Newspaper Page Text
Wffklp JntcUigrnrer.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, June 20, I860.
A Nrn Ground for Attacking the Prrtl-
dent.
The Now York Time* administers to the 7V»-
Imnt, the following just rebuke:
Tlie Tribune gives prominence to a Fenian
opinion of President Johnson which takes form
in these choice imprecations: “ G—d d—n the
Southern heart of the black-mouthed Southern
skunk ! By the Eternal 1 he shall never be
President of the United States again.” To em
phasize, says the Times, and enforce the sound
ness ot this prediction, the Tribune editorially
points out the great injustice which has been
<lone to the Fenians by the Government of the
United States. To issue a proclamation aflerthe
Fenians had actually taken up arms and gone to
the field, the Tribune regards as an act ol cruel
ty ! The proclamation should have appeared
before any of Sweeney’s men had gone to the
trouble and exi>ense they have done in getting
up a war. To stop them on the vety eve of in
vading a peaceable neighboring community was
contrary to all rules of lair play! Perhaps the
Tribune, thinks this sort of plastering is misun
derstood by the Irish people. We can assure
our cotemporary that it is not. If a raving Fe
nian should curse and swear at President John
son—as the Tribune's Fenian friend has been do
ing for twenty years—it would not change any
more political votes than the editor’s own out
rageous attack upon the Government fora prompt
execution of United States laws, which no civili
zed people could aflord to see defied.
Old Homes Greely skips and hops about with
as much agility as “the Frenchman’s lies.” To
day he may be found pleading for the liberation
of 31 r. Davis, and to-morrow dooming him to a
felon's death. To-day, he is down upon the Fe
nians with terrible denunciation, and to-morrow
inciting and encouraging the most excitable of
that brotherhood into scurrilous abuse of the
President. The great body, however, of the
Fenians will not suffer themselves to become
dupes of this arch, white-headed, radical leader.
They are too sensible, too patriotic for that.
They will do no dirty work at his instigation;
but will conduct themselves as good citizens,
loyal to the government under which they live,
and with rare exceptions favoring the speediest
restoration of the American Union. The one
Fenian who was foolish and wicked enough to
“damn the Southern heart ot the black-mouthed
Southern skunk,” doubtless stunk worse of "rot
gut" when he uttered the imprecation, thau ever
the little animal, in his nature, did, to which he
refers. The fellow should live among skunks the
remainder of his earthly pilgrimage, inhaling the
odors that arise from that nasty but unobtrusive
animal. The “Southern heart" indeed! He is
no true man that would utter imprecations upon
it; nor is he a true Irishman that would do so.
We would “bet our money” that Mr. Greely's
Irishman who “damned the Southern heart” ot
the President, is a constant driuker of vile po
tations and does not possess the confidence of his
countrymen ; a disgrace, as he has proved him
self in the sentiments he uttered, to the land
from whence he came, and to a race renowned
for their magnanimity and courage; a black
sheep among the flock. A whip should be put
in the hands of every honest man to lash him
“naked round the world."
Wliat In Written ol'Atlanta.
A great deal is written and published of At
lanta. The latest we have noticed is from the
pen of our Brother Christy of the Athens
Watchman, whom, we regret to state, we did not
have the pleasure of shaking by the hand, on the
occasion ol his recent visit to the “Gate City.”—
Long may he, and liis“ Watchman" live, prosper
ing in their well-doing!
Below we give the views of our Athens broth
er upon Atlanta—what he saw to commend and
disapprove within its limits:—
For the first time since the war, we visited
this thriving town the other day. From Greens
boro’ to the city, all along the line ol the Georgia
railroad—at every village and every station—and
even l>ctween the stations—every step of w T ay is
crowded with evidence of the desolations of war.
The ruins of the burnt villages and railroad de
pots, the wrecks of locomotive engines and rail
way cars, the remains of saw-mills and work
shops, tin' bent iron rails which are strewn along
the whole length of the track. Reaching the
city, the eye familiar with its former exuberant
prosperity, recognizes among the ruins a few of
the land marks of former days, such as the Aledi-
eal College, the Exchange Hotel, most of the
Churches, and a considerable number of houses
on Marietta and other streets—some of them
scarred by shot and shell it is true, but still in
good condition.
Nothwithstandiug vast numbers of new edi
fices have been erected, the chimneys and por
tions of walls still standing like grim sentinels
watching over the ruins ol former prosperity, fill
the mind of the beholder with melancholy
thoughts and vain regrets. Accursed war! thou
art worthy of tliy origin ! No other being than
the Devil, in all God’s universe, could have call
ed thee into being !
Atlanta is a remarkable place—a perfect enig
ma—which no “outsider” can understand. Not
withstanding the general prostration of business
there and every where else at the South, vast
numbers of new buildings are in process of erec
tion, and all seem confident that she will soon
eclipse her former glory. A great drawback up
on the prosperity of the place is the rapacity of
landlords. Rents are exorbitantly high—tlie
tenant finds all his profits absorbed by the de
mands of his landlord. But this is an evil which,
in due time, will correct itself.
Another drawback upou the prosperity of At
lanta is the vast number of idle freedmeu about
the streets, t )n the site of Dr. Thompson’s old
hotel near the Passenger Shed, at all horn's of the
day, these people “ most do congregate”—the
whole square is black with them! Is there no
remedy for such evils? It is no wonder the
crops are not worked. They never will be, so
long as all the country negroes are suffered to
loaf about towns.
\Ye recognized among the business men of
Atlauta many "noble Athenians.” Indeed, so
numerous are they, that a citizen of this place
feels almost as much "at home” there as here.
While in this city we were treated with much
courtesy by our editorial brethren of the Hew
Fra and Intelligencer. We regret that 3Iajor
Steele, who is now a veteran in the service, was
not in his sanctum when we called.
Hew Him For Oar C*a«e. l
We do not quote often from the Rev. Henry
Ward Beecher. He, as “Alexander the Cop
persmith” is written of in the Book, hath done
us much evil, and it would bear hard upon us
and our people to forgive the man. And yet he
is now endeavoring to do us good. Conscience
may be troubling him; but be this as it may, he
is becoming forbearing, and pleads that evil may
be overcome with good. Quite recently he de
livered before his congregation a sermon from
St. Paul’s well-known precept—“ Oeercome eril
with good'' It was an able discourse—one breath
ing the spirit of Christian charity. We quote the
following passage from it, reported in the Nev^
York limes, as illustrative of his present posi
tion, and ask that our readers, this Sabbath morn- and Western States, all of which, we believe,
The Ttlter«.
The communication headed as above cxplaius
itself "A regard for modesty” impels tlie writer
of it to pitch into the “ inters," aud in doing so he
pilches severely into merchants who sell these
fancy articles to the ladies, and at the ladies who
may wear them. Our old friend has undertaken
u task which the Ebnperor Napoleon himself
would fail to accomplish, aud would not attempt.
He assails fashion, and that dame is omnipotent.
Fashion conquers in every assault made upon
ltcr. Modesty is ever her victim. We too de
test the titters as'tliey are represented unto us, not
having yet seen them worn by the devotees of
fashion. We are dead down upon any exposure
of tlie cxtremctics of woman, save tlie head, face,
hands, and a little of tlie ankle. But we think our
correspoudent is “downer" than we are. His
“regard for modesty" makes him “tread too
heavily upon other people’s toes,” aud yet, we
cannot refuse to let him have a hearing, for we
know lie honestly entertains the sentiments em
braced in his communication.
itlr. Davis to ltciualu at Fortress Monroe.
The result of tlie interview between the coun
sel for Mr. Davis—Messrs. O’Counor and Pratt—
and the President, is stated by tlie Tribune's
Washington City correspondent,"to be this: The
President takes tlie ground that if a writ of ha-
btiis corpus should be granted by Judge Under
wood, or should Judge Underwood merely de
mand him for trial, he would surrender him, but
he could not otherwise do so. This decision leaves
but little hope that 3Ir. Davis will be released
lrom bis prison quarters ou either parole or bail.
Judge l nderwood will not, it is to be presumed
from his recent antecedents, issue the writ of
habeas corpus, and so Mr. Davis will have to re
main at Fortress Monroe until the day of his trial.
In boring for coal at St. Joseph, Missouri, a
depth of three hundred and fifty feet has been
reached. Two veins of coal have been passed
—one eighteen inches, aud the other two feet
thick. Below the second vein a brine has been
reached ; it is said to yield eighty-three per cent,
of salt. It causes as much sensation in the city
as if oil had been struck.
ing, will give him a hearing:
After enlarging somewhat on this point, Mr.
Beecher paused, and, looking around with a hu
morous glance, continued—“I don’t know wheth
er I’d better make any further application of this
principle or not. I have not been very popular
with my people during the past year. I have
failed to carry them altogether with me on some
public auestions, and I am sorry for them! But
yet 1 must say that I cannot escape the direct
bearing of this gospel law. I am as strong as
ever in the conviction that the true result of the
war must be recognized. Whatever went into
the Constitution on account of slavery must come
out; and whatever was kept out on account of
slavery must be put into our organic law—and I
have believed and labored for this as strongly
and longer than many ot you. But I have tell
that it should be done in the spirit of love, not
of hatred. I consider the doctrines brought for
ward in the House of Representatives by Mr.
Stevens—though followed iu their entirety, thank
God ! by very few—I consider them to be doc
trines of Belial, leading to destruction. The
North had a chance to show grace, and love, and
magnanimity. How I longed to see it! Both
Congress and the President should have been
pressed to Union. I had hoped to see the North
showing her superiority in Christian nobleness
and generous forgiveness. But I have been dis
appointed. It has not been done. You can no
more change rebels to loyal men by casting them
out and turning them away, thau” you can con
vert the wicked by building up a wall of sepa
ration between them and the good—shutting
them out from the very influences that should
be brought to bear upon them. “ It thine ene
my hunger, feed him; if lie thirsts, give him
drink; for in so doing thou slialt heap coals of
fire upon his head. Be not overcome in evil,
but overcome evil with good.” There, go; -cote
that. You have been talking it long enough; do
it. You have been praying it long enough; try
it.
The Constitutional Amendment.
The attention of our readers is called to the
following Joint Resolution of Congress, designed
to be amendatory of the Constitution of the
United States, three-fourths of the Legislatures of
the several States ratifying the same:
Resolved, By the Senate and House of Rep
resentatives ot the United States of America iu
Congress assembled, two-tliirds of both Houses
concurring, that tiie following article be propos
ed to the Legislatures of the several States as an
amendment to the Constitution ot the United
States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of
said Legislatures shall be valid as part of the
Constitution, namely:
article i.
Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in
the United States, and subject to tlie jurisdiction
thereof, are citizens of the United States and of
the State wherein they reside. No State shall
make or enforce any laws which shall abridge
the privileges or immunities of citizens of the
United States; nor shall any State deprive any
person of life, liberty or property without due
process of law, nor deny to any person within
its jurisdiction the equal protection of tlie laws.
Sec. 2. Representatives shall be apportioned
among the several States according to their re
spective numbers, counting tlie whole number of
persons in each State, excluding Indians not
taxed; but whenever the right to vote at any
election for electors ot President and Vice Presi
dent, or for United States Representatives iu
Congress, executive or judicial officers, or the
members of the Legislatures thereof, is denied
to tlie male inhabitants of such State, being
twenty-one years ot age and citizens, of the
United States, or in any way abridged except for
participation iu rebellion or oilier crime, tlie
basis of representatiou therein shall be reduced
in the proportion which the number of such
male citizens shall bear to the whole number of
male citizens twenty-one years of age in such
State.
Sec. 3. No person shall be a Senator or Repre
sentative in Congress, or elector of President aud
Vice President, or hold any office civil or milita
ry under the United States, or under any State
who. having previously taken an oath as a mem
ber of Congress, or as an officer of the United
States, or as a member of any State Legislature,
or as an executive or judicial officer of any State
to support the Constituiou of the Uuited States
shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion
against the same, or given aid or comfort to the
enemies thereof; but Congress may, by a vote
of two-thirds of each House, remove such disa
bility.
Sec. 4. The validity of the public debt to the
United States, authorized by law, including debts
incurred for the payment ot pension and boun
ties for services in suppressing insurrection or
rebellion, shall not be questioned; but neither
the United States, nor any State, shall assume or
pay auy debt or obligation incurred in aid of in
surrection or rebellion against the United States,
or any claim for the loss or emancipation of auy
slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims
shall be held illegal and void.
We deem it unnecessary at the present time to
make any extended comments on a measure so
unjust and oppressive to the people of the South
ern States, aud, at the same time, so absurd iu
its exactions of them. Its fate iu Georgia is al
ready sealed, aud we have not the shadow of a
doubt resting upon our mind, that its fate is also
sealed in every other Southern State. No people
have ever been known, and cannot be expected
to disfranchise themselves. The Legislature of
Georgia will not ratify the proposed amendment;
nor will the Legislature of any other Southern
State do it. If the measure be ratified by the re
quired majority of States, then be it so—Georgia,
at least, will go unrepresented in Congress, or be
represented by men who will possess neither the
respect uor the confidence of the people. Aud so,
for the present, we let pass without further con-
sideratiou, the obnoxious device to degrade the
Southern people.
The Proposed Constitutional Amend
ment.
The Governor of Pennsylvania has initiated
the planned radical scheme, by which the pro
posed constitutional amendment may be ratified,
by three fourths of the present Legislatures of the
several Northern and Western States, Tennessee
of course to be included in the programme, leav
ing the voice of the people of the States unheard
upon the measure, for their respective Legisla
tures were all elected prior to the passage of the
proposed amendment. This will be a grosser
outrage upon the South if carried out, than the
adoption by Congress of the measure itself. It
clearly ignores the voice of the people of all tlie States,
and leaves to the Legislatures of the Northern
The Central Railroad.
For several days the trains ot this road have
been runuiug through from Savannah to Macon
—two trains per day—the night train, we see it
stated, making close connection with the morn
ing trains arriving at 3Iaeon.
We congratulate not only the public, but the
stockholders iu this important railroad, at its re
construction, and doubt not that it will soon
again assume that position among the railroad
enterprises of the South, which she occupied
previous to Sherman’s destructive raid over it.—
Especially do we congratulate Savannah upon
tlie cheering eveut. Georgia’s seaboard and Geor
gia’s mountains, are again connected by that iron
band which was rapidly enhancing her prosperi
ty ; politically and socially making her people
one people, till war, for a time, severed the band
that bound her lowlands aud her highlands to
gether.
Too much praise cannot be bestowed upou
those, to whose energy our noble old common
wealth is indebted for the reconstruction of the
several lines of railway within her limits. We
see in it evidence of enterprise and industry that
will constitute her again the “ Empire State of
the South.”
Iucouie Tax ou Cottou.
Wo are permitted to publish the following let
ter from the United States Treasury Department,
addressed to a well known citizen of this place,
in answer to inquiry relative to profits on sales of
cottou that should be returned as income :
Tueamhv Department, Office Internal Reveni k. i
Washington, D. C., May 31, IStiti. )
Sir: Your letter of May 24th, relative to pro
fits on sales of cotton iu 18(15, purchased in 1861
aud 18(12, is received.
1 reply that your profits ou such sales should
be returned as income, without regard to the time
when the cotton was purchased.
The amount of Confederate currency paid for
such cotton, should be estimated at its value in
Government currency at the time of the pur
chases, The tax of two cents per pound paid on
such cotton may be deducted from the income of
the person paying the same, for the year when
paid. Very respectfully, &c.,
D. C. Whitman, Dep’y Com.
Alfred Austell, Esq., Atlanta. Ga.
have radical majorities, the power, if they have
the will, and of this we cannot doubt, to ratify the
obnoxious measure. The Legislatures of the seve
ral States, it is true, are supposed to reflect the sen
timents of their own people. But how can they do
so,in this, or in any other case, upon which their
people have had no opportunity of declaring their
sentiments ? The lead taken by Pennsylvania’s
radical Governor in this matter will not redound
to his honor, nor add to his fame. The spirit he
manifests in his partizan zeal to secure the rati
fication of the proposed amendment, is like unto
that which has made Thad. Stevens another
Danton laboring to revolutionize the government,
even though the guillotine may be required to ac
complish the ends lie aims to attain. The Con
stitution of the United States as it is in spirit and
in truth, is being perverted to the accomplish
ment of mean and malignant purposes. Con
gressional usurpations are the order ot the day
with the ruling majority. The South has no
power to defend itself. Until now, she had
hoped that through the people of the North, ap
pealing to their magnanimity and that sense of
justice which hardly ever forsakes the masses,
she might be saved from disfranchisement and
designed degradation ; but she must now aban
don that hope, if Governor Curtin’s plan suc
ceeds, and leave to a distant future, aud to an
other generation, her restoration, and that of her
people, from the position radical usurpation aud
radical tyranny will place her and them.
Connected with this subject, au esteemed co
temporary, the Baltimore Transcript, suggests a
“serious difficulty" in the way of the radicals, to
wards the accomplishment of their designs,
which it appears to that paper has been entirely
overlooked by the whole press of the country, to
say nothing of the acute legal minds of the op
position whose inattention to the question seems
unaccountable. We quote from that paper the
following:
Article five of the Constitution authorizes
amendments to the Constitution in one way only.
and says: “The Congress, whenever two-thirds
of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall pro
pose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the
application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of
the several States, shall call a convention for pro
posing amendments, which,’in either case, shall
be valid to all intents and purposes as part of this
Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of
three-fourths of the several States, or by conven
tions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the
other mode of ratification may be proposed by the
Congress provided,” <fcc.; "and no State without
its consent, shedl be deprived of its equal suffrage in
the Senate." The two modes of initiating amend
ments prescribe one duty to Congress, and that
is, in the words ot Mr. Hamilton, “peremptory.”
“ The Congress shall call a convention." Nothing,
says he (Federalist, p. 403,) in this particular, is
left to discretion; “we may safely rely on the
disposition of the State Legislatures to erect bar-
riel's against the encroachments of the national
authority.” Nothing can be clearer than that
Congress, whether of its own motion or at the
solicitation of the Legislatures of two-thirds of
the “several States," shall call a convention lor
proposing amendments. It is true that the rati
fication thereof by the Legislatures of three-
fourths of the several States, or by conventions iu
three-fourths thereof, is bestowed upon and left
optional with Congress, to be so stated in tlie pro
visions of the bill submitting the amendments to
the convention; but we submit that there is uo
authority ordiscretion to disregard the perempto
ry and conditional requirement of calling a “con
vention of the several States,” the validity of the
amendments being dependent upon the proviso
that “no State shall be deprived, without its con
sent, of its equal suffrage in the Senate.”
Home for Abandoned Women.
Tlie following paragraph we notice in an ex
change :
Home for Abandoned Women.—An insti
tute is to be erected iu Iudiauapolis as a home
for abandoned women. Upwards of $6,000 has
been subscribed. Tlie County Commissioners
propose to subscribe $10,000 more if they have
a voice in its management.
Judging from what we have personally ob
served, a similar institution is much needed in
this city. We regret to say it, but the truth must
be spoken,’though it may reflect upon the morals
of our “Gate City,” our streets have recently
been nightly paraded by abandoned females,
much to the annoyance and mortification ot
many of its good citizens. If such characters
are to remain in the city, plying their vocation—
and who has the power to drive them from it ?■
they should have a local habitation, at which
they should be compelled to remain, especially
at night, and not be permitted to prowl about in
their dawdry attire, before hotels and public
places, much to the disgust of all decent people.
Our attention has more than once been called to
this public nuisance, by respectable citizens, and
to another attendant evil, to-wit: that of the
crowds of negro wenches who also parade the
streets of this city at night, and who indulge
fieely in vulgar and licentious language. These
characters should be properly cared for, and the
evil mitigated. Perhaps the "Bureau," if they
should be arrested by our city police, might put
a stop to this amusement of all such damsels.
But a “Home for Abandoned Women” should
exist in every city. Humanity pleads loudly for
it. Encouragement to reform ought, upon every
Christian principle, to be held out to those who
in most iustances have become the victims of
misplaced confidence in man, aud who repent
the evil they have doue. The subject commeuds
itself to all “in authority.” It is one that appeals
to the Christian philanthropist, and especially
now, when it will not be denied that war and
famine have done more in the last four years to
demoralize the unfortunates to whom we allude,
aud to increase their numbers, than ordinary
causes did in the last quarter of a century. We
should like to see!public attention directed to
this matter, and have felt it our duty- for some
time past to invoke it, as well as to call attention
to the night street walking, concerning which we
have heard very many complaints.
At the request of the Editor of the Chris
tian Index we publish the following letter designed
for the last issue of that papier, but which did
not reach the party addressed in time:
Decatur, Georgia, June 14, 1866.
Rev. II. H. Tucker, D. D. :
Will you pardon me, sir, for askiDg the privi
lege of acquainting the people of Georgia, through
the medium of your excellent paper, with a tew
facts, in which they, in common with myself,
should, and doubtless will, feel a deep interest.
The melancholy duty of visiting the bloody bat
tle field at Franklin, Tennessee, for the purpose
of removing the remains of mv only brother—
Lieutenant T. J. Stokes—who fell upx>n that field
of carnage November 30,1864, devolved upon
me. After getting there, I learned that our no
ble dead were buried where their bodies must soon
be disturbed by the ploughshare, if not removed.
In Nashville I appealed for aid to avert this des
ecration, and soon had a sum of money placed
at my command sufficient to exhume aud re-inter,
in a christian-like maimer, all the Texans—sixty
nine in number—of Granbury’s brigade, my
brother’s friends and comrades in arms, in the
“ Soldiers’ Cemeteiy,” one mile from the battle
field, on the plantation of Colonel John AlcGa
vock. After accomplishing the removal of the
Texans, there being a considerable amount re
maining, I ordered it to be appropriated for the
removal of the slain from Arkansas. Seeing and
fully realizing the great necessity of acting
promptly in this matter, I contracted for the re
moval of fifty Georgians. With the aid of a let
ter ol recommendation from Governor Joseph
E. Brown, I went to 3Iacon for the purpose of
soliciting means with which to meet this con
tract. So ready and magnanimous was the re
sponse ot the merchants and railroad officers ot
that city, that in three or four days I sent, by ex
press, to Franklin as many hundred dollars.—
Having succeeded in all I UDjjprtook, I returned
home. Since coming home I have received sev
eral communications from Ftankliu. I take the
liberty to make an extract from a letter written
by Colonel McGavock himself:
“ I immediately paid the. amount sent from
Macon to 3ir. Cuppell, who, up to this time, has
removed the remains of eight hundred and eighty-
two Confederate soldiers. Of this number, there
are one hundred and forty-six from Arkansas,
and forty-eight from Georgia* Twelve hundred
have been re-interred up to this time. 3Ir. Cup-
pell’s part of the work amounts to thirty-seven
hundred dollars. He has received about twelve
hundred and fifty dollars. No money has been
received from Arkansas, nor from Texas, nor
from Louisiana, nor from Alabama, nor from
South Carolina; and nose from Georgia, except
what you have remitted. Mississippi has sent
one thousand and fifty dollars. There are some
six or seven hundred soldiers yet to re-inter.—
We desire to appropriately enclose, and to taste
fully embellish, the sacred spot dedicated to this
use. All this, and much more, is eminently due
the memory of those heroic men,” who fell, as
it were, iu the “ last ditch,” defending constitu
tional rights.
Subsequent to the reception of the letter from
which I have quoted, I received one from Mr.
W. H. S. Hill, “ President ot the Board of Man
agers for the Removal and Interment of the Re
mains of Confederate Soldiers at Franklin,” con
taming an address to the people of the South
also, a commission to myself to solicit contribu
tions for the purpose specified in the address
and commission. Acting from an abiding desire
to prove my fidelity to a cause that, from its first
inception until it was lost, was dearer to me than
life itself, I accepted the commission. Will you
do me the great favor, sir, to publish such items
of information herein contained as will aid me
iu this undertaking? With great respect,yours
etc. Mary A. H. Gay.
Look Oat For the Rogue.
The Baltimore Transcript requests us to notice
the following. We do so, and in order also to
protect our readers from any incursions the indi
vidual referred to may chance to make in these
regions:
Breach of Trust.—Frank Arthur, a young
man about twenty two years of age, employed
for many months” past as solicitor and collector
for the Evening Transcript decamped on
Monday morning, with upwards of $300 belong
ing to his employer, Mr. Wm. H. Neilson, which
he had collected at various times from tlie pat
rons of the establishment He enjoyed the con
fidence of 3Ir. Neilson, who some time ago pub
lished a card at the head of the papier, authoriz
ing Arthur to collect moneys and sign receipts
out of the office. This authority he took advan
tage of, aud immediately commenced the collec
tion of outstanding bills, taking the whole or
whatever he could on account. As far as has
been ascertained, the amount collected nearly
reaches $300.
Arthur resided* with his mother aud sisterk,
neither of whom, however, have any knowledge
of his whereabouts. He is below the medium
stature, about 5 feet 2 inches in height; well
formed ; blue eyes; brown hair, rather short;
and has a scar under his left eye. He had ou
when hist seeu a K»and top black hat, dark coat,
English style, dark pants with white spots. His
address is 'rather geuteel, and he is quite affable.
The police of other cities are requested to keep a
look out for this young scapegrace; as he is
wanted here.
A New Variable Star.—A variable star has
been discovered in the constellation of the North
ern Crowu, and has been carefully obserred at
the United States Naval Observatory in this city.
The daily rate of decrease is about four-tenths
of magnitude, and it has changed from the sec
ond to about the eighth magnitude.—National
Intelligencer, 29th.
[communicated.]
“The Tilter*.””*
Editor Intelligencer.—At the risk of be
ing considered an “old fogy,” and withal indeli
cate, I ask you to indulge me a hearing through
your colums in referencesJO an abomination
which I am advised is about to be introduced in
this community.
I aliude to the notorious “tilting hoop” and
indescribable appendage, (so called,) which is
said to be aiding the work of demoralization to
such a fearful extent iu many of the Northern
cities. Let me ask the question, in all sincerity,
it the good citizens of Atlauta are going to stand
still, and do nothing to arrest this hell-inspired
abomination V It will be impossible to speak of
a thing so repugnant to feelings of modesty,
without at least making indelicate allusions; but
let it be remembered the subject matter is of
such a nature that it admits of uo other mode of
discussing it.
Now', let me briefly state to all concerned, that
the first object of dress is a proper, modest con
cealment of the person, and any deviation from
this rule subjects the delinquent to the imputa
tion of a want of sense, or a decline of virtue,
want to assure the ladies that this is the univer
sal opinion of all right minded men—applied es
pecially to their sex ; and if this is so, who will
have the hardihood to adopt this, which exeeds
all other modes of dress in subjecting its wear
ers to such ridiculous exposures, not to call it by
a much worse name ?
What should be said of the merchant who
will seek to introduce this article ? 1 am not
prepared to say lie is willfully, wickedly and ma
liciously seeking to debase our women and cor
rupt the public morals, hut this I will say, in my
opinion every decent lady in the community
ought to discountenance all such, and it would
be a good move in the right direction it he would
commit his entire stock of this sort to the flames.
It would be a good advertisement that a mer
chant’s sense of propriety and adherence to prin
ciple, had enabled him to triumph over the hope
of gain iu a matter of doubtful propriety.
What shall I say to the ladies in the premises ?
It is to be hoped that many, yea, a very large
proportion of them, will have the good sense to
tally to discard and discountenance this abom
inable thing. I wish that all who have any
claims to decency and proper self-respect would
do so, and let this thing be confined to the disre
putable, so that if our worthy Alayor should find
it necessary to enforce a wholesome regulation of
the City Ordinances against public indecency,
tending to corrupt the public morals, he will be
spared the unpleasant duty of arraigning our
wives and daughters upon such a charge.
A Regard for AIodesty.
How Gov. Harris and Gen. Price were
Caught in the Rain—An Amusing Incident.
—We find in one of our exchanges an extract
from a letter written in the city of Mexico, and
giving an amusing description of the manner in
which Gen. Price, ex-Govemdr Harris and sev
eral other Confederates were caught in a rain
storm. They were dining at a restaurant when
the rain began suddenly to fall. They made them
selves quite meriy over the matter, expecting
the shower soon to pass over; but hours passed
and the rain continued without intermission.
Presently the sidewalk was overflowed, and the
water found its way into the restaurant, where
it continued to rise; chairs and tables were ap
propriated to a new use. In one comer was
seen the stalwart form of “Pap Price,” mounted
upon a little round table while his vis-a-vis was
Governor Harris carefully balancing himself
upon the back of a decidedly rickety chairs,
and the rest of tlie Confeds were disposed of to
best advantage upou other articles of furniture.
Here they remained, cogitating upon the fal
len fortunes of the Confederacy, the power of
Uncle Sam, and the instability of the Alexican
climate until the storm subsided. How to get
to their hotel was tlie next question. There
were no canoes to he had, aud carriages would
not venture out in such times. At length the
General settled the knotty point by taking off
his boots and divesting himself of his nether
garments; his example was followed by his
comrades, and carefully rolling up. their boots
and clothing, the party sallied forth, “Old Pap”
taking the lead. Such a procession was never
before seen in the streets of Alexico, and the
costume of the party would hardly have been
considered a la mode in New York; however,
they had dry breeches to wear by the acquatic
feat.
Upwards of 800 divorces in Ohio last year.
Speech of Rev. Dr. Fuller, of Baltimore,
on Religious Freedom.
[Reported Expressly for the Louisville Courier.]
The following excellent sketch of the very
able speech of Rev. Dr. Fuller, of Baltimore,
delivered before the Southern Baptist Conven
tion at Russellville, on the 25th ultimo, will be
read with much interest:
Dr. Fuller said: My brother from Missouri
submmitted these resolutions to me, aud I most
heartily sanction them. In advocating their
adoption I have no reference to Missouri or any
part of the country, I speak for the North, the
South, the East, the West; or rather for our
whole country, knowing no North, no South, no
East, no West. If this attempt by civil govern
ment to interfere with religious duties and privi
leges had been made in Alassachusetts, how glo
rious old Faneuil Hall would have rocked and
thundered, and lightened! If the outrage had
occurred in Rhode Island, Roger Williams would
have turned over in his coffin. I speak, of course,
by the strongest metamorphor ; for when, many
long years ago, they dug down into the grave of
this great apostle of freedom, meaning to remove
his bones and give them a noble burial and
monument, it was found that au old apple tree
had sent its roots down into the coffiu aud eaten
up everything; so that in apples the good people
of Rhode Island really eat Roger Williams.
have no doubt the apples tasted very tart and
crabbed to some appetites.
It the Southern Confederacy had succedcd,
and my native State, South Carolina, had adopt
ed a Constitution authorizing the civil magis
trate to interfere with spiritual things. I would
have gone there to protest against it. South
Carolina! how I love that dear little State. Aly
heart grows liquid and my eyes moist at the very
mention of her name. When Port Royal was
taken, I was, of course, cut off from my accus
tomed income, and but tor the noble church of
which I am Pastor, I could not have had auy
support for my family, then, too, in great afflic
tion. At that very time, a gentleman from New
York offered to purchase my estate and slaves
there. Aly answer was prompt, I replied that
as to the negroes I would as soon sell my chil
dren for money, and as to the lands, if he would
give me bushel for bushel, I would not exchange,
at that time, South Carolina dirt for California
gold dust. The question now before us is no new
thing. History is full of precedents. Now the
State seeking to trench on religious rights, and
now the Church seeking to usurp civil power.—
The Bible forbids and condemns each of these
usurpations; and, from the times of Christ to the
present hour, the Bapitsts have protested against
each. This was the very controversy between
the Apostles of Christ and the Jewish Sanhe
drim, and they had but one answer: “Whether
it be right to hearken to you, rather than to God.
judge ye.” We cannot but speak the things we
have heard. They were imprisoned, but as soou
as they were released, they again preached and
with a^zeal redoubled by persecution. Indeed,
the angel who set them free said, “Go aud preach
the words of truth.”
In my adopted State (Alarylaml) this usurpa
tion was commenced three years ago, and I have
reason to remember it well, and to thank God
and noble men in the Government for protecting
me then. The brother from Alary land (Mr. Wil
liams) illustrates well the fearful condition of
things witli us who were in the midst of a fla
grant civil war, while you were waging what
was substantially a foreign war. Last summer,
he informed you yesterday, when he was re
quested by your board to visit Kentucky aud
collect funds, “ his friends advised him not to
come, lest he should seem to be identified with
the Southern Baptist Convention and get into
trouble.” This was last summer, when the war
was over and martial law abolished. Think of
my position when I returned to Baltimore in
May, 1861, the Savannah resolutions adopted by
this board were in all the papers. Whatever
may be pleaded for you, it was treasonable for
me, a violation of my duty to my country, to
have passed these resolutions; and had I been
punished, there is not one ol you who would not
have felt that the Government was justified.—
Alore than this, it was a violation of my duty to
God. With me, obedience to civil government
is not a matter of patriotism; it stands on even
higher grounds. It is a solemn, religious duty.
You remember how many of you collected
around me at Savanuah, aud entreated me not to
return home. You felt, what everybody must
feel, that in me, a citizen of the Uuited States,
these resolutions were treasonable. I have plead
ed for you in the seceded States, but what plea
could I have? Your very doctrine of State sov
ereignty made my words treasonable against
Alaryland, as weli as the United States. More
over, I never was a secessionist; I had, over and
over, condemned it as au unconstitutional heresy,
as well as a mistake. Over and over these reso
lutions were published in the Baltimore and
New York papers, and ascribed to me. On one
occasion, the general in command of the depart
ment asked me for an explanation of them; I
could say nothing, aud felt that I was amenable
to the law. The resolutions were plain, and
plainly I had nothing to say. I said nothing to
anybody in Baltimore, but I saw the Govern
ment in Washington; I told them that my alle
giance was a religious duty ; that God had sta
tioned me iu Baltimore as a pastor; that there I
would remain, and that I was incapable of any
thing clandestine, and would be obedient to the
laws.
Having been known to some ot them before,
they condemned and lamented my having been
connected with such an act, but they knew the
terrible excitement of tlie times, and assured me
of their entire confidence in my loyalty, nor have
I for one moment been unworthy of their trust.
I told them “that I loved tlie South, as a son
loved his mother,” and they said, “nobody can
blame you for your natural feelings and sympa
tides.” I cannot but notice one tact here. When
tlie commanding general demanded of me an
explanation of tlie resolutions, he referred me to
a book called “The Rebellion Record.” There I
found my name, not as chairman, but shuffled
down to the bottom of the committee. Your
President dine ) with me to-day, and told zne (oh
tlie kindness and refinement ot Christian attec
tion!) that it was done by them for the purpose of
sheltering me. The resolutions, lioweyer, had
been in all the papers with my name as chair
man, and hence, most justly, I was conde;
as their author.
Now see liow nobly my adopted State acted
as to this question of religious liberty. Living
quietly as a loyal citizen of my country, I said
nothing to any one and had nothing to do with
political matters, finding great consolation in
supplying the wants of the Southern prisoners,
which the Government nobly allowed me to do,
(the officer in command ot tlie prison at Elmira,
all honor to him, thanking me for at one time
sending clothes to three hundred who had had
the small pox,) and also in ministering to the
wounded soldiers of the Union, both in Baltimore
and on several battle fields.
But at length a bill was introduced into the
Maryland Legislature requiring ministers to take
an oath that they would use their influence against
the rebellion. This influence was, of course, that
of their spiritual pastoral office. I then felt that
I could no longer be silent without perfidious
ness both to my God and my country. After
earnest supplication to God that he would avert
this sore evil, I at ouce wrote an address to the
Legislature, entreating them not to pass tlie law,
declaring that no honorable pastor, no pastor
whom the country could trust, could thus bring
his sacred calling aud influence into matters
which were secular ; that civil governments had
no more right to interfere in spiritual things than
a bank or a water company ; that our duty was
conscientiously to obey the law and to teach
others to obey, but that such an oatli would de
grade a minister by causing him to use his pas
toral relations for mere political or secular ends.
This appeal was printed, and sent to the mem
bers by devoted Union and loyal men, who de
nounced the South, but loved leligious freedom,
and all honor to noble Alaryland, though the war
was then raging, the sound of cannon in our
ears and the State invaded, the Legislature at
once rejected the bill. The senator who had in
troduced it wrote to tell me that ministers of the
Gospel were its authors ; and Air. Reverdy John
son sent ine a letter, expressing his amazement
that ministers of religion, bound together with
such ties, and following such a Saviour, could
seek to persecute and injure each other.
The war is over. Where we have done wrong,
let us confess. Where we have received wrong,
let us forgive. I hope the Constitution in Alis-
souri will be altered; but the course of Christ’s
ministers to civil government is plain—“render
to Caesar the things that are Caesar’s, but to God
the things that are God’s;” at our peril we vio
late either of these solemn duties.
Killed in Geneva.—We are told that a Air.
Gooldsby, a wheelwbright, who- lived about a
mile this side of Geneva^ was killed in that
place, in a room in Turner & Anderson’s store,
on Saturdaj' afternoon, about four o’clock. As
told us it-appears that the deceased and Mans
field McBride had both been drinking, and per
haps playing cards, had a difficulty, and had
been separated and placed in different rooms.—
Afterwards they cametogetlier in a room, where
beside themselves, no one was present, except
Frank (we believe) a son of Mansfield McBride.
In a short time Goolsby hurried out exclaiming,
“ I am cut all to pieces,”, ran a short way, and
fell dead. He had been cut deeply, in several
places in the arm and stomach. There were no
witnesses, exe’ept the three parties in the room at
the time, and who gave the cuts is not known,
save by the AIcBrides. No arrests or examina
tion had been held up to - last afternoon. Goolsby
was between forty and forty-fire years, Alansfield
McBride is about the same, and Frank a young
man of some twenty-two years ot age. Goolsby
was buried Sunday. We give the account as we
heard it from parties who came, from Geneva.—
Columbus Sun.
From the La Crosse (XVis.) Democrat.
The Soldier’s Soliloquy.
Good bye, blue ruin ! Go into the dye tub—
into the rag bag, anywhere out of my sight. For
three years I wore those blue duds and now,
thank God, they are ofl, and once more I am in
command of myself.
What the devil did I go to war for ? That’s
tlie question. What did 1 eat hard tack lor—
drink commissary whisky—cany a mule’s load
—sleep in the mud—suffer in .hospital and lose
this limb for ? Who knows ?
I enlisted to save the Union.
I went to war to put down the rebellion.
I fought to punish traitors.
I killed people to restore the harmony of
things.
I went to war because that was in old times
the way to patriotism.
Aud what was there gained ? I had thirteen
dollars a month. I rode Shank's mare from Bull
Run to Red River, almost tor nothing.
1 fought to keep this Union whole, and now,
when the war is ended, 1 am told that fighting
divided, and that legislation alone can restore
the Union! Then why iu thunder must I lose
three years of time and a limb if all this work
must be done by Congress V Wliy were a million
of us killed by drunken, thieving, cotton-stealing,
silver-ware-liunting, conceited upstart, political
generals, who went up like rockets and came
down like sticks, it Congress can or could restore
the Union by legislation ?
I went to war in good taitli.
I fought a score ot times, and the more I fought
and the less I stole the slower came promotion.
I helped make a dozen generals, fifty colonels
and a hundred officers rich.
I have lugged many a piano, rosewood bed
stead, marble-top table, cabinet of books, mahog
any sota and such stuff out ot southern homes to
be sent north for the use of my superior officer,
and the adornment of his home in the North.—
This was tlie big dart tor puling down the rebel
lion.
And I went to war for less wages than I could
have earned at home. And my wife was otleu
starving while I was away. And my children
became ragged and dirty—my farm ran to weeds
—my shop ran down—my tools were stolen or
lost—my place is tilled hy another—I came home
a cripple, filled with disease, and am now looked
upon by the same men who wanted me to go to
the war, much as people look upon some dead
beat who has gone through them for all their
spare change.
And the abolitionists who forgot to take care
ot soldier’s families—the abolitionists who told
us that the Democrats wanted the Union dissolv
ed—the abolitionists who said the Democrats
were traitors—the abolitionists who staid at home
and dare not fight, except in the form of a mob,
in the attack of some defenseless democrat, now
tell us that—
The late war did not restore the Union.
The war was therefore a failure.
The white men ot the North were no match
for the white men of the South.
The war would have ended in defeat tor the
North but for the nigger.
This is what abolitionists tell us. Reckon they
will have a good time getting us returned soldiers
engaged in another crusade for cotton, niggers,
mules and stolen plunder, taken by force of the
bayonet from women and children.
It seems to me as if the late war was a gag—a
humbug—a wicked, treasonable, unconstitutional
gag. It did not restore tlie Union, but it made a
pile of abolitionists and war Democrats rich.
It never prevented secession, but left this
Union iu the shape we did not find it.
It never benefitted any one North or South,
except thieving soldiers, army chaplains, swin
dling contractors, drunken officers, incompetent
generals and other such pets of the late admini
stration.
It didn’t help the white people.
It didn’t help the niggers.
It impoverished half of the Union.
It didn’t make the South friendly to northern
ideas, interests or people.
It piled a big debt upou us and took from us
two-thirds of our means to pay it.
And now I am back from tlie war to find that
I must pay the most exorbitant taxes—and to
find that old Grudgiugs, a mean narrow minded,
stay-at-home coward is rich, with a safe full of
U. S. notes or bonds for which I must work the
balance of my life out to pay interest on, while
he escapes taxation aud lives in idleness. I had
a hundred dollars bounty to go to war. Now I
come home to find the town, county, city and
State in debt for the money I had—the wealth
of.the country is in bonds—the school houses in
ruins—the court houses, &c., in ruins—all these
things to be built up—the bonds and their interest
to be paid besides all the other taxes, and the
holders of bonds living in luxurious idleness,
with large incomes, and not one cent of tax to
pay anybody or for any purpose.
It was bad enough to fight for such cowards.
It is bad enough to have it said we could not
have whipped the South without the aid of these
high-flavored nigger troops who are now to be
called our equals.
It is bad enough to have enormous taxes to
pay to repair the damages time and war have
wrought. But it’s worse than all to have to pay
six hundred million dollars a year of interest to
the men who hold bonds exempt from taxation
—iu other words, to go to war and then come
home aud pay ourselves for being shot at, wound
ed and killed. Abolitionism don’t pay. Now
I’m as good a man as any of them. No man has
a right now to lord it over me. I wear no badge
of servitude, advertising that I am a fit subject
tor shoulder-strapped damns, cuffs, kicks, guard
houses, &c. I’m a returned soldier—a poor man
who must work or starve. I love my country.
I’m a better patriot thau tlie man who makes the
poor man to pay taxes and interest on bonds ex
empt from taxation, and I say it boldly that the
next time I shoulder a musket will be for equal
taxation, equal rights and a free country. I don’t
like the idea ol repudiation, but if government
don’t tax her bonds, may I be hanged if I ever
pay a cent, ot taxes, for my crippled limb is a
better and a more honorable bond than tlie gov
ernment ever issued. If all are taxed alike, it is
well. If not, it’s repudiate, or another fight.
From the Columbus Sun and Times.
Tlte Stay Lair.
AIessrs. Editors : I have had several letters
addressed to me as chairman of tlie Committee
on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives,
asking my views as to tlie intention of the Leg
islature in passing the proviso to the first section
of the stay law.
My position as chairman of the Committee on
the Judiciary does not give to my opinion any
additional weight, and as a lawyer I am sure
there are many iu Georgia whose legal judgment
is entitled to more consideration; but as tlie law
yers seem to differ in their construction of the
proviso, and several inquiries of general interest
have been put to me, I will, with your permis
sion, answer them through the Snn and Times.
1st. If defendant fails to pay one-fourth of the
execution by 1st January, 1867, may plaintiff
levy and sell more property than will be suffi
cient to pay one-fourth ?
Aly opinion is that plaintiff, under such cir
cumstances, after 1st Januaiy, 1867, will be en
titled to collect his whole debt.
2d. Are debtors obliged to pay one-fourth (of
debts not iu suit) before the 1st January, 1867,
in order to entitle them to stay executions issued
on judgments obtained after 1st January, 1867?
Aly opinion is, that any debt accruing prior to
June, 1865, on which the debtor shall fail to pay
257. by the 1st January, 1867, although not in
judgment or even in suits, is a debt within the
proviso, and that the debtor, by failing to pay,
loses all benefit of the stay law.
The object of the stay law was to give time to
tlie honest debtor, anxious, but unable to pay and
to save his property from unnecessary sacrifice,
it was thought that a larger amount of money
would be realized to the aggregate of creditors
out of the total assets of the debtor class by giv
ing four years credit, than could be realized by
forced payments, but it was expected that debtors
would go earnestly to work to liquidate balances.
If I am right in my construction of the law,
the debtor in order to avail himself of the benefit
of the act, must be prepared in all cases on tlie
1st January, 1867, to show that lie has paid one-
fourth of the debt as it existed on the 8th ot
March, 1866, and every debt, although accruing
prior to June, 1865, on which sucli payment shall
not be made by tlie 1st Jannary, 1867, will be
subject to judgment, execution and sale as
though the act of 8th March, 1866, had not been
passed. Respectfully, R. J. Moses.
Rinderpest.—In our news column, this
morning, it is announced officially that this dread-
ed scourge among cattle has made its appear-
unce in New iork. The statement coming from
tlie officers of an agricultural and cattle society,
at the great importing point—New York city—
commends itself to public confidence, but we
are still induced to hope that they may be mis
taken, lor while there are many diseases of
which cattle die suddenly, we have very little
practical knowledge on this continent of this
disease. The European accounts represent it as'
irnlently infectious, transmitting itself rapidly
among whole herds, and even over large districts,
from a single victim. If it should get headway
among tlie cattle of this country it v. it! prove a
terrible calamity, and every means should be
taken to avert its spread. This can tic best done
by separating healthy animals from the diseased •
aud when tlie symptoms appear, promptly de
stroying the afflicted, and [burning or burying
the remains. There should be also careful in
spection of all cattle ottered lor sale, either on
the hoof, or otherwise; and especially in. hides.
Tlie consequences of a general destruction of
cattle by such a plague cannot be calculated, and
the necessity of quarantine at ports, and general
vigilance among farmers, cannot be too strongly
impressed.—Nashville Union <£• American.
A Speech on the Reconstruction BUI In
Congress.
The following i3 the speech of AIr. Harris,
of Alaryland, which we find in the Congressional
proceedings of the 14th instant. The reader
will see in it that the member from Alaryland
not only was, but is still an advocate ot the doc
trine of secession—a doctrine to maintain which
much blood has been shed in a war that has des
olated and impoverished our once prosperous,
but still “sunny South” :
Air. Harris addressed the House in opposition.
He declared that in principle he now stood as
he had stood after tlie war was declared—as he
had stood in the last Congress when he received
its crown of censure—as lie had stood in prison
and before the infernal instrument of tyranny, a
court martial; and, as he stood in principle, so
would he stand iu practice whenever occasion
might require. He declared himself an old-line
Democrat, believing in the doctrine of secession,
believing that the several States of the Union
have the right to separate from it, each acting
for itself. He declared his belief that abuses aud
usurpations had been practiced and threatened
to so great an extent by their associates and
partners iu this governmental compact, that the
Southern States were justified in going out, and
liis turther belief that by their ordinances of se
cession they did go out, aud thereby become to
this Union foreign States. These convictions
lie could not change, and lie did not expect they
would ever be removed. He would most as
suredly proclaim them, and stand by them as
long as a single citizen of the Confederate States
was in clvains or subject to penalty for asserting
them. There was no particular or personal con
sideration w hich could prompt him to such a de
sertion.
What, sir, said he, I that believe them right—I
that would have joined them if the sovereign
State of Alaryland had said so—to desert them
now in their utmost need, when I can legiti
mately give them such protection as is in my
power honestly to give ? Never! The House
would readily conceive, he continued, that lie
was adverse to the reconstruction policy oi the
President, and Andrew Johnson had been con
sistent with tlie views of the late President, with
those of the Republican party, and with his own
declaration from the time he abandoned the Dem
ocratic party. lie concurred, however, in the
President’s vetoes, and with one paragraph iu his
speech of tlie 22d of February, wherein lie pro
claims : “No taxation without representation.”—
In his view the Southern seceded States had no
right to representatives on this floor or in the
Senate. Neither had they the right to furnish
the country with a President ora Vice-President.
He, when lie could not avoid it, acquiesced in de
facto Governments and de facto Presidents; but
if he could be expected to cast liis vote at the
next election for Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee,
the status of Tennessee herself must be changed
completely. She must be admitted into tin: Un
ion by act of Congress, upon her application to
become a member of it. But. no Congressional
bill for that purpose could ever receive liis vote
so long as the test oath disgraced the statute
book. lie would do all he could to remove it,
and rescue the noble citizens of the South from
the slavery and degradation it imposed, even
though that led to a continuance ot the dissolu
tion of the Union. Under the test oath only four
teen men, who misrepresenred their constituents,
would be admitted. When vice prevails and
impious men bear sway, the post of honor is a
private station.
He replied at sonic length to a speech made
some time since by Air. Donnelly, ot Alinnesota.
Referring to the assassination of Mr. Lincoln, he
said Alary Surrat was convicted, of course. She
was tried by a court martial; her immediate ex
ecution was ordered ; she entreated lor four days
to enable lier to overcome the shock and the bet
ter to prepare her soul to meet her God. “Not
au hour!” thundered forth tlie voice from the
War Department; “On with the gallows, tlie
coffin and the grave; the angels of Heaven shall
not rejoice over this repentant sinner.” Agents
ot mercy sought tlie ear of a higher authority and
probably a more merciful heart, but Preston King
was janitor that day and they were excluded.—
Where is Preston King? Echo answers where !
She was thus executed speedily,and notwithstand
ing application has been made in behalf oi her
heart-broken daughter for her remains, those re
mains are still in the keeping of the War De
partment. Pontius Pilate delivered the body of
Jesus to Joseph of Arimatliea, but a worse than
Pontius Pilate is here.
Let us look now at a Southern picture: John
Brown was arrested for a crime kindred to that
of Bootli; he was in the most formal manner
tried, being allowed every facility for defense, no
special test-oatli being urged to prevent the ser
vices of any advocate; lie was legally and justly
convicted to be hung; between his conviction
and execution ample time was given him lor the
settlement of liis worldly affairs and lor the pre
paration of liis soul for eternity; after execution,
liis remains were placed in a decent coffin and
handed over to his friends. 1 Returning again to
the question of the right of secession, lie said
that doctrine was born with the Constitution, and
became a ruling principle of tlie ruling Demo
cratic party, being inserted in its platform from
1798 to the late war.
[Air. Harris in speaking took a stand near the
main aisle, in front of the speaker’s chair. The
anxiety to hear his speech was so great that, his
voice being weak and liis words inaudible
throughout the Hall, members gathered into the
seats and standing places in his vicinity, where
they remained throughout the delivery of the
whole speech, noth withstanding tlie thermometer
stood at 86, and that a general distribution of
palm-leaf fans had become necessary.]
At tlie conclusion of the speech Air. Le Blond
rose, aud, in the name of the Democratic party,
dissented from the views and opinions expressed
by Mr. Harris. The Democratic party did not
believe that the Southern States ever were out of
the Union, or ever had the right to go out of the
Union. In that it differed both with the gentle
man from Alaryland and the gentleman from
Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens.)
From the Quincy (III.) Herald, June 2.
Au Appeal in Belialf ot Suffering People.
We had an interview yesterday with J. G.
Reynolds, of Georgia, who is among us, as tlie
agent of the Governor of that State, to purchase
corn to distribute among the destitute and
starving poor. As a consequence of tlie war,
and of the sudden disruption of the system of
labor upon which they relied, many of tlie peo
ple of Georgia, and other Southern States, are
in a destitute and starving condition. To add to
their misfortunes, the crops in many localities
are totally inadequate to the wants of the people;
labor cannot be commanded to cultivate them;
the supply of animals for tlie plow is also so de
ficient that it cannot be put into the furrow. Air.
Reynolds, with his companion, Air. Maddox,
come with such testimonials as prove tlie integ
rity of liis character and mission. The people
of St. Louis have subscribed and paid to these
two gentlemen thirty thousand dollars in money,
the amount to be divided equally between Geor
gia and Alabama, and these gentlemen are
among us for tlie purpose of expending this
money in the purchase of white corn to make
bread for the starving people of these two States.
Remember, white corn is tiie kind used in mak
ing bread. Tlie yellow variety is not used for
this purpose.
In view of these circumstances, after consult
ing witli some of our citizens, we venture to make
an appeal to the people of Adams county—the
prosperous, thriving, generous people, whom God
has blessed with a superabundance and to spare.
We appeal to you, fellow citizens, and ask, will
you not contribute to tlie relief of our Southern
brethren? They are our brethren, our neighbors
—neighbors in tlie sense that Christ taught. Is
it not our duty to assist in relieving these suffer
ing, starving people ? Let us not talk about sel
ling them corn : let us give it. We know, far
mers of Adams, that you will delight to respond
to this call. Come with a bushel, if no more.—
Give as you can afford and as you think you
ought; as you would hope to receive, were the
case reversed. In all cases, shell the corn and
bring it in sacks, ready for transportation. Tlie
steamers will we fee) sure, take it to St. Louis,
free of charge; and we are advised that the
Southern railroads will take forward for half
fare.
We are authorized to say that the-grocery firm
of J. T. Baker & Co., Maine street, and Air.
George Adams, at his warehouse, ou 3d street,
will receive sucli contributions as our farmers
and other citizens may see fit to bestow, and will
attend to the shipping of the same, in connection
with tiie agents, free ol charge.
Let this appeal be responded to at once. We
are satisfied that all our own generous people
need is, to know that humanity demands relief,
and they will be in haste to respond to tiie call.
1 “I Know He’s There.”—The Syracuse (N.
Y.) Courier tells this story :
“How do you like Seward’s Auburn speech ?”
said a Democrat to Gardner, recently, “Ub, very
well,” said Gardner. “But,” said the Democrat,
“dont you see that he commenced by an assault
on our party !” “Yes,” returned Gardner, "but 1
am like the liny who nearly tired himself out
digging for a woodchuck, when lie put in liis
hand to find the direction of the hole, and the
woodchuck bit it badly. “Are you hurt said
tlie boj - ’s companion to him. “ Yes,” said he, “but
I’m d d glad he bit me, for now I know he’s.
there !
A. Free Library for IIart'kord.—Hart
ford, C’t., is about to enjoy a free library. Tlie
late Daniel Watkiuson bequeathed $100,000 as
a fund, tlie interest of which was to be applied
to tlie pnrnhase of books for.tliis library. About
12,000 volumes having been.procured, the Li
brary will soou be open to the public.