes of the national bank that has failed are rather better than those of a bank in good standing, if away from the business marts of commercial centres of the country, for the reason that the Treasurer of tlie United States becomes the cashier of such defaulting bank, and, will, through his assistants and all other Government officers, redeem such circula tion. You ask, fourth, are the notes of the Uni ted States Treasury, beyond tlie fact of their be ing legal tenders, a greater security to tlie hold ers than the currency ot the national banks ?— The United States legal tender notes afford no better security to the holder than the notes of the national banks. The only difference between the two is while the latter are only a legal tender from and to the Government, the former are such legal tender from and to all such parties, whether municipalities, corporations or individuals. Nery respectfully, yours, F. E. Spinner, Treasurer, U. S. E. C. Daniel, Esq., Cashier Merchants’ Na tional Bank, Memphis, Tenn. ‘ ” ***0“ - ■ sweetest for reflection—’tis ten o’clock before the | fault with the Governor lor that, however, or stars begin to twinkle. i Wednesday night we attended the opera of « fa Fazoritaf in which Mademoiselle Lucca (who Meyerberr appointed to the principal role in his last chef (louvre “L’Africaine,”) persona ted “Leonora,” and Monsieur Mario “Ferdinand.” They were well supported and applauded by a crowded house; with the Prince aud Princess of Burnham is said to be far gone in pulmonary consumption, and must soon die. But Governor Fenton is boldly accused of making an indis criminate use of the pardoning power, and let- timr loose on the community the very worst crimi nals. He is now urged to pardon Konhstam who was sent up for ten years, for perpetrating enormous frauds on the Government, and leading Progress of the Atlantic Cable.—All goes smoothly with the new Atlantic cable. If is now coiling at tlie rate of two miles an hour in the tanks of the Great Eastern. Tiic Ame thyst hulk is moored alongside of the great ship off Sheemess, while the Iris is laden in her turn at Greenwich, and will supply the Amethyst’s place as soon as the latter is emptied. Thus, manufacture and stowage go on concurrently, and at the moment one part of the great wire is receiving its elementary coating of Chatterton’s compound, or perhaps spun at Birmingham, other portions are laid down in the great ship ready for the final paying out. The London Daily News says; Tests, both of insulation and continuity, are ceaselessly put by the electricians. Nor are these confined to this year’s venture. The old cable on board is for this purpose connected with the new, and messages were transmitted on Saturday, April 28, through a total distance of one thous and five hundred and six nautical miles. There were then four hundred and eiglity-two of these miles in the aftertank, seven hundred and sixty- seven in the main tank, and two hundred and sixty-seven in the forctauk; and to make tlu- test more searching and complete, communica tion has lately been established between all these and the shore. Tiik sagacity of medical men in cases of cir cumstantial evidence is shown by the following anecdote of Sir Astley Cooper: He was called to see a man who, while sitting in his chair in a private room, had been mortally wounded by a pistol shot from the hand of an unseen person. Sir Astley having done what was necessary re specting the wound, compared closely the direc tion from which the pistol was fired with the position of the wounded man, and lie came to the conclusion that the pistol must have been fired by a left-handed man. The only left-handed man known to be on the premises at tlie time was an intimate friend of the deceased, against whom there was no suspicion, but this observa tion led to his arrest and trial, and he was sub sequently convicted of this act of murder. AYhat’stheUse ofthe Moon?—M. Geoflroy, of Paris, asks, in an article in the Moniteur, what may be the utility of the moon with regard to our planet, and whether it is only there for the purpose of raising the waters of the ocean twice a day. To this he replies that, besides tiie great planets that are carried along a regular path round the sun, there existed an unlimited num ber of bodies of different sizes, moving through space in every direction, as the almost daily dis- coveiy of a vast number of asteroids proves, f n his opinion, the moon was once one of these erratic bodies, and happening one day to get within the sphere of attraction of our planet was forced to become our satellite, instead of con tinuing its own course. Hence the moon is but an accident. The earth had done without it be fore, and might do without it again. Venus is about the size of the earth, and goes regularly around the sun, although it lias no sa tellite. AYhy should the earth need one ? He continues to say that our moon is of no use to us, because we might perfectly well do without oce anic and atmospheric tides, and the best eulo- gium he can pass on our satellite being that it is utterly useless, he goes further, and declares that we owe it to the merest chance, it having been picked up, as it were, on the way; and as such a thing might happen again, the author sees no impossibility whatever in our getting some day another, and perhaps more moons still added to our stock. M. Geoflroy is one of those who deny that the moon is inhabited. First, because the excessive cold there must prevent the possibility of any animal life, and second, because the moon has no atmosphere.