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-jut t'YO'K . “ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”—Jefferson. VOLUME XVIII. ATLANTA. GA., WEDNESDAY, JULY 18,1866. UMty jBtelligtufer. PUBLISHED DAILY AND WEEKLY BY JARED IRWIN WHITAKER, I’roprlcto r. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, Wednesday, July 18, 1866. WASHING TON CORRESPONDENCE. LEiTER FROM “INSIDE. Don't I'lndorMe It. Our esteemed cotemporary of the Atlanta Intelligencer—to whom our thanks are due for the kindly manner in which we were lately mentioned—is informed that this paper does not endorse this call for a “ National Union” Con- vention—that,on the contraty.it is entirely there to opposed—and that an article seemingly to the contrary appearing in our columns a few days ago was a selection, and appeared wholly with out our knowledge or consent, by one of those eventualities that sometimes occur in journalistic lire Will our esteemed cotemporary set us right, therefore, in this matter, ami, should his opinion coincide with our own, strike hands with us in opposition to this new rendition of a stale old farce ? We clip the foregoing from last Sunday morn ing's Augusia Conxtttutionalixt. Our esteemed cotemporary has ere this, in till probability, no ticed that we took the earliest opportunity of “setting it right” Iwfore our readers, and that they were all made cognizant of the Constitu tionalist's position, in regard to the Philadelphia Convention, ere its request had reached us. In all truth and sincerity we beg leave to as sure our Augusta eotemporary that we deeply regret, in its patriotic efforts to serve the South, that it. has thought proper to oppose Georgia’s lying represented in the projiosed National Con vention. VVe ask it will such opposition succeed and prevent the Stale’s being represented v We think not, and so viewing the “situation,” we had hoped that the Press of the State would have been a unit, and that its etlorts would have been di rected, iu the selection of delegates, to the nomina tion of Georgia’s most discreet and patriotic sons. The folding by the people of tlie South of their arms, and the rejection by them of the invitation of their democratic and conservative Northern friends to meet and counsel together with direct relerencc to the principles embraced in the Con gressional Address, simply because in the orig inal call terms are used of an equivocal nature, and may he offensive terms, we respectfully sub mit to our eotemporary, is an unwise policy.— Take the Northern and Western press—we mean that portion ol it especially which has waged gallant warfare against the Radical party, and which, like tlie News and the World upon the is suance of the original rail, opposed the move ment—and see how grttcefaily they grounded their opposition, when the address of the con gressional conservative republicans and de mocracy made its appearance. Will the press of the South—will that of Georgia—now mnr the policy of our Northern friends? Will it throw obstacles in the way of the President, who, through the proposed Convention, and the influence its action will exercise throughout the land, hopes at last to triumphantly succeed in his great work of reconstruction, securing to the Southern States their constitutional rights in a restored Union ? We trust not. We are not of those that think the South has nothing to do in the great work of restoration. She has a great deal to do. She has to manifest her obedience to the laws and her acqniesence in good faith to the terms of the amnesty granted to her people by the President. And she owes to those who have hat tied so manfully to save the several Stat es from being reduced to mere provinces, and her people from the degraded condition to which radical republicanism would consign them, that she appreciates their effortsand will sustain them in their coming struggle with the radicals. Well may the friends of the South in the North and West, in the event of its rejection of their invita tion to be represented in the Philadelphia Con vention, exclaim— •* If that’s the way you I nick your friends, A plague upon such hacking.” In such an event, what a triumph it would be to our radical foes! IIow they would gloat over it ! How fiendish would he their exultation !— But this will not be so. Georgia and every Southern Slate will be represented in the Phila delphia Convention. And we therefore appeal to those who are indisposed to second the move ment not to throw unavailing obstacles in the way, but to give aid in the selection of proper persons to represent an ancient and good old commonwealth in thnt body when it convenes. our Southern people; that it was intended to apply to those only who had never resisted the Federal authority.* W e do not believe that such was the intention of those who inaugurated this movement.— Neither do we believe that the originators of the Convention would like to see represented 6 tlie iron ' ola(1 ! ident Johnson will visit Chicago on the ocaasion test oath. On the contrary, we have good reason . . . , , < ^ to believe that the truly conservative men of the j ikying of the corner stone of the Douglas North and West, desire that we should send men j Monument. I am prepared to confirm the truth to the Convention who would truly represent 1 of the report. The time has not yet been set- Washtsgton City, July 9, 1866. THE PRESIDENT’S VISIT TO CHICAGO. A report has already been circulated thatPres- the sentiment of the Southern people at'this time.— Loyal men are those who are true in their alle giance to the Constitution of the United States and the laws passed in pursuance thereof; those who abide by and sustain the lams of the land.— Those who do not in good faith accept the pres ent situation with the determination fully to con form to the principles of the Constitution and obey the laws, are excluded in the call from par ticipation in the proposed Convention. None others in our judgment are excluded. The following paragraph from our Washing ton letter of the 2d inst., shows that we are right in our interpretation of what is meant in the call by the term loyal. Our correspondent is, we know, in a situation at Washington which ena bles him to speak by the card in what he says of the President’s position: “A report is being circulated that it is expected that the Southern States will send none but men who can take the test oath to the Philadelphia Convention. Such is not the case. The South is invited to send her best and most discreet men, provided they sustain the policy of him whom Tennessee sustains—‘Our Andy.’ ” From au article in the Mobile Advertiser & Register headed “The Constitutional Conven tion,” and iu which the editor advises that the South be represented in the Phiiadephia Con vention, we extrac t the following, which we most cordially endorse: “We think that it will not admit of dispute that if the South is represented in the body, it should be by men who truly represent its present feelings and principles. There is little difficulty in as certaining what these are. He who deserted her iu her sore tribulation, and has now an iron-clad stomach capable of swallowing and digesting the iron-clad oath, and he who, now that the war is over, is too passionate and unreasonable to appreciate the public exigencies, and to .accept the logic of events, tire equally unfit to represent this people. Her true exemplars are those who were faithful to her in her fiery trials of strug gle, and have the wisdom to see that, now that they have ended in defeat, her policy and duty in the discretion of an enlightened and enlarged statesmanship, point her to the earliest restora tion ol her political relations with her former con federates of the Constitutional Union.” Tlie National Convention. The Columbus Enquirer, of the 10th instant, says of the proposed Convention at Philadelphia, that it has “been shown private letters concern ing this Convention from two of the most distin guished and honored politicians of Georgia.— One of them—a statesman of great political sa gacity—strongly urges the sending of delegates from Georgia. The other thinks that we ought to adhere to tiie policy of the President, and that if President Johnson favors the Convention we ought by all means to be represented in it. At the time of the writing of his letter, it was not as well known as it now is that the movement has the hearty approval of the President. " District Conventions are already called in sev eral of the Congressional Districts of Georgia, and, as it is hut about a month to the time of the assembling of the Convention, it is time that the people of this District were giving the subject their attention. While our own impression is decided Unit we ought to send delegates, we would rather go unrepresented than that a minor ity favoring it should call a meeting and appoint them. Let it be understood, therefore, that the meetings are not held for the foregone purpose ot selecting delegates, but rather to take the matter into consideration and to act as to the majority may seem best. Will some one suggest a day tor a count} meeting, or for a preliminary meet ing, or for a preliminary consultation." “ A call has been issued in Alabama for the assembling of a convention at Selma, on the 2d of August, to appoint delegates to represent that Slate. The call is numerously signed. The names of ox Governors Parsons and \Y atts, and Hons. Alexander White and George S. Houston (.Senators elect) are proposed as delegates for the State at large. We also notice in the last Mont gomery papers a call tor a meeting in that Dis triet, to be held at Montgomery on the first of August, for the purpose of appointing delegates. This rail is signed by T. J. Judge, J. D. l'liel.-tD, Wade Keyes, 8. F. Rice, A. J Walker, and other politicians of all former parties.” ” We learn (.not having seen the announcement in a newspaper! that delegates for the State of New York have already been selected, and that among them are Millard Fillmore, Washington Hunt. Benjamin and Fernando Wood,aud Eras- ius Brooks. These are sufficient to assure the people of the South that they will meet in the Convention men of the North who are disposed to stand by the principles of the Constitution, and to unite with us in resistance to all the rad- j, ,t pLms for our degradation and oppression." In the Augusta Chronicle d- Sentir.A. of Tues day last, we notice the following article, headed ••Who are Loyal Men?” There scenis to lie some difference of opinion among the Southern peopl <>f the term “loyal men. The National Union Convention. Commenting upon the suggestions made by this journal some days ago, the Savannah News says: Heartily concurring, as we do, in the views and sentimeuts above expressed, we suggest that uo time should be lost in taking initiator}" steps to secure a full and able representation of our State in the proposed Convention. In further ance of the suggestion of the Intelligencer, we propose that a meeting of the citizens of Chatham he held at an early day,to appoint del egates to a District Convention, to be lield at Blackshenr, or some other accessible and central point, and to invite I lie counties composing this Congressional District to send delegates to said Convention, and also to designate the time for the meeting ot the same. Neither the South nor the country at large litis anything to expect from the party who now control the Congress, and who are only restrain ed by the opposition of the President from de stroying the Constitution as they have destroyed the Union. Passing dead issues and questions decided by the war, it is believed that there is yet enough of common interest felt by the con servative masses of both sections ot the country in the preservation of the forms and guarantees of civil liberty, to induce them to stand together for the defense of the rights of the States and the principles ot the Federal Constitution.— The proposed Convention is an appeal from a corrupt and faithless faction iu Congress to the high court of the American people. In entering this court for the maintenance of the true princi ples of the Government, the people of the South make no surrender or compromise of those prin ciples, while a refusal on our part to enter the Convention to which we are invited, would be to let our cause and the cause of free government go by default. By churlishly rejecting the over ture that has been made, albeit not in such terms as we could desire, we will effect uo good, while by giving our confidence and support to those who are arousing in defense of their own liber ties, we may, in the re-establishment of the Con stitution, regain much that we have lost. For one, we look not so much at the terms of the in vitation as we do to the great principles involved, and which are the true basis of the conflict be tween the convendonists and the radical despot ism under whose reckless misrule the country is groaning, and which threatens the destruction of the last vestige of constitutional government. The suggestions referred to in the foregoing, embraced two propositions, to-icit: First, That each Congressional District shall, at as early a day as practicable, hold a conven tion which shall nominate two delegates to said National Convention. Second, That the delegates so nominated, shall soon thereafter, at the call of the delegates from the First Congressional District, meet at some central point in the State, and nominate the four delegates for the State at large. The.nY.Nf proposition we need not again urge, for the reason that meetings are being called in the several Congressional districts, which we have no doubt will be held, and delegates to the Philadelphia Convention appointed in each. With regard to the second propositi on, it was made with the knowledge that the Governor would decline to nominate the delegates, as orig inally suggested bv the Macon Journal if Mes senger. Nor were we then, nor are we now, dis posed to leave the nomination of delegates for the State at large to the press, as suggested by our eotemporary, the Chronicle & Sentinel; not that we object to either of the gentlemen named by that paper, but because the mode of nomina tion did not, and does not, leave the people of the State any voice in the matter, either through their representatives in the several districts, or themselves. The Governor possibly may consent to nominate delegates for the State at large, if the several district conventions request him to do so; otherwise, we continue to respectfully urge that the district delegates make these nominations.— The time is short, and the manner of nominating for the State at large should be determined ere the Congressional districts meet in convention. We therefore submit it again to the press of the State. Shall the district conventions request the Governor to make the nomination ; or shall the delegates appointed by the district conventions do so ? “Tlie Sober Second Thought.” The Augusta Constitutionalist still zealously opposes the appointment of delegates, by Geor gia, to the Philadelphia Convention. In its zeal it indicates in a recent article, that “ the sober tied by the committee having charge of the mat ter, for the reason that the President cannot leave the seat of government while Congress is in session. As his Excellency is a bold, out spoken man, you may expect to hear the notes of opposition to sectionalism and radicalism sounded in a much clearer key even than in his memorable 22d of February speech. The times demand courageous speaking and brave actin, and Andrew Johnson is the man for such times,- and the multitudes of devoted followers of the late great leader of the Western Democracy are the men to appreciate his warnings. SEWARD THE ORATOR OF THE DAY. There is now no longer any doubt that Mr. Secretary Seward has positively consented to act the part of orator of the day on tlie occasion al ready alluded to. During his entire time in the United States Senate, William H. Seward was the leading Northern opponent of Stephen A Douglas. They always cherished a high per sonal regard for each other, and I predict the sequel will prove that the committee acted wisely in devolving the honorably sacred duty of pay ing proper tribute to the memory of the father of the young American school of politics, on the father of the Republican party of the North.— It will be a gratifying spectacle to see Mr. Sew ard and his proselytes uniting with the followers of the late “Little Giant,” swearing fealty to a restored Union of equal States, and eternal en mity to latter day Radical aggression over the grave of the latter. From the facts I have just stated, taken in connection with liis late letter to the Tamany So ciety in New York, and his active part in getting up the proposed Philadelphia Convention, the South need no longer have any doubt of Seward’s intention to_“ tote fair” in the future. RASCALLY MEXICAN BUSINESS IN CONGRESS. The proposition to guarantee the payment of $50,000,000 as a loan to the Liberal party in Mexico has been revived in Congress, by that old snapping turtle from Ohio, Ben. Wade. The lobby ists here inform me that they have a sufficient number of noses counted to secure its passage through the Senate, as well as the House. There is quite an obstacle iu the latter body, however, in the person of N. P. Banks, of Massachusetts; chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, who is understood to oppose it, and who has thus far succeeded in smothering the proposition in the committee, and refusing to report on it. The dodge now is to pass the resolution through the Senate, send it to the House for concurrence, and then make the fight on the question of re ference to Banks’ committee—the friends of the loan will oppose its reference and insist on taking a vote direct on concurrence, or non-concurrence with the Senate, and they will probably suc ceed. One lobby member informs me it this busi ness gets through Congress he will realize the snug little sum of one hundred thousand there-, by. It is sickening to witness the profligacy of this Congress, and then to remember the terrible condition of the people of the South. Here is a Congress claiming to legislate for thirty-six States, although eleven of these States are not represent ed, with a knowledge that the nation is now burdened with a debt almost defying the powers of computation, deliberately throwing away fif ty millions of dollars for the benefit of a band of Mexican Greasers, who are as notoriously incapa ble of self-government as the majority of the pres ent Congress are unsuited to occupy seats once occupied by Clay, Webster, Benton, Bell, Cal houn, Douglas and Johnson. The only consola tion—and it is a good one indeed—is, that our condition cannot be made much worse than it has already been, and is now; and that such reckless extravagance, accompanied by the unre lenting tax gatherer with his inexorable demands, will one day arouse the indignation of the North, and then—well, “ what goes over the devil’s back is bound to come under his belly.” THE ROUSSEAU DIFFICULTY Still attracts a great deal of attention from persons of all shades of political opinion. It will not be brought up for the act ion of the House until the tariff bill is disposed of. One thing is clear, two-thirds will not vote for expulsion, and it is just as certain that he will be censured it the question is brought to a vote. The General has not determined whether or not he will resign it censured. I judge the whole matter will be leit with his friends. Many of them take the posi tion that the censure of this rump officer carries no disgrace with it., and that he should not do as did Preston S. Brooks, some years since. Cer tain middle men are endeavoring to stave off any action on the question, with some probability of success. AU sides admit that the Rev. Grinnell’s boast, that he “was a mau before he was a min ister,” justified Gen. Rousseau iu supposing that he would fight; and all likewise testify that cow ardice is not one of the vices of the Louisville member. B. H. HILL. Ben. Hill is here, and was at the White House this morning. I understand that he desires the extension of his parole, which request will be readily granted. Judge Erskine was also here a day or two since. THE HOT WEATHER Has almost prostrated the President. He was not able to see one-half those who desired inter views to-day. FROM HOOSIEKDOM. There was no State North, during the war, where the South had bolder sympathizers, or more determined enemies, than Indiana. Advi ces, however, from that State are very cheering for the administration at this time. I have just had a conversation with two distinguished gen tlemen, who made more speeches for Lincoln and Johnson in 1864, and as able ones, as were made in the State, who assure me that they will carry the tall elections. The Johnson Unionists hold a convention on the 17th, and wUl appoint half the delegates to the Philadelphia Conven tion—leaving the other half to the Democracy. This arrangement I understand to be satisfactory to such gentlemen as the Hon. D. W. Yoorhees, and others. The Johnson Union men comprise the fighting portion of the Republican party.— NUMBER 28. i Sharpe’s Magazine. My Own Haee. .4 Rhyme for all Good Men and : 1Yue. Whoever I am. whatever my lot— Whatever I happen to be. Contentment and Duty shall hallow the spot That Providence orders for me; No covetous straining and striving to gain One feverish step in advance— I know my own place anifyau tempt me in vain To hazard a change and a chance ! I care for no riches that are not my right. No honor that is not my dne; But stand in my station by day or by night. The will of my Master to do'. He tent me my lot. be it humble or high. And set me my business here; And whether I live iu His service, or die. My heart shall be found in my sphere! If wealthy, I stand as the steward of my King, the'friend of my Lord, If poor, as .. , If feeble, my Royers and ray praises I bring, If stalwart, my pen or mv sivord. If wisdom be-m'ine. I wiH cherish His gift. If simpleness, bask in His love. If sorrow. His hope shall my spirit uplift. If joy, I will throw it above ! From the Augusta Chronfcle Jfc Sentinel, The Convention. I The following letter, from one of the most ex perienced and conservative of Southern states- men, and one in whom the people of Georgia , have heretofore most confidently relied in times I of difficulty and trial, we take pleasure in pre- I seating to our readers. Although entirely pri- j vate, and intended only for the eye of the gen- | tieman to whom it was written, we feel assured ! that we will be forgiven lor this partial breach of j confidence in giving publicity to its contents.— | We wish that we could give the name of the ■ writer, but the confidence of private correspond- > ence forbids it at present. I It will be seen that the distingnished write? is j in favor of the South’s being represented in the i Philadelphia Convention. Since this letter was | written we have received the address of the ; Democratic members of Congress endorsing the ' call for the Convention and urging the propriety of a full representation from the Southern States, The good that it jrieaaea my God to bestow. I gratefully gather and prize. The evil—it can be uo evil, I know. But only a good in disgojge ; And whether my station be lowly or great. No duly can ever be mesa; The factory-cripple is fLxedln his fate As well as a King oi From the National Intelligencer. The Oldest Newspaper In America, and Oldest Newspapers In General. The Newport Mercury, in its last issue, com memorates with just pride that with that num ber it enters upon the one hundred and eighth year of its existence, the paper having been es tablished in 175S. General Peter Force’s library library contains files of this paper, commencing in 1702, which seems, from the editorial remarks in the last number of the paper, to be many years earlier than the date of any copy ot the paper within the reach of its present conductors. The paper was considerably enlarged in 1762, and was then printed on a sheet 144 by 19 inches, with the following as its heading: “The New port Mercury : Containing the Freshest Adeices, Foreign and Domestic.” With what authority the Mercury, however, assumes to place under its caption, in large type, the words, “The oldest paper in America,” we are not able to understand, though we are aud which we published in our issue of yester- j very glad that our excellent Rhode Island co- temporary should wear that honor if entitled to For Duty’s bright livery With brotbefr- ' mg or .Qapn! es all Ibejmg, as ch That places i t places aa where 1 A servant—thp badge of t As a jewel invested by 1 A monarch—vein ember tt. Much service, where so i 1 free, fcvenly call, Dala be; ’ servitude shines •ven; justice assigns “ch is given! Away then with “helpings? that humble and harm, Though “bettering” trips from your tongue; Away! for your folly wouliLscatter the charm That round my proud poverty hung: I felt that I stood like a mfri at my post. Though peril aud hardship were there. And all'that your wisdom would counsel uc most Is—“Leave it;—do better elsewhere.” If “better” were better indeed, and not “worse,” I might go ahead with thereat. But many a gain and a joy is a curse, Aud many a grief for the beet. No !—duties are all the advantage I use ; I pine uot for praise or for help, And as for ambition, I carepot to choose My better or worse for myself! I will not, I dare not, I cannot I—I stand Where God has ordained me to be. An honest mechanic—or lord in the land— He fitted my calling for me. Whatever my fate, be it weak, be it strong. With honor, or sweat, off'my face, This, this is my glory, my strength, and my song, I stand, like a star, in jit flack. second thought ” of the Southern press is sus taining its cause. It is upon this ” soier second j One of them remarked to-day, in conversation, thought ” we rely. We have yielded to its influ- that “those who employed substitutes during the cnees, and so have very many ot our people, aud war are now making a devil of a fight against very many presses, North and South. The Con- j rebels on their own book.” “Ransey Sniffle” stitnUonali.4 will have to erase from the list it ! still lives publishes, of papers entertaining its views, names | pardons. every day until, we feel satisfied, it will be left i ^ le President has issued orders for the issu- almost a’ionc in opposition to the movement.- j ance of P ardons to ^ applicants under the thir- We suggest to it now that it should strike off the * t€enth exception. Mobile^Advertiser J- Register, as well as the New to the meaning It is feared by some used iu the call tor the Era, of this city. Well it is that 11 sober second thought” is prevailing. Our AYashington City correspondent, in liis letter published t«»-day. in dicates to us that “ sober second thought ’’ has prevailed in Indiana, which State will be repre sented iu tlie Convention by six democrats^ and six conservative republicans—the patriotic Yoor hees approving the same. We thank thee, that these words .... Philadelphia Convention, in a sense which would brother of the Constitutionalist for these words exclude from representation the great body of. the sober second thought ! This being the case, those who have not already applied should do so at once, for, as Gen. Etheridge, of Tennessee, says, “ The late Confederate who has his pardon in his pocket, has one more title to his land than the Southern Union man, because, under the Thad. Stevens theory, that the States are out, the prop erty of the unpardoned Union man can be con fiscated for an alleged crime in which he was not in his own person guilty. Inside. Wit and Justice In Missouri. It is well known that some of the Judges in Missouri are very reluctant to enforce the law against ministers of the gospel for exercising their profession without having taken the test oath, and avail themselves^ of every pretense to discharge those who are accused. We tell the following tale as ’tis told to us, vouching for nothing: Three ministers charged with the crime of preaching “the glorious gospel of the Son of God,” were arraigned before~a Judge. They were regularly indicted, and it was understood that the proof against them was very clear. “Are you a preacher?” said the Judge to one of them. “ Yes, sir,” replied the culprit. “ To what denomination do you belong ? ” • “ I am a Christian, sir. ’ (With dignity.) “ A Christian! What do you mean by that ? Are not all preachers Christians ? ” “I belong to the sect; usually called, but wrongly called, Campbellites.” (Not so much dignity.) | “Ah! Then you believe in baptizing peo ple, in order that they may be born again, do you?” “ I do, sir. ” (Dignity-) “Mr. Sheriff, discharge that man! He is an innocent man! he is indicted foi preaching the gospel, and there isn’t £ word of gospel in the stuff that he ureacheL^ it’s only some of Alexander Campbell’s nonsense: Dicharge the man.” , f< Exit Campbellite, greatly rejoicing. “Are you a preacher?” said the Judge ad dressing the next criminal. “ I am, sir, ” said the miscreant. “ Of what denomination are you ? ” “ I am a Methodist, sir,” (His looks showed it.) “ Do you believe in falling from grace ? ” “ I do, sir. ” (Without hesitation.) “ Do you believe in sprinkling people, in stead of baptizing them ? ” “ I believe that people can be baptized by sprinkling. ” Much offended.) “ Do you believe in baptizing babies? ” “ It is my opinion, sir, that infants ought to be baptized. ” (Indignantly.) “Not a word of scripture for anything of tlie kind, sir!” shouted his Honor. “Mr. Sheriff, turn the man loose! He is no preacher of the gospel! The gospel is the truth, and there isn’t a word of truth in what that man teaches! Turn him loose ! It’s useless to indict men on such frivolous pretenses! Turn him loose! ” Methodist disappears, not at all hurt in his feelings by the judicial abuse he had received. “What are you, sir?” said the Judge to the third criminal. “ Some people call me a preacher, sir. ” (Meekly.) “What is your denomination?” “ I am a Baptist. ” (Head up.) His Ilouor’s countenance fell, and lie looked very sober and staid. After a pause be said : “ Do you believe in salvation by grace ? ” “ I do. ” (Firmly.) “ Do you teach that immersion only is bap tism ? ” “ That is my doctrine. ” (Earnestly.) “ Aud you baptize none but those who believe iu Jesus Christ ? ” “That is my taith aud practice. ” (With em phasis.) “My friend, I fe$r it will go hard with you ; I see you are indicted for preaching the gospel, aud it appears t6 me that by your own confes sion you areguiltv.” Baptist looked 5 pretty blue. “May it please your Honor, ” said t]>e Bap tist’s counsel, springing to his feet, “ that man never preached the gospel. I have heard him say a hundred times that he only tried. I have hear him try myself. ’’ “ Air. Sheriff, discharge this man ! He’s not indicted for trying. There’s nothing said about the mere effort! ,Let him go, sir! Turn him loose! Send him about his business! I am as tonished that the State’s attorney should annoy the court with frivolous indictments. Exit Baptist, determined to “ try ” again. Court adjourned. “God save the State and this Honorable Court! ” exclaimed the Sheriff. “Amen!” said the three preachers. This action of the Democratic leaders fixes, it seems to us, the duty of the Southern States to be represented in the Philadelphia Convention, we hope and trust that we shall have no division amongst ns on this question. The objectiohs which have been urged by someot the Southern press against the co-operation of our people in this movement, have been fairly and fully met in the following letter of our gifted aud esteemed correspondent. We have seen no one who was willing to endorse and accept all that is contained in the original call for the Convection. The main object of the Convention, the people of tlie South are most deeply interested in. They are, by the dominant party in Congress, denied all participation in the government while they are subjected to all the burdens and obligations which are imposed upon the States that have a voice in the National Legislature. We are held as conquered provinces, without rights, except such as are dependent upon the bare will of the llnmp Congress. Tlie President has labored faithfully to restore us to our constitutional rights and obligations.— In this he has been warmly supported by the Democrats and Conservative Republicans. They have not been able as yet to defeat the mad schemes of the Disunionists. This failure lias arisen mainly from want of organization. This want, it is now determined, shall be overcome by the inauguration of a great National party, whose leading and distinctive principle is the rights and equality of the States under the Con stitution of the United States. Shall we not join with our whole hearts in this great and good work? But to the letter. “ July 3d, 1866. “ My Dear Sir. do so. A Story of John Phcenix.—A California pa per tells the following of Lieutenant Derby, “John Phoenix,” the humorist: “One evening at the theatre, Phoenix observed a man sitting three seats in front whom he thought he knew; he requested the person sitting next to him to punch the other individual with his cane. The polite stranger did so, and the disturbed person turning his head a little he discovered his mis take—that he was not the person he took him for. Fixing his attention steadfastly on the play, and affecting his unconsciousness of the whole affair, he left the man with the cane to settle with the other for the disturbance, who, being wholly without an excuse, there was, of course, a ludi crous and embarrassing scene, during all of which Phoenix was profoundly interested in the play. At last the man with the cane asked, rather in- dignantlv: “Didn't you tell me to punch that man with my stick ?” “Yes.” “And what did you want ?” “I wanted to see -whether you would punch him or not” An Unfortunate Scotchman.—A Scotch man had reason to perform a journey to London. Beside him in the train .was a fellow-passenger with whom he enteied into conversation, and anon the twain became quite intimate. During a pause in the conversation, the gentleman reach ed back his hand in the direction of the pocket of his swallow-tail coat, saying: “I believe we must have snuff.” On this, Sawnie, by a series of vigorous blows, immediately proceeded to set his nose in order for the reception of the titillating beverage; but, after thoroughly searching all his pocketsin vain, the gentleman was at last obliged to conclude he had unfortunately forgotten his snuff-box on leav- j mg home. With the most utter disraaj on his countenance, Sawnie, on hearing the an nouncement, cast a reproachful look at the stran ger, exclaiming: “My God, man, what made ye dee that ? I had as much in my nose as would hae kerried me to Lunnud!” “The language of the call is not such a3 I would liave used to answer the same object which I think was intended. But it is no time with us to stickle too much on words where the meaning and intent may he matter of doubt. The worst feature iu the programme is the principle to be acknowledged by all the delegates to the Con vention of the indissolubleness of the Union and the non-existence of any right anywhere to put. au end to its perpetuity. But I take it, the meaning of this is simply that secession is aban doned ; and the whole programme on that point is equivalent to an acceptance of the Constitu tion and the Union as it was originally accepted. The Constitution aud the laws made in pursu ance thereof, are to be the supreme law of the land, and for all time, just as it was originally accepted—nothing more and nothing less. Tlie right of secession I take it has been abandoned. But nothing in this programme, I imagine, could be intended to cover any future arrangement that might he made by consent of the parties. Most treaties that are made, are by their terms to be perpetual, and yet it has never been considered a violation of faith on either side, to change, alter or modify them by the consent of the parties. The objection to the word loyalty in the call is by.no means an insurmountable one tome. I have before given you my views very fully on this word. It is as distasteful to me, as com monly used, as it can be to any one. But the word is with us—we cannot exterminate it, and our course towards it should be to give it the only proper and legitimate meaning that it is en titled to in our institutions—that is, being true to plighted faith—true in devotion to the principles of the Constitution. When the rains have fallen, and the floods are threatening to sweep away not only the dam, but the mill-house too, it is worse than folly for the proprietor to stand with folded arms grumbling and cursing the elements—the dictates of duty and common sense in such a situation, is to put forth all exertions promptly, so to direct the current as that it may do as little mischief or damage as possible. • So I think we should now do with this \fford loyalty, especially as wc ourselves—I mean our own people and press—did as much to give it currency in its obnoxious and detestable sense as the people and the press of the North did. When this illegimate and improper use of the word was first introduc ed amougst us, I warrgd as sternly and fiercely agaiust it then as now. I endeavored to teach our people that loyalty with us could only mean fidelity to the Constitution, and not to a dynasty, or men in power, or any bare administration of the government. In its proper sense it is a word of good import witli us. It signifies true and noble qualities, and in this sense I am not asham ed and do not feel the least reluctance in' declar ing myself as loyal as the loyslest. In fidelity to the principles of the Constitution ot the United States I yield to no man living or dead. “ But enough of a 1 this. The conclusion of the whole matter is this: I still think that we should favor the call of the Constitution, and should send delegates to it unless some disclo sures should be made showing that the real ob jects are not such as I am now inclined to think they are. * * * * We ought as a people to meet the Conservative element at the North in common council on their invitation, if the object be, as it seems to be, to favor the immediate ad mission to their seats of members of Congress from the South who stand pledged in good faith to support the Constitution of the United States, and who will give the only constitutional test of such loyalty—their oath on entering upon the discharge of their duties to support the Consti tution. * * * * I am very anxious to see how this call is responded, to by the Democratic press of the North. If the Democratic party at the North generally favor the movement and go into it, much good may, I think, come of it. But if the Democracy do not go into it generally, I am satisfied that but little good can be made of it, and it will not matter much whether the South is represented in it or not—our main hope now, as it was before the war, is with the Democratic organization of the North. Outside of that, our friends and the true friends of constitutional lib erty in the North are few and fur between. * * I write in great haste, but you will, I tr st, un derstand me. While I do not at all approve tlie exact language of the call, and think it might have been greatly modified with the same object in view, yet I look upon this as but the covering —the shell of a germ within, which, if properly and wisely matriculated and manipulated, ,may be brought to vegetate and bring forth good fruit Yours, truly, ***■**>’ “ General A. R. Wright.” The New Hampshire Gaqptte, which still sur vives in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, was es tablished in 1756, and is consequently some two years older than the Mercury. In 1856 the Portsmouth people celebrated the centennial anniversary of the introduction of printing into New Hampshire, re-printing on the occasion a sheet in imitation of the first number, dated (if our memory is correct) October 6, 1756. The earliest file of this paper iu General Force’s library is for the year 1770. The following is the statement printed on the corner of tlie paper, above t)ie name in the issue for Friday, September 28,1770:—“ This paper compleats the fourteenth year of the,” and then follows the title—“New Hampshire Gazette and Historical Chronicle, containing tlie freshest ad vices, foreign and domestic,” and beneath it, “Friday, September 28,1770, Hum. 728 weeks sinee this paper was first published.” This would seem pretty conclusively to settle the fact that the New Hampshire Gazette, and not the New port Mercury, is the oldest newspaper in Amer ica. The Gazette was printed on a sheet about 17 by 20 inches, by “Daniel and Robert Fowle.” It is curiously instructive to turn over the pages of these old newspapers, of which this re markable library of General Force contains an cient files of some more than forty different papers. The following advertisements from the Gazette, April 6, 1770, in connection with the events of these times, are interesting: To be Sold Cheap For Cash—A likely ac tive negro boy, nineteen years of age ; sold for no fault, but for want of employment. Inquire of the printers. To be Sold Cheap For Cash, or short credit —A likely negro man, about thirty years of age, well built and fit for any sort of labor. Also, a negro girl, about eighteen years of age; under stands cookery and most other sorts of house hold work; both sold for want of employment. For further particulars inquire of John Sullivan, of Durham. The Newport Mercury, of June 27,1763, has the following: Newport, June 6,1763. On Thursday last arrived from the coast of Africa the brig Royal Charlotte, with a parcel of extreme fine, healthy, well-limbed Gold Coast Slaves, men, women, boys and girls. Gentle men in town and country have now an opportu nity to furnish themselves with such as will suit them. They are to be seen on board, at Taylor’s wharf. N. B. Those that remain on hand will be shipped off very soon. This Daniel Fowle, of the Gazette, figured with some prominence in the events which led to the Revolutionary drama. In 1754 he was arres .ed aud imprisoned by the order of The Massachu setts Legislature, and after his release lie pub lished a pamphlet, a copy of which is in Gen. Force’s library, and of which the. following is a copy of the title page: total eclipse of liberty, being a true and faithful account of the arraign ment and examination of Daniel Fowle before the honorable House of Representatives of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in New England, October 24,1754, barely on suspicion of his being concerned in printing and publishing a pamphlet entitled the monster of monsters. The Atlantic Cable—The Work of UayHiat the Cable to be Comineace4 July 8. [From the London Times, June 19.] As the time draws near for the departure of the Great Eastern the greatest activity prevails on board, in order that the great ship may be ready to leave her moorings iu the Medway, at the latest, on Saturday, the 30tli. With this view re lays of workmen are employed, almost without intermission, both by day ancl night. Up to Sat urday evening at the hour for tlie hands discon tinuing work there only remained a length of ca ble of a little over four hundred miles to be re ceived on board, and by extra exertions tlie re maining length will be shipped by the end of the present wqek. The whole of the one thousand six hundred and sixty knots of new cable has been completed, and in the course of tlie present week the two Government vessels, the Amethyst and Iris, lent by the Admiralty, and employed from the commencement ju transporting the ca ble from the works to the Great Eastern, will re ceive on board their last freights, for conveyance round to the Medway. The weight of the new cable is about 38 cwt. per mile, which is almost double the weight of the original Atlantic cable. The total quantity will exceed 2,700 miles. of cable to bo taken out The steamer Medway, 1,900 tons, belonging to the company, will accompany the Great Eastern, and will convey about 400 miles of cable on board. The tanks for the stowage of this quan tity of cable have been fitted on board that vessel, and by the time the Great Eastern is ready to take her departure everything will be in readiness on boad the Medway. The paddle wheel steamer Terrible will again accompany the Great Eastern; but it would seem that the Admiralty have inti mated that a second vessel-of-war can not be spared this year. The screw steamer Albany, a vessel of 1,500 tons, will accompany the expedi tion to render assistance, and to carry stores and supplies, beside which the screw steamer William Corry is also being fitted to proceed to sea with the other vessels. After completing her coaling, the great ship will proceed to Valentia, and com mence the work of laying the cable about the 7th or 8th of July. No doubt whatever is enter tained by Captain Anderson of his being able to place the Great Eastern as near as possible over the spot at which the lost end of the cable lies, notwithstanding that the buoys which were left to mark the locality were swept away. Suppos ing the exact spot to be reached, the work ot grappling for, and, when found, hauling the lost cable, will be commenced, to accomplish which new machinery of enormous strength has been constructed and fitted on board. Twenty miles’ length of wire grappling-ropes have been manu factured at the company’s works, and some idea of the enormous strength of this rope may be formed when it is stated that it is nearly eight inches in circumference, and is manufactured of the toughest possible steel wire. During tlie brief interval which will elapse be fore the Great Eastern takes her departure from the Medway, there is still a considerable amount of work remaining to be completed on board.— Chief among this is the fitting up of the enor mous “crinoline” guard, weighing upward of seventeen tons, over the screw, the object of which is to prevent the cable, while being paid out, from coming in contact with the propeller. Some improvements, suggested by the experi ence of last year, have also been made in the machinery of the Great Eastern; among other things the paddle-wheel is being fitted with dis connecting gear. Everything is now completed aloft, new wire rigging replacing that which was found to be unsound, masts and rigging entirely painted down, and funnels repaired. The decks are still crowded with machinery, workshops, and gear for coiling the cable, but much of this will be cleared away during the present week.— The three tanks in which the cable is deposited have been repaired and painted, and are again water-tight, while extra precautions have been taken in tbe way of additional supports to resist the enormous pressure duriug the possible roll ing of the great ship in a beam sea. The work of coiling will be carried on up to the moment of the vessel leaving Chatham, and even then an additional quantity will have to be taken in at ■Bearhaven. Also his imprisonment aud sufferings in Stinking" Stone Gaol, without the Liberty of Pen, Ink, or Paper, and not allowed to see his nearest Friends; nor to write a Line to his Wife, with many other Incidents and Aggravations, which shows it to he A Child Poisoned by the “Eggs of Pha raoh’s Serpents.”—On Thursday or Friday last a woman named Kearney, residing on Buffalo street, came near putting an end to the existence of her child, a boy eleven years of age, by ad ministering to him*three “Pharoh serpent eggs,” for worms, with which the child was afflicted.— Mrs. Kearney, it appears, on the day mentioned was engaged in cleaning a house for a lady re siding in Centre Park. In rummaging the house she discovered a box of the eggs, and reading “serpents” on the cover, she at once concluded that they were pills—medicine for worms—and pocketed three of them. These she gave to the child, who soon commenced vomiting, throwing up blood, and was made very sick. The alarmed mother ran to the house where she had been working, and asked if there was poison in those “pills.” She was told they contained deadly poi son, and without another word she ran for Dr. Shipman, who repaired to her house, and by promptly administering antidotes, it is believed has saved the child’s life. It was very low last evening. It will be a great wonder if the child lives. Mrs. Kearney says she intended tell tlie lady for whom she worked that she had taken three “pills” from a box in her bureau, but did not do so.—Rochester Union. The New Haven Palladium learns from a friend of General Thomas that a fine residence With the most utter dismay pictured was recently purchased in Nashville, by his friends, at an expense of $60,000; but the Gene ral declined the present on the ground that he had enough to support himself and wife (having no children,) and requesting that the money be added to the fund for Soldiers’ Widows and Or phans. MONSTROUS TREATMENT. Written by Himself. Oh, give me Liberty! For were e’en Paradise itself iuy Prison, Still I should long to leap the Crystal Walls.—Rryden. Boston. Printed in the year 1755. It is well known that the first newspaper print ed in this country was the Boston News Letter. It was established in 1704, and tbe earliest volume in General Force’s library is for the year 1762, then printed semi-weekly on a sheet 16 by 19 inches. In a large miscellaneous manuscript volume iu this library is tlie original petition, in the handwriting of John Campbell, postmaster of New England, the establisher of the News Letter, in which lie calls on “ His Excellency Joseph Dudley, Esq., Captain General and Gov ernor-in-chief in and over her Majesty’s province of New Hampshire, &c.,” and “ honorable her Majesty’s council” to assist him in maintaining the enterprise. This was in 1705. The petition sets forth that the petitioner had the year pre vious started “ a weekly letter of intelligence,” “ expecting that the journal thereby being set at a moderate rate would be sufficient to defray the necessary charge thereof. The which it did not do,” Tlie fact embraced in this last quoted sen tence has been realized in quite many cases since John Campbell, Postmaster of New England, started the Boston News Letter, and liow he suc ceeded with his petition we have not time to in vestigate. In’this collection there are volumes of the New York Gazette as far back as 1733, printed on a sheet about thirteen by seventeen inches; the New York Gazette revived in the weekly Post Boy as early as Marcli 5,1749-50, number 372, and the New York Mercury as early as Decem ber 16,1754, number 273. There are also volumes of these ancient and immensely valuable papers, representing, among other States, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Mary land, and Virginia. The volume of the Penn sylvania Gazette for 1765, Benjamin Franklin’s paper, contains the last number of that journal in which Franklin’s name appears as a proprie tor and publisher. On the day prior to that on which the stamp act went into effect, October 31, 1765, he clothed his paper in mourning and an nounced its temporary suspension. It was re vived after a vacation of three week, flic num ber in mourning being 1,923, and the next issue numbered 1,926. thus making tlie time good by adding the three weeks of suspension to tlie number. A sheet, not called Gazette, however, was issued each week of the suspension. The paper was “printed by B. Franklin and D. Hall, at the new printing office near the market,” and afterwards by Daniel Hall. A complete file of the first paper printed in this city is in this collection. The heading of the first number, in the first volume, is as follows : “ The Washington Gazette. Number 1, vol ume I. From Saturday, June 11, to Wednesday, June 15, 1796. Published by Benjamin More, every Wednesday and Saturday. Price, $4 per annum, at the house next West of the Hotel.”— “ The Hotel ” stood till consumed by fire some twenty years ago, on the spot now covered by the Southern central portion of the General Post Office structure. Mr. Moore seems to have been a man of a busi ness-like turn. In his salutatory remarks in his first issue, he says, “that he throws himself on the patronage of a generous public with but little doubt that they will allow him to pursue his plan, which is in tlie first place to obtain a living for himself, and in the second to amuse and inform his fellow-inortals.” The “living” which lie ob tained from his enterprise, however, seems to have been sorry indeed, aud after a hard fortune The Washington Gazette ended its career with the thirty-fifth number of the second volume, March 24, 1798. Tbe Proposed Union Convention at Phil adelphia. It is proposed to assemble a Convention of delegates from all the States, in August next, for the purpose of organizing a party, composed of every shade of former political opinion, who be lieves that the restoration of the Southern States to their sovereign powers and position in the Union, should be the paramount object of all lovers of the Union at this time; and who be lieve that the policy adopted by the President in this regard is sure, and built upon a sound Con stitutional basis. We are glad to see the Clarion and Standard in favor of the movement. We were somewhat surprised to realize such a thing, as that sheet has repeatedly expressed the opin ion that any sympathy for the President’s policy, displayed by the people of the South, would only result in prejudice to our rights. We opposed this erroneous opinion, as our readers will well remember, and contended that the true way to know strength was to show it; that the President expected the co-operation and approbation ol the conservative men North and South, and to refuse any demonstration of our acquiescence or adop tion of his policy, would take so much strength from his arm. We congratulate our neighbor that he has discerned the error of his ways, and hope to have his aid hereafter in all movements aiming for the prosperity of our common country ^inde pendent of the power and threats of the North ern Radicals. We are decidedly in favor of sending delegates from Mississippi to the pro posed Convention, and we think the delegation should be selected with a view to ability to represent the State in so important 4 i/iatter, and should be composed equally of men heretofore acting with the Whig and Democratic parties, but men who faithfully accept the situation, and who will go to the Convention with a determi nation to say nothing and do nothing that is not calculated to enhance the prosperity of the peo ple and the glory of the country. We trust that the proper movement will soon be made to se lect delegates. We would be glad to hear from the people throughot the State on this important subject.—Jackson Mississippian. General McClellan seems to be in favor with the God ot War. The Prussian armies were recently in Saxony near Dresden, eagerly advancing to pounce upon that artistic capital. The Austrian armies were to the south of Dres den, hastening north to save it from Prussian seizure. General McClellan, with his family, has a beautiful bouse just in the suburbs of the dis puted city. It is certain, says the Citizen, that Count Bismark has offered our great soldier very high inducements; and nearly as certain—at least so Parisian rumor runs—that the Austrian Em peror has “ seen ” Count Bismark’s offer and “ gone two hundred better.” Plunder Pretexts of the Prohibitory Ring.—The Chicago Tribune, the leading Re publican paper in Illinois, continues its vigorous warfare upon the proposed tariff at Washing- ton. It says: “ The issue in Congress on the tariff question has taken a definite shape. The Western mem bers generally are in favor of a tariff that will yield the largest amount ot revenue, and at the same time afford adequate protection to Ameri can manufactures. As the existing tariff does both those things to a remarkable degree, the Western members are opposed to impairing its usefulness, or reducing its revenue producing power. They want to * let well enough alone.’ It affords from forty to sixty per cent, of pro tection to American manufactures, and it poured into the National Treasury $170,000,000revenue in gold for the fiscal year ending July 1,1866. “ On the other Land, the Eastern members are clamoring for a prohibitory tariff, that shall cut off importations and reduce the revenue from imposts $50,000,000 to $70,000,000 per annum. This is the issue. It is safe to say that ninety men of every hundred in the Western States are opposed to reducing the revenue from the tariff by making the impost prohibitory. And it may be further stated, that the Illinois member who betrays the interest of the West and of the National Treasury, by supporting the prohibitory scheme, most surely digs his po litical grave. If he is resolved to vote for it, we advise him to secure bis pay in advance, and to charge the ring of speculators enough to enable him to retire from Congress and spend tbe re mainder of bis life ‘ infamous and contented.’ ” What is Fame?—The following is front the Washington correspondent of the New York Commercial: The numerous public schools of Washington City are now being examined, and also tbe freed- men’s schools. A good stoiy is told of the pri vate secretary of Senator. Sumner, who attended one of these institutions for teaching the contra band idea how to shoot, and was invited to pro pound some questions. “ Children,” said he, in a CTave tone, “what Senator can you name?” There was a pause, and then the bright boy of the class exclaimed, “ Abrum Lincum!” “ No,” said the young gentleman, “ I mean what Sena tor in Congress do you know, or have you heard of?” Another pause, and then another specimen of ebony and ivory timidly suggested, “ Andy Johnson.” “ He’s not a Senator, either.” Just then another pupil was inspired, and exclaimed, “ General Washington !” Poor little ignorant colored boys—at school under the shadow of the Capitol, arid didn’t know the name of a Senator (especially Sunmner), when Senators are doing so much for them. i