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^nttlligraccr. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, Wednesday, July ll, 1806. The National Union Contention at Phila delphia. That Georgia will be represented in the Na tional Union Convention at Philadelphia, admits of no doubt now. We are satisfied that this is the desire of an overwhelming majority of her people, judging from what has been reported to us of their maniiestations: from our own person al knowledge and observation; and fiom the tone of the press of the State. This being the case, we trust that no opposition will be made to the movement by any who at first objected to it, for the reason only, that in this “call" for the Convention, terms were used not agreeable to Southern men, and which left an unpleasant im pression ui>on their minds. The main objects, however, of the Convention are of such momen tous import to the South, as well as to the whole American people, that this objection to Georgia’s being represented in it “ must vanish as the mist before the sun.” What are they? To maintain the supremacy of the American Constitution. To assert the rights, dignity, and equality of the States, including the right of representation in Congress, and the right of each State to order and control its domestic legislation, subject only to the Constitution. To affirm and maintain that denial to the States of the right of representation, and the prescription by Congress of conditions for its ex ercise, are unjust, dangerous, and revolutionary. To maintain that—war between the sections being over, and peace prevailing—war measures should cense, to the end that union, harmony, and concord, may be established, commerce and the peaceful arts revived and promoted, and the Government strengthened in its credit and pow er of defense. These, with the avowed purpose animating all who favor the assembling of the Convention, of sustaining President Johnson’s plan of recon structing the Union, being the main objects of the Convention, we trust that the people of Georgia will, as a unit, send delegates to it, and not divide upon issues too insignificant when compared with the objects to be accomplished. What we waut above all things in this country, at this time, says a cotemporary, “is a true, generous, wise, magnanimous party, thoroughly possessed with the great ideas of the present; who are bent upon restoring the Union in spirit and in truth; who ardently desire to take every guaranty for universal liberty; who seek to maintain the Un ion, not as a central despotism, but as a benefi cent and paternal government; who, rising above prejudice and passion, desire to treat the people of the South with every liberality consistent with the public safety ; who believe that the true in terests of both races at the South are to be best advanced by inculcating harmony between them; who believe that in the interests of republican ism it is wise to escape as soon as possible from our present anomalous political condition; who believe that the momentous material interests of the country will be infinitely advanced by the perfect restoration of peace, and who propose to lay the foundations of our political system in concord aud fraternity, believing that the gov ernment rests upon eternal granite when it is firmly fixed in the hearts of the people.” To accomplish these great purposes the Con vention is culled; to aid in their accomplishment, Georgia is invoked. As before observed, we be lieve she has determined to respond, and so be lieving wc take the liberty of making the follow ing suggestions to, and of respectfully asking their consideration by the press of the State: First, That each Congressional District shall, at as early a day as practicable, hold a conven tion which shall nominate two delegatee to said National Convention. Secorul, That the delegates so nominated, shall soon thereafter, at the call of the delegates from the First Congressional District, meet at some central point in the State, and nominate the four delegates for the State at large. It has been suggested by one of our Macon cotemporaries, that the Governor be requested to nominate the delegates. Wc were pleased at the suggestion, but we are satisfied that the Gov ernor will not assume this responsibility. The people must, in their primary assemblies, set the “ball in motion,” and through their district con ventions, make the nominations. If any better plan can bo suggested, we will cheerfully con form to it. What says the press of our State? j does from that of our Augusta cotemporaiy, we commend to its consideration, and that of the press generally of the State. We allege no ob jection to the gentlemen it names as delegates lor 'the State at large to the proposed Convention; but is it not probable that the Convention, when it assembles in Philadelphia, will require some thing more, in the way of credentials, than a nomination by the Press of any State of the four delegates at large, to entitle them to a seat in that Convention ? The Press may assume too much when it goes so far, and it may overlook, in so nominating delegates, that the Convention, or its “Committee on Credentials,” may be forced to adopt rules which might place the four dele gates from Georgia in an embarrassing position. The district Conventions, by empowering their delegates to nominate the four delegates for the State at large, would obviate any difficulty, and we, therefore, still incline to favor that manner ot nomination. Tlie Georgia Preuon (lie National Union Convention. The Augusta Constitutionalist, of tbe 6th inst., contains the following article, headed “ That Convention.” We cheerfully publish it, having been misled as to tbe position of that excellent journal by the manner in which the "selected” article appeared in its columns, and having ex pressed our gratification at what we, thus misled, supposed to be a yielding on its part to the poli cy of Georgia being represented in the proposed Convention at Philadelphia. We regret that our Augusta cotemporary still adheres to its original position : “ That Convention.—In the issue of this pa per of Weduesdav morning last, the fourth, there appeared a selected article, pi eced by some re marks, likewise selected, which, from their ap pearing in the typographical garb bestowed up on editorial matter, may have convoyed the im pression that this paper endorsed the late call for a National Union Convention. Such is not the case, and the selections referred to would not have seen repnblication had it not been for cir cumstances temporarily depriving our political columns of that customary supervision exercised over them by the editor. To those desiring what i fluonce this journal may exert in any effort of a cognate nature to that proposed by this call, the sentiment of this paper is now, as heretofore: “ Give us the Federal Constitution pure and simpfe—standing serene and beautiful in a majesty t/iat never did anybody harm—s:.ffer us to substi tute “law-abiding”/br "loyal” and tee are with you. But not otherwise.” Per Contra, the Augusta Chronicle & Senti nel of the same date is out in the following call for a district convention, to be held in the Fifth Congressional District, on Saturday the 38th in stant, for the purpose of nominating delegates to the Philadelphia Convention. The call is worded as follows: District Convention—Fifth Congression al District.—We suggest that a Convention, to be composed ot as many delegates as each county is entitled to in the Legislature, including a Senator from eacli county, be held for this dis trict in the city of Augusta, on Saturday the 28th instant, to select delegates to represent this district in the Philadelphia Convention. We would like to hear the views of our country friends upon this subject. What says the coun try press to the proposition ? The same journal, in the same issue, makes the following suggestions: We respectfully suggest to the people of Geor gia the propriety of taking immediate action to secure a full representation ot the State in the Philadelphia Convention. The time is too short to admit the calling of a State Convention, but we have ample time to hold conventions in each congressional district. Let this be done at once. The press in each dis trict can agree upon and announce the time and place of the meeting, and the people in the dif ferent counties can send their best men to repre sent them. Two delegates from each district are to be chosen, and four from the State ax large. In regard to the latter, we think that our people through the press of the State can indicate four gentlemen who will give general satisfaction.— We suggest the names of Hon. A. H. Stephens, Hon. H. V. Johnson, Hon. B. H. Hill, and Hon. A. H. Colquitt What say our brethren of the ] press to the nomination of these gentlemen ? We agree with the Chronicle <£ Sentinel that | the time is too short to hold a State Convention, , and would add that the times are too hard, and the condition of the crops too precarious for anj r reasonable expectation to be entertained, that such a Convention would be attended bat by a small proportion of delegates from the several counties of tbe State. In regard to the appoint ment of delegates for the State at large, we made A suggestion on yesterday, which, differing as i Spirit of the New York PrCH. The News of Tuesday, on the Kentucky elec tion to be held on the first Monday in August, says that the canvass is being carried on with great energy on both sides, but that the Radicals and Conservatives have exhibited, within the last few days, symptoms of a lack of confidence, by tbe repudiation of tbeir separate candidates and the concentration of their strength upon a third party. In its article of the same date, on the Euro pean war, the News alludes to the report that Prince Gortschakoff had sent a circular to the representatives of Prussia abroad, stating that on the slightest violation of neutrality by France, she would abandon her present neutral position, and would, herself, take part in the struggle. The News, referring to the intelligence that about the 8th of July is named as the time when the Great Eastern will depart from Valentia on her errand of laying down the Atlantic. Cable, says that in view of the great war in Germany, the course of this important enterprise will be watched more eagerly at the present time than under other circumstances. The World of Tuesday, in its leading article on the European war, says that the advantages already won by Prussia are of the greatest im portance, an i that decisive battles cannot long be delayed. In its article on the “ Defeat of the English Reform Bill,” the World refers to the fact of the Ministry being supposed to have resigned as the immediate consequence of the defeat, an im portant communication being known to have been made by them to the Queen, then at Bal moral, 600 miles from London. Mr. Gladstone, the prime minister, is regarded by his critics as having blundered greatly in the management of the measure, as the Parliament is only five or six months old, aud the elections gave a clear majority of seventy to the Ministry. The Times says, that a week previous to the division, Min isters felt confident ot a majority. The Times suggests that the retirement of the Ministry, if the Queen accepts their resignation, involves a possible return of the Tory Party to power, and with it important changes in the recent foreign policy of England. The Times, of Tuesday, contains articles on “The Opening of the Grand Conflict in Europe,” “New Life for Italy—The Compensations of War,” “The West and the Tariff,” and a sketch of tbe late Senator Lane, who committed suicide at Leavenworth, whither he had gone under leave of absence from the Senate on account of ill health. The Times remarks that it was in connection with the wild and heroic history of the young State of Kansas that Lane figured con spicuously. The Washington correspondent of the same paper says that since leaving that city certain developments had been made in the West seriously impugning his private and official char acter, and that these, added to his previous de pressed physical condition, may have been the principal cause for the act. The World, in an article on the “ Sudden Tre pidation among the Radicals ” produced by the Conservative call for a National Convention, says there are other indications that the Radicals are not so strong as their defiant attitude towards the President has made them appear to be.— Their extreme haste in trjting to get the Consti tutional amendment ratified by the Republican Legislatures looks more like a desperate expedi ent to produce unanimity than a proof of una nimity already existing. In an article headed “ Protection and Dis union,” the World speaks of the protective tariff as a mere instrument to enable New England and Pennsylvania to practice legalized robbery upon the purely agricultural States, and argues that if protective tariffs are good political econo my as between different countries, they must be equally so as between the different States of the Union. These are old truths; but while the ar gument is with the opposition, the power is in the hands ot the Radicals. The prediction of the World, is, that when the South is readmitted to Congress the joint influence of the South and West will be sufficient to arrest and reverse the protective policy. When this happens we can see what the West will do. The Washington correspondent ot the Express says that the West aud Northwest must soon be co-operating with the South to save itself from the cupidity of New England and Pennsylvania. Their agricultural and productive interests are common, and when the Union is restored they will again work together on business matters. The. New York Express says of Jim Lane, of Kansas, who, after a most checkered and violent life, has lately died of his own hand, that of hi m some good things may be said—some, however, not so good. But as death closes his career, it adopts the Latin maxim, so far as the “ nil” goes, if not the nisi bonum. General Lane was born in Indiana, and represented that State in Congress from 1853 to 1855. Afterwards he em igrated to Kansas, and there he figured so con spicuously that his name is familiar to everybody. A resolution was adopted in the House on Monday, reciting certain outrages committed in Georgia upon citizens of Maine, and calling up on the President to inform the House whether any further legislation is necessary to clothe him with sufficient authority to protect all the loyal citizens, of States recently in rebellion, in the enjoyment of their constitutional rights. The Express says that the dost; voting on the tariff in the House on Saturday, 59 to 50 and 50 48, indicates that General Rosseau is to be dis pensed with, like Yoorhees aud Brooks—while Grinnell is to be kept in—as he votes the 200 and 300 per centums wanted. Referring to the European war, the Express says, that it is the infirmity of the crowned heads of Europe, just now, to be afflicted with some thing worse than the average “ wants ” of cov etous man. Prussia wants Holstein, and to di minish the Austrian influence in Germany. Aus tria wants Holstein to be let alone, and Count Bismark to mind his own business. Victor Emanuel wants Venetia, and wants the Emper or of Austria to take himself out ot Northern Italy altogether. Louis Napoleon wants the Rhine for a frontier, aud also wants to upset the detested treaties of 1815. The Czar of Russia has his little wants too. But he only wants a slice of T urkey. The New York University has conferred on Mr. Erastus W. Smith the degree of Doctor in Physical Science, as a recognition of his abilities as an engineer. This is a new degree, says the American Artisan, and Mr. Smith is the first to re ceive it. The University has established it, to place itself in connection with mechanical engineering, one of the most important and growing interests of the city aud country. The World reproduces what it calls one of Dr. Forney’s love letters to the President, dated Janu ary 21st. 1865. The D. D. is very affectionate, Addrfu of eke Dcmoenrj in Congress to tke People or tke United States. To the People of the UmTed States: Dangers threaten the Constitution ! The cita del of oar liberties is directly assailed! The fu ture is chirk, unlessihe people will come to the rescue. In this hour of peril, national union should be the watchword of every true man. As essential to national union we must maintain on- impaired the rights, the dignity, and the equality of the States, including tbe right of representa tion in Congress, and the exclusive'right of each State to control its own domestic'concerns, sub ject only to the Constitution of the United States. After an uniform construction of the Constitu tion tor mote than half a century v xhe assump tion of new and arbitrary, powers in the Federal Government is subversive of our system, and de structive of liberty. A free interchange of opinion and kind feeling between the citizens of all the States is necessaty to tbe perpetuity of the Union. At present eleven States are excluded from the national councils. For seven long months the present Congress has persistently denied any right of representation to tbe people ot these States. Law's, affecting their highest and dearest interests, have been passed without their consent, and in disregard of the fundamental principle of free government. This denial of representation has been made to all the members from a State, although the State, in the language of the President, presents itself not only in an attitude of loyalty and harmony, but in the persons of representatives whose loyalty-can not be questioned under any existing constitution al or legal test. The representatives of nearly one- third of the States have not been consulted with, reference to the great Questions of the day.— There has been no nationality surrounding the present Congress. There has been no intercourse between the two sections, producing mutual con fidence and respect In the language of the dis tinguished Lieutenant General: “It is to be re gretted that at this time there cannot be a greater commingling between the citizens ot the two sections, and particularly of those entrusted with the law making power.” This state ot things should be removed at once and forever. There fore, to preserve tbe national Union, to vindicate the sufficiency ot our admirable Constitution, to guard the States from covert attempts to deprive them of their true position in the Union, and to bring together those who are unnaturally severed, and for these great national purposes only, we cordially approve the call for a National Union Convention, to beheld at the city of Philadelphia, on the second Tuesday (14th) of August next, and indorse the principles therein set forth. We, therefore, respectfully, but earnestly urge upon our fellow-citizens in each Stale, and Ter ritory, and Congessional District in the United States, in the interest of union and in the spirit of harmony, and with direct reference to the principles contained in said call, to act prompt ly in the selection of wise, moderate and con servative men to represent them in said con vention, to the end that all the States shall at once be restored to their practical relations to the Union, the Constitution to be maintained, and peace bless the whole country. W. E. Niblack, Anthony Thornton, Michael C. Kerr, G. S. Shanklin, Garrett Davis, H. Grider, Thomas E. Noell, Samuel J. Randall, Lewis W. Ross, Stephen Taber, J. M. Humphrey, John Hogan, B. M. Boyer, Tunis G. Bergen, Charles Goodyear, Charles H. Winfield. A. H. Coffroth, Lovell H. Rousseau, Philip Johnson, Charles A Eldridge, John L. Dawson, Reverdy Johnson, Thomas A. Hendricks, B. C. Ritter, Win. Wright, James Guthrie, J. A. McDor.gal, Wm. Radford, S. S. Marshall, Myer Strouse, Chas. Sitgreaves, S. E. Ancona, E. N. Hubbell, Washington, July 4, 1866. A. Harding, A. J. Glossbrenner, E. R. Y. Wright, A. J. Rogers, H. McCulloch, F. C. LeBlond, W. E. Finck, L. S. Trimble. EUROPEAN CORRESPONDENCE. Paris, June 22,1866. EditorAUanta Intelligencer : „ ' THE WAR 15 6BMAXT. We are at last beginning to see clearly into the imbroglio which oppresses Europe, and the de nouement of which will no doubt be a dreadful' butchery of Christians. . HUMANITY OF THE PRUSSIANS. The soldiers of Bismark, in opening the cam paign, hate begun- 1Sy assuring the peoples" of those countries which they have invaded that they have come there as brdthera, and not as ene mies. In less than K13 days the troops of King William are masters qf Hanover, Hesse Electo- ral, and Saxony. The Hanoverian army, which has massed in Gottingen in order to form a junction with the Austrians, sees itself cut off from its ally by the Prussians. All the German papers inform us that the Prussians hive generally been well received by the population. The soldiers of Bismark, who now occupy Wetzler, menace Frankfort, which is defended by the Federal army, under the command of Alexander of Hesse. The army, called that of the Elbe, commanded by Prince Frederic Charles, which is now opera ting in Saxony, consists of 38,000. The army of Silesia, under the command of the Prince Royal of Prussia, is much inferior. THE AUSTRIANS In Silesia, on the contrary, are massed in great numbers, under the command of old Benedek, to the amount of 280,000. We have not as yet bad any battle of importance. We must, how ever, mention THE BATTLE OFBUNBSBURG, On tbe frontier of Bohemia, where, it is said, the Austrians had the advantage. Per contra x at Freedberg, near Frankfort, 1 feYegiment of Hessians were completely routed by the Prussians who menaced Frankfort We are daily expecting to hear of a great bat tie, but to do justice to t&e Germans, we must say that they do not seem in a hurry to come to blows; but tbe unhappy Teutons already know the wretchedness of war, as all communications are interrupted, the rails taken up in several Tke Tennessee Legislature. This body, pursuant to Governor Brownlow 5 s call, convened in Nashville on the 6th instant. In the Senatorial branch twenty-one members answered to the call of their names, whena resolu tion was offered to appoint a committee to wait on the Governor and inform him that “the Senate is organized and ready to receive and consider any communication from him.” On adopting this resolution, the vote stood, 16 yeas, 5 nays, where upon the committee was appointed to wait upon the Governor, who responded soon in a message to that body, which in its unmitigated radical sentiments and recommendations is worthy only of a—Brownlow. The House branch had no quorum present, on ly fifty-one members answering to the call of their names. The following correspondence was read: July 5,1866.—Hon. William Heiskell, Speak er of the House: I submit herewith a corres pondence with Hon. M. E. W. Dunnaway, for such action as the Honse may deem proper in its efforts to procure a quorum. W. G. Brownlow. July 5,1866.—To Wm. G. Brownlow, Gov ernor of the State of Tennessee—Sir: Being de sirous of resigning my seat as a member of the House of Representatives, from the county of Bedford, in the absence of a quorum in that hon orable body, I hereby tender you my resignation of the same, to take'effect from the date hereof. M. E. W. Dunnaway. Executive Department, July 5,1866.—Hon. M. E W. Dunnaway—Sir: As it is evidently the design of your resignation to reduce the House below a quorum, and to break up the Legislature, the same-is not accepted. W. G. Brownlow. No action was taken on this correspondence. Tke Penitentiary. Five weeks ago, we made mention of the Peni tentiary and its inmates. In looking through it a few days since, we find that from 40 convicts the number has run up tc 90, rather a rapid in crease we should say. We find now 47 negroes, the rest white. Col. Anderson, the Principal Keeper, is wide awake with his mongrel crew, and no idle bread is allowed to be ate. He says that he never saw better hands to work than the negroes, and he has sometimes to tell them, that they need not go at such a rapid rate. No talk ing is allowed, and the novelty of the position they find themselves in, and the exercise of the paddle for violation of rules, acts as a wholesome stimulant to their muscles and brain. There is still a large quantity of debris to be removed, but is growing less every day. Col. A. is now building a smoke house, eating room and other buildings of absolute necessity. With a little aid from the State, he thinks that he could build freight cars and realize a profit, as he could work 100 men in that line of business. The tan yard is doing a good business, and as the leather is fit for use he intends to increase the number of workers in tbe shoe shop The steam engine will soon be in running order, and ma chinery up. A corn and tan bark mill will tlien be at work. It is also the intention of the keeper to turn his attention to the making of brick, and a number of hands will be pm to that work as a regular business. A number of the negroes display an aptitude in doing plain work with the saw, hammer, &c. The worse punishment of the negroes is that of forbidding them to talk; the same rule is also applied to the whites, and the Col. is under the impression that when his colored pupils gradu ate, they will be slow to return to his institution. We do not see why the building of cars and the manufacture qf shoes and tanning leather could not be made a profitable business; at least the State ought to be freed from expense in maintain ing the institution. An outbreak was planned a few days since by t wo ot the Yankee convicts—the two that robbed Col. Alexander, of Pike—the leader was shot some three weeks since in an attempt to escape, and as soon as he got well of his wounds, lie was ready for another attempt The plan was divulg ed and of course thwarted. We will at some future day again allude to the subject.—MUledge- vSle Recorder. places. Hundreds of families have to lament the absence of fathers, husbands, &c., called away to the Landerekr. Business is bad and almost dead, and what is even more deplorable, the cholera has come to make bad worse; it has made its appearance in Berlin, in Stettin, and in Prus sian Silesia. Italy’s declaration of war. On the 20th instant Victor Emanuel declared war upon Austria, after which he left Florence for headquarters at CrerSOna. The quadrilateral will be attacked in three or four days. The Italian army will commence operations on four different points at the same time. The Italian fleet will attack Venice. Cialdini, at the head of eight divisions, will try to pass the lower Po at Rougi. Victor Emanuel will attempt to get hold of the quadrilateral, whilst Garibaldi, at the head of his volunteers, will attack Trent, which is the key of tfie Tyrol. The army of Italy is better than is generally believed; the volunteers are the weakest part of the army. Garibaldi, it is said, is still suffering from his wound received at Asprimorite, and it is proba ble that this will be the last campaign of Gui seppe Garibaldi. TACITURNITY OF NAPOLEON HI. Our army, to be sure, is still on a peace footing, but this peace is very like the war footing of other nations. Our fleet is ready for every emergency. The head of our government, before risking an inch, wishes to be well prepared on land, and at sea. This undecided attitude very much pro vokes the war party round about tbe Emperor, of which Prince Napoleon is the leader. They observe that we are losing the best opportunity of making an ally of Prussia, and getting the borders of the Rhine which are so necessary to us. In fact, says the war^brtyjrif we wait until the Prussians ara beaten to intSpene, and if the Austrian troops are triumphant; our moral influence will be very much vanished in Ger many. If, on the other hand, the Prussians are victorious without our aid, it is not likely that they will quietly give ns up the Rhenish Pro vinces. I think the Emperor would have taken some decisive step had it not been for THE ATTITUDE OF RUSSIA AND ENGLAND. Russia, more than any other country, gives our Emperor much anxiety. After much hesi tation, the cabinet of St. Petersburg, notwith standing its professions of attentive neutrality seems more or less inclined to go a little further. Should France take a step, Russia will take two. On the other hand, the defeat of the Gladstone ministry in England may be the means of chang ing things on the other side of the channel. We may be said to be dancing on a volcano. There are five millions of armed men in Europe at the present moment. In the midst of this im broglio, home matters are entirely neglected; the Corps Legislatif is quite unheeded, and they can go on discussing the budget without let or hin drance. The clever speeches of the radical ora tor, Jules Favre, are sweetness wasted on the desert air. The evening newspapers are caught up with anxiety. The government has given orders to the unstamped press to make no mention of any military news coming from Germany. EIGHT MONTHS IN AMERICA. We have now naturally little time to devote to either literature or the drama. However, to a book by M. Duvergier de Lausanne, one ot those who the most contributed to the fall of the House of Orleans. It is curious to see with what acrimo ny the author speaks of the republican institu tions of the United States. He seems to think that there is too much liberty in the land of the Stars and Stripes. Still, M. Duvergier calls him self a liberal! This is the only literary work I have to mention. THE DEATH OF MERY. Our celebrated poet, novel writer and improvi- satore, the author of so many charming novels: La Guerre du Mizam and La Floride, to-wit, is no more. He expired a few days ago, at the age of 68. Mery, bora at Marseilles, could not live out of the sun’s rays. Whenever he showed himself on the Boulevards, Mery was sure to be there, basking in the sun all day long, at the Cafe de Madrid, and charming all those around him by his witty and lively sallies. He knew everybody—in eight days he will most likely be forgotten. “ Sic transit gloria mundi.” THE DUKE DE CHARTRES AND THE ITALIAN ARMY. A week ago the brother of one of the pretend ers to the French throne demanded to be admit ted to take a part in the coming war, in the army of Victor Emanuel. But as His Royal High ness had, during the year 1859, suddenly thrown up his commission in the Italian army, at the time that Cialdine invaded the Pontfical territory he has been met with a refusal. I hear it is Prince Napoleon who has secretly intrigued against the Prince. DION BOURCICAULT IN PARIS. All those who take anr interest in theatricals in Paris have some time been looking forward to the performance of Dion Bourcicault’s arrah na pogue, entitled Jean la Paste, which has taken the town by storm, as it is found, as regards plot aud scenery, very superior to the pieces we have had of late. Ladies’ fashion s. The bonnet which has for some time been dwindling to nothing, is a thing of the past.— What is now worn on the head by our Parisians, is about tbe size and shape of a piece of note pa per, and looks very much like tbe head dress worn by the Roman women, but on a smaller From the South era. Recorder. ^ Star Law. As noticed in onr last issue, Hon. A. H Ste phens jm Wednesday last, discused beforq the Supreme Court the constft of the^stay law.” Below we give htl main points .tnd reason ing. Gen. Cobb, replied, maintaining the uncoiisti- tutionality of the law; as will also be found his maia-points as argued. AS to who is right and who is wrong, we will patiently 'await the decision of the Supreme Court Mr. Stephens maintained, that the law post poning the period for the levy and sale of pro perty under execution, was of the nature of a statute of limitation, its constitutionality was to.he tested upon the same principles. If the time was reasonable and definite it could not be said to interfere with or impair the obligation of contracts.' This was a law regulating the re medy. The obligation of a contract is one thing, and the remedy another. The obligation of a contract is intrinsic in itself. It springs from its validity, with a proper interpretation of its terms under the laws regulating-contracts themselves, where it is made and not the laws regulating Judicial proceedings for holding parties to tbeir legal responsibilities for their breaches. The latter class of laws are known every where as the laws of remedy. These latter vary with every State or nation. They never enter into or become part of the obligation of the contract. The con tract is perfect in itself and travels with it under “lex lodcontractus” wherever it goes or in what- ever forum it seeks redress for a breach. He com- batted broadly and thoroughly the idea that the obligation of a contract included in the least de gree.the laws made to enforce them.. Strictly speaking, there is and can be no such thing as. enforcing contracts by Judicial proceedings of any sort. All that tlie courts and that class of laws known as remedies can do, is, to provide compensation for contracts broken before the courts or remedies are appealed to. The obliga tion of a contract is as counsel who had proceed ed him (Hon. Linton Stephens) had well stated, “ the liability which the law attaches to the terms used by the parties.” This liability or responsi bility; this “juris vinculum” as Judge Story styles it, or this “legal tie,” as the French term it, exists separately and distinctly in every valid contract without any reference or connection whatever with the laws or judicial proceedings instituted for the purpose of holding parties to their legal responsibilities for breaches of con tracts. Every perfect and valid contract has not only a legal unity but in the language of Story, a legal ubiquity of obligation; which could not be it the remedial laws of the place where it is made entered at all into the essence of its obli gation which by tbe Constitution of the United States no State can impair. Hence any dealing with the remedy, any change, in the language of Story, as to the “times and modes” of giving redress for breaches of contracts which does not impair this obligation as stated, does not come within the prohibition of the Constitution of the United States. The Legislature may say, that no suit shall be brought on a note after six years from its maturity. No one has ever contended that such an act impairs the obligation of the contract. The Legislature has equal right and power if they saw fit, to de clare by law that no suit should be instituted on promissory notes after two years from their ma turity, or one year, or any shorter time, provided it was reasonably long in the judgment ot the courts for parties interested, to look after their rights. Such action of the Legislature it is ad mitted on all sides, would affect notes made be fore, as well as after. It is also admitted, that such action would be constitutional. Well, if it is constitutional for the Legislature in providing remedies for broken contracts, to deny all remedy after six years, or two years, or one year to the holder of a note without impairing the obligation of the contract, is it not just as constitutional to provide that when parties come into court to seek redress for breaches of contracts, that an equally reasonable time shall be allowed, before final execution shall be awarded without impar- ing the obligation ot the contract ? That certain ly remains as intact by the Legislature in the one instance as the other. If the obligation is unim paired when all remedy is barred in the one case, equally so is it in the other when there is only a reasonable postponement of the compen sation awarded for its breach. We give but an outline of tbe argument of Mr. Stephens as we understood it. He spoke for upwards of two hours, and the main object of his speech, after settling the principles upon which he rested his case in a legal point of view, was, to show that the act of the Legislature was founded upon a wise and prudent policy. It look ed as much to the protection of the rights of creditors as debtors. If he was right in showing that this act of the Legislature fell properly within that class of laws as remedies, then he quoted Marshall’s remarks as’not only applicable but potent on tbe question, when he said: “ Without impairing the obligation of the con tract, the remedy may certainly be modified as the wisdom of the nation may direct.” He also quoted as pertinent and having great force on this question, in his opinion, tbe remark of Justice Johnson of the U. S. Supreme Court in a case where he said: “ The right then of creditors to the aid of the public arm for the recovery of contracts, is not absolute and unlimited, but may be modified by the necessities of society.” The policy of this act of the Legislature, Mr. Stephens vindicated at great length, and main tained that it was essential for the creditors as a class as it was for the debtors. Without it, or something like it, the obligation of the contracts of creditors as a class though perfect, would be almost worthless while under the provision of the act the obligation remain ing unimpaired, full compensation might be ob tained. Gen. Cobb held the act of the Legislature, call ed “ stay laws and installment laws, ” impaired the obligation of contracts, and consequently were unconstitutional and void. The true doctrine to be drawn from all the ar gument aud authorities he said, is this: That the Legislature had no authority to interfere witli the contracts of parties neither directly by changing them, nor indirectly by legislating on tbe mode ol enforcing them. The Legislature can, for the purpose of giving efficacy to contracts, and there by advance tbe ends ol justice, deal with the remedy; but this power can never be exercised with the view and for tlie purpose of relieving the parties from tlie legal effects of the contracts which they have voluntarily assumed. Where there is just cause of complaint by either party, that the existing remedy promised by tbe law fails to afford the benefit or relief to which he is entitled by his contract, he can call upon tlie Le gislature so to modify the remedy, as to furnish the benefit or relief to which his contract entitles him, and the Legislature can constitutionally re spond to such an appeal. But where the com plaint is not against the remedy which the law gives, but against the contract which the party has made, then there can be no constitutional re sponse to the complaint. Gen. Cobb quoted largely from tbe opinions of Judges Marshall and Story in defense of his po sitions. He argued in extenso that the Legisla ture of the State, impairs the obligation of con tracts. 1st. Because in the modification of remedies for the collection of debt, the collection of the same is so hampered with conditions and post ponements, as to greatly lessen their value, and almost renders the collection impracticable. 2d. Because it gave an unjust advantage to new over old creditors. 3d. Because it gives precedence to foreign over domestic creditors, as the former can collect their debts through the Federal courts, whilst the hands of the latter are tied up. For the Intelligencer. The UaWMcecfl Han. I was bora in the country, and nevter saw a city, town ,or village juntil I- was in my tenth yegr. I was said b^lfiy mother to have been a good child, and was always tailed a good boy. In allthe schools I,attended, I stood among the first of my class, and at college my standing as a scholar was good. Up to this period I may be stud to have been successful. Previous to gradu ating, however, the girls—yes, tlie girls—proved to be the first rock that I encountered in the wide ocean that was spread out before me. At night, instead of being at my room, poring over the pages of Homer, as some of the class— not all—were doing, I was seated by the side ol some Dulcinea, trying to make myself just as pleasant and agreeable to her as though she was the queen and I 6ne of her waiting boys. At length, a lassie about “bonnie eighteen” became so supremely fascinating that I lost my heart, and With it all relish for the quiet, severe studies in which I ought to have been engaged; Writ- ing love letters—which I took great pains to do neatly, tastily, correctly, and regularly—became now a part of my week’s work, to the neglect of my college duties. These letters, although they did not advance my position in tbe class,.set my claims before the lady addressed so favorably that she consented for me to become her “John Anderson, my Jo.” In that respect I was suc cessful, but I did not graduate with as high hon ors as my friends bad a right to expect of me. Not long after marriage, I entered an attorney’s office to fit myself for tlie practice of law. The attorney himself was more interested, just about that lime, in the election of the “Log Cabin and Hard Cider” candidate than he was in the dry details of legal studies, or the progress of his pupil; and the pupil himself, though foud of hard cider, was not particularly interested either in the study of law or the log cabin candidate. The company of the young wife—and she was a charming woman—had far greater attractions than the law office, and too frequently I found that I had stolen away from the office to spend a moment or two with her. I read a little in Blackstone, a little in Chitty, a little in Kent, and was admitted to the bar. After sitting in > front of the door of a village office for nearly twelve months, whittling sticks, reading the newspapers, and listening to the village pol iticians talk, I determined to forsake the honors ot the “greenbag.” This was a great mistake, and I name it as one of the er rors of my life—one of the rocks pictured on my chart of life. The reasons for coming to this resolution were these: My father had recently died, leaving his estate somewhat in debt; and I thought it advisable to take the management ot it myself. Besides, I was getting tired of the monotony of a law office that had so few visit ors in the shape of clients; and furthermore, I still had a desire for countiy life, where I could ride over the fields, shoot birds, hunt rabbits, and in my leisure hours stroll through the woods with my wife, pick blackberries, and read Gold smith’s “ Citizen of the World,” or Vicar of Wake field. This was far more agreeable to me than “Real Rights and Real Remedies.” In due course of time, the estate was divided, and, after deducting the indebtedness, but a small portion fell to my share. This small portion had to be still farther depleted to answer the demands of my own creditors, who by this time were getting rather “ pressing ”■ in their civilities to me, and thus the small portion finally left for me was so reduced that I saw very plainly—without the trouble of any mathematical education—it would be “root hog or die” with me. Up to this time, I had never known the value of money, and kept more horses, servants, dogs and buggeis than the law ot economy allowed. It is one of the hard est trials to a man, to come down from that style of living to which he has been accustomed; and I still had some dreamy notions of making some lucky adventure, by which I could replenish my slender income, and by which I would be ena bled to realize the otium cum dignitate of life. Slow, plodding industry, and a reduction of ex penses, were to me like bitter pills—a medicine which, if taken then, might have saved me from many an aching pain which afterwards had to be endured. This was another great error.— Stern necessity now drove me to do something, fill, avoid my errors; stick to one place Ami'to one business, and pursue it energetically. - 1 his " ill e j on wealth, and you will find ntont-y to be a great steppingstonh to^fenie. ^Hqw oflt^i have I seen old acquaintances of nviAe advanced to posts ol honor and profit, because they were in such pe- cuniary circmpstances as the positions they were called to fill required. Depend upon it, at the present day, success in any life must be the work of days ot toil and nights , .of patient thought— the one will reward you with gold, the other with that mental strength, which will most pro fitably employ your means for-jour. future wel fare. < ' i ISGKENOOK. ISMMchuteUf Teaching Sct-t+slon. General Rousseau, in liis speech in thej llou;e of Representatives ob'Clfe 11th inst., reminded the radical Congressmen who are thirsting for the punishment of-‘urbason a ml I In- blood ot “traitors,” of their own former asset lion of the right of secession ; and he di>l itrima xety foroi- ble manner. \Ve all know that,--up to the time of the triumph 1 iff the Blaeft- WpnbHoan party, there were more-threats .'of adissolution of the Union and expressions of vioathing and contempt for the Union, from the- public men of Massachu setts and their sympathizers throughout the North, than from all parties at the South. Gen. Rousseau reminded Congress and the country of this fact |n the following manner -CV»Imhus En quirer. We liave heard a great deal said about seces sion, and about its being a crime. I bold it to -be as much of a crime as other men do, but did the doctrine of secession originate, in the South ? Not at all ; it came from the verj- men who are now the bitterest and the thost proscriptive in this tbe time of the nation's- trouble; It comes from; the State ot Massachusetts—from -Josiah- Quincy and John Quincy. Adams—wly taught secession to the men of the South. . . Now, as long as John Quincy AffAlnS fiVed I was one of his warmest admirers. When I was a boy I was an '.‘Adams man,” and I admire him to this day, although in his latter days-he insisted upon the right ot secession, as did Josiah Quincy, and taught it to these people of the South. Yet I denounced secession and do now all the same. Let me read what John Quin cy Adams said in 1843 about secession : “We hesitate not to say that annexation (of Texas) effected by any act or proceeding of the Federal Governhient, or any ot its Departments, would be identical with dissolution. It would be a violation of our national compact., its ob jects, designs, and the great elementary princi ples which entered into its formation, of a character so deep and fundamental, and would be an attempt to eternize an institution and power of a nature so unjust to themselves, so injurious to the interest? and abhorrent to the feelings of the people of the'' free States; as in our bpinion-not only inevitably to result in a dissolution of the Union, but fully to justily it.” That, sir, .is from John Quincy Adams, in a document published by him and signed by him and nine other members of Congress at that time. He insisted upon the right of breaking up the Government if Texaswas annexed. Josiah Quincy started the same theory long- before on a question precisely similar. And I wish to read what he said on that subject. It is as follows : “If this bill passes (for the admission of Loui siana) it is my deliberate Opinion that it is virtu ally a dissolution of tbe Union ; that it will free the States from their moral obligations; and as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, definitely to prepare for a separation, amicably if they can, violently if they must.” That is an extract from Gales & Seaton’s Annals of Congress of 1810 aud 1811 ; and, strange to say, Mr. Quincy gives the very same reasons that the secessionists gave when tliej' began this effort to break up the Government— that when a contract was broken by one of the parties to it, of course the other party had a right to repudiate. He gave this reason : “Is there,” said lie* “a moral principle of pub lic law better settled or more conformable to the plainest suggestions of reason than that the violation of a contract by one of the parties may be considered as exempting the others from its obligations ?” There, sir, is the beginning of the doctrine of secession. A portion of the people of the South attempted to carry out this principle. We put it down; but let those who taught the doc- tride not insist upon too much castigation of others for well learning what they so taught. Confidence Game Extraordinary—Over Eight Thousand Stolen—Arrest and Re lease.—The Peoria National Democrat has the following account of a swindle which has re cently become known in that city: A roving band of gipsies had settled near Can ton, Fulton county, Illinois, and one of them, an old woman named Phillis Bosmer, had become acquainted with a Mr. Emery, who was laboring under some disease. She speedily won his con fidence to such an extent that he confided to her and I scraped together a few boys and girls of I all his business affairs. He even showed her the neighborhood, and took my seat among them as schoolmaster—a piney-woods schoolmaster. I went through the drudgery of teaching, but took so little interest in it that I believe the county jail would have been a preferable place. As a matter of course, the school did not pros per. At the end of the first month two or three of the scholars quit—that gave me an excuse to quit, and so ended the first chapter in school keeping. eight thousand six hundred and forty-two dollars, and believed her statements that by some myste rious black art conjurations she could double the sum, and was prevailed upon to give his consent to the trial. While Mr. Emery, in obedience to her request, had stepped for a moment from the room, the gipsey adroitly substituted a package of white paper for the roll of greenbacks and then left the house, first promising Mr. Emery to re turn in three days, when the money would have had time to double itself. Mr. Emery locked the package of paper carefully in his desk, not hav- . „ , , ing noticed the change, and waited patiently for After several months of idleness, or “ knocking | Wednesday. But Wednesday and Thursday about,” as some people call it, necessity—that has always ruled me like a tyrant—placed me back again in the school room, and told me to “ stay there.” Many of the brightest days of man hood have I spent there—some pleasant, some painful in the retrospect—still it was an error in my life that I ever taught school, because, the busiuess was always uncongenial to my taste and temperament. I need not add that I regard my self, as a teacher, an unsuccessful man, although I have been called a good teacher by many who have patronized me. At all events, I made but little money in that line of business, and yet was too poor to quit it. I once embarked in the steam mill business. Steam is a dangerous thing to fool with, but *0 make the thing a “ success ” I formed a partner ship with a man who was a small farmer,‘raising corn and goats principally, and with another who was a store keeper, dealing chiefly in eggs and chickens. Tbe trio were perhaps the “ greenest steamers ” that the world ever saw. We pur chased an engine—I forget the horse power of it —had it shipped to the designated spot, and after much vexatious delay, it was pronounced ready for sawing. In order to be at as little expense as possible, partner No. 3 thought it advisable to dispense with an engineer, and run the mill him self. I did not like the proposition, but as he passed, and no gipsy woman came; and then, growing somewhat alarmed, he examined the package, and at once discovered the deception. The matter was put into the hands of a detec tive, who soon found the woman, and she was taken to Fulton county, and, strangely enough, was put in the watch-house instead of the county jail. One of the officers of the calaboose, seeing the woman in the morning, and being informed by her that she was there for no offense, but simply as a lodger, he allowed her to leave. Since that time she has not been seen. Tbe whole affair is somewhat strange, and certainly does not reflect the greatest credit upon tbe care of Fulton county officers, or the discri mination of some of her citizens. The Richest Woman in America.—We take the following from the Hartford Courant, of the 28th ult.: The fickleness of fortune is well illustrated in the experience of a worthy family in this city, who have suddenly found themselves raised from that condition in society where people are said to live in “moderate circumstances” to the high est pinnacle of wealth. The facts are these : Mrs. Eli Walker, residing at No. 100 Maple ave nue, is a woman of English birth. Her husband (who is a machinist by trade) and herself have resided here for a number of years, and have several children. It was reported some months ago that a large property, valued at $35,000,000 had fallen to Mrs. Walker’s father, as a direct heir, and he being dead, that the whole amount belonged to her as his only child. - , „ Steps were at . _ , onc e taken to ascertain tlie truth of tills report, said that he had got all the “dots” about its I au< ? ex-Govemor T. II. Seymour was employed management from the man who put it up, I con- w'l j nVe ^ i ^ U '° D * 3 seated. It so happened that on the first day of fiS?^ItcSvS^ !££&%£%£ his engineering, several persons, among them I * lon that she will come in possession of this beginning with “mydear President' and calling ! ^ ™^ KoreWffTL . himself his open and avowed trienci. speaks of j member, that he has shut himself up in the fort- si- ress of CronsiadL Tlie whole of the present the wonderful favor that had crowned the Presi dent’s restoration policy. Of course the Dr. was wanting something. In this case it was tlie Col- lectorsliip of New York for a friend ot his. A letter from St. Petersburg reports that tbe scale. There are no longer any strings worn as Czar is in sucu tear of his lite since tbe discoverv ... 0 • - , . . ' v formerly; long ribbons are worn haDgmg down the back, and are called by tbe street boys, “ Fol- prescnt system of government is 10 be changed, and all the men ol the Milutyn party are to lie removed from the administration. The Czar will, it is said, soon go to Poland. low me home, sirs.” Between seven and eight tons of pickerel were taken from a pond in Roxbuiy, Maine, the j ; past winter. j There is no Southerner who will fail to re cognize the truthful beauty of the following touching incident. Between the negroes and their late owners, where the former have not been corrupted and their instincts perverted by grov elling association with Bureau agents and Yan kee school teachers, there exists a genuine and kindly sympathy, which not unfrequently takes the form of mutual and enduring friendship.— Nashville Gazette. On the day of the celebration in commemora tion of the Confederate dead, in Charleston, af ter tbe ceremonies had been performed and the crowd dispersed, a respectable looking colored woman was seen to linger behind, sit down up on a grave, bury her face in her hands and weep bitterly. A gentleman observing her, became very much interested With native kindliness of manner be addressed her and inquired tbe cause of her grief. Won by his sympathizing tone, she unburthened her heart to him in- alternate words and sobs. Tbe grave on which she sat was that of her former young master, who had been killed in battle during the late war. He had been her charge in his infancy and boyhood, and in his manhood he was her pride and her delight His deeds of gallant daring had been her boast, and it was the wish dearest to her heart to see him return victorious and honored to the home which he had fought to proteet. Heaven had decreed otherwise; and now while a con quered people did honor to the memory of their defenders, she, poor helpless, faithful woman, wept over the grave ot him to whom she had looked for protection and support in the days of her age and infirmity. Dalton and Jacksonville Railboad.— We are gratified to learn, as we do from a pri vate letter from George Wadsworth, Esq., En gineer on the Dalton and Jacksonville Railroad, that he left Rome for Jacksonville on the 21st ult., to prepare work on the road for contractors. W e trust before a great while the citizens of Dalton will hear the welcome sound of the engine whistle on this important route.—Dalton Geor gian. some ladies, had come to see the “ elephant”— having never seen a steam mill before. No. 3 raised his steam—raised it high. It puffed with energy. His pumps were started—they worked gracefully, bobbing up and down, like ducks in a mill pond. The saw went whizzing, like a school boy’s whirly-gig—the ladies were delight- mense property, and she, together with her hus band and children, will start for England next week to receive the golden egg. We congratulate Mrs. Walker and her family- upon their good fortune. She will be when iu lull possession of her property, the richest wo man in the United States. Rut she is said to be a woman of good sense, and will not place herself beyond the reach of those who have been her ed—No. 3 was at his post, looking as dignified friends during the years she has lived Imre ; al and elated as an old gander when his goose is on read £ w .® learn that it is her purpose to make- 1 ? n ? family at least, in whom she is interested independent of want; and we shall, probably' be called upon liearafter to chronicle other char- liable deeds which her generosity will prompt. the nest—-the “ niggers ” were standing round grinning—and the “ biler busted!” The crash was awful—the women screamed, the “ niggers ” ran, and the steam took possession of the premi ses. Nobody was hurt, for the “crevasse” was on the outside, but No. 3 declared that several brickbats passed his head, and would have hit him if he hadn’t dodged. When the chaotic steam cleared away it was ascertained that a large hole was in the boiler, the adjoining brick was knocked down, and several minor breakages. After an interval of a month or more, which time we had engaged an engineer, the null was again made ready for service. After the lapse of eighteen months or more, we sold out, the purchaser losing as much by it as we had lost I returned to the school room, No. 2 took to his goats again, and No. 3 went back Love Amid Ruins—Excavations at Pom peii.—Declarations of love are frequently seen on the walls of Pompeii, and both the style and then- orthography p»ve that they are written by all classes ot society. Some of them are satis fied with celebrating tbeir beloved one with verses, particularly from Ovid. There are also passages from poets whose works are lost, and some of the lover made the verses themselves. “May I die,” you read on a wall, “if I would be a God without thee I” Most of them speak in prose, and some times in tolerably barbarian prose. Some of the in scriptions declare love or wrath with great frank ness. “My dear Sava, love me, I pray thee 1 Nonio greets her friend Pagurus.” “Meta, the actress, loves Contu with her whole heart. Mav the Pompeian Venus be propitious to them, anil to the trade in eggs and chickens—wiser, if not * et them ever live in harmony!’ “Asselia, mavst — ! I thou wither ! n “Virimlio tn a richer man. There are very few men who will succeed at any kind ot business, without having some knowledge of the management of it No. 3 did think that he could manage steam, and to the last said that the boiler was made of rotten iron. He, however, never tried engineering again. And thus, through lite, as to wealth aud tame, I have been unsuccessful. Still hope cliDgs around me, as it did in the buoyancy of youth— “White M a white sail on a dnekv sea." When half the horizon’s clouded and half free. Fluttering between the don wave and the-sky- la Hope’s last gleam tn man’s eternity.” thou wither! ” “Virgulia to Tenius: Thou art too ugly for me.” Only in one inscription does a husband express love for his wife; another re veals the whole of a little romance. A poor lover, deserted by his fair o»e s finds her again after having long searched fox her, and writes on the house where she lives: “There she is, there she is, no more doubt as to this.; Romuia lives here with a rascal.” A Goon One.—Brooklyu, New York, has a Mayor who is one of a thousand. Tlie City Council having passed a resolution to raise liis. salary from $3,000 to $5,000, the Mayor—the Hon. Samuel M. Booth—has vetoed it 1