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IDrcKlp Jutfltigcnffr. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, Wednesday, August 22, 1866. The Ailante B*»ly New Era. The “senile friend’’ of thn" Atlanta Daily bar Era" would feel gratified if he could im press upon his juvenile city compeer, what age ami experience in journalism seldom fails to teach, to-wit: That it is better to confess, than ,,, ytirt in, error It would, however, he fears, be time thrown away to labor to such an end, and he shall not attempt it There are men so con stituted that good advice is lost upon them ; so org mired that they can neither be just nor mag nanimous AVhat the "Era' has said of the “In- tki.lioexcek," and what it has insinuated of its Editok, we have jtronouneed “false and scanda lous,” anJ there we leave it. AVhat we have said of the "Em"—ot its course on the National Convention movement—the intelligent commu nity in which we live will render verdict upon. What we have said of its course on negro suf- /rage, we shall maintain. In domg so, we repro duce the following article from that paper: 'From tlie New Era.] Men never entertain but one great or leading idea at a time. This idea, like all others which monopolize their epoch, is aggressive. All new ideas are aggressive. There can he no rest, no pence, no tranquility' until they’ are either ex ploded, or incorporated into the" social, political, or religious system of the times. The great idea of the day is Equality as regards citizenship under republican institutions. It is peculiarly an American idea, the outgrowth of our singular lortn of Government. It has been in progress lor half a century. It will ultimately prevail, become a incorporated into our Political System, and give tone and direction to every department ot government, if not sooner exploded. Ulti mately, it must be universally embraced or uni versally scouted and rejected. There is no mid dle ground. There can be no compromise. Little as we relish it, the truth is being pain fully revealed. We are beginning to realize the fact that there is little hope of exploding this dogma until it shall have run its course; until it shall have been put to the test, and mankind be come thoroughly surfeited and disgusted with its practical operation. It will then be antiqua ted but not before. But for the present, it will he carried, we verily believe, even should a re sort to arms become necessary. The present generation will live to see one of two things: Either a complete and final overthrow of Re publicanism on this Continent, a re-settlement and re habilitation of the States, and a thorough change in the form as well as spirit of the Gov ernment, superinduced by the usurpations of the party now in power ; or we will witness the sin- gular experiment of universal suflrage, embracing the negro, the red inan, the Maylay, the Hotten tot, and in short, everything in the human shape, be its color or condition whatsoever it may. In addition to this, we shall not be surprised to see the day when females of all grades, colors, condi tions and castes will be enfranchised and admit ted to the ballot. The negro will ultimately vote if lie stays here. Every thoughtful man sees this in the not distant future. We are powerless to prevent it. We are without voice in the Government; without polit ical power; without the means of asserting our rights under a written Constitution. The scheme of the Radicals must succeed temporarily. But t hat very success will prove their ruin as it did the ruin of their ancestors in the days of Crom well. It will put a weapon of defense into our hands. Shall we hesitate to use. it ? Shall we vote the negro, and through him control radical ism V or shall radicalism vote the negro, and through him control our local as well as federal policy V Shall we use this power in legitimate self-defense, or shall the Radicals seize it to com plete our destruction ? These questions arc not new’. They are in the mind of every thoughtful man in the Southern States. They have occurred to every reflective inind North, lienee the effort on the part of the radicals to prejudice and inflame the mind of the negro against his former master. Hence the in cendiary documents and inflammatory speeches designed for tiie eye and ear of the freedmen.— Hence, again the anxiety to foist the ubiquitous Bureau upon tfg Southern StateiK. How do we propose mootinfphis issue? Fir£I#Clecteion aud action cannot be delayed a great while longer.— The crisis is not distant. It is here now. What shall be our decision? Pride, or something else, prevented the skillful use of a defensive weapon during the war, aud the instrument of destruc tion was, naturally enough, turned against us.— Shall this pride, or this something else, induce similar indiscretion now ? Let us begin to think earnestly and seriously on this matter. We have abandoned all hope of a separate nationality. Shall we likewise abandon all manhood, all hope of civil and religious liberty ? Should we not, in common with the Conservative Union men of all sections, rather change tactics, comedown from our stilts, waive mere formalities where vi tal interests arc at stake, und fight the devil with Are? What was the intent, what the meaning of the foregoing essay on negro suffrage ? In a nut shell, as it were, the intent and meaning are, that, as the radical party of the North will “ ul timately vote" the negro, the South should do so now—that we of the South, in regard to this vi tal question, should “change tactics, come down from our stilts, waive mere formalities where vi tal interests are at stake, aud fight the devil with fire.” What “ tactics" must he changed ? Those, of course, which the South had or might adopt to deny suffrage to the negro! What the “ stilts" from which we must come down? Those we had mounted to save ourselves lrom the degra dation of having the negro placed upon political equality with the white race of the South. What “formalities" to waive? Those, of course, which kept up the political distinction between the whites and negroes of the South, in remov ing which, the design of the radicals to establish political equality between the two races in the South, would be accomplished. In a word, the Atlanta New Era, in the foregoing article, re commended the South to do, ivhat the radicals propose themselves to do—to give to the negro the right of suffrage; for, it says, “ the negro must ultimately vote if he stays here;" ergo, the South at oucc should recognize his right to do so, and grant unto him that privilege. Such was the position ot the Atlanta New Era early in the month of June, when no “ dog star, ” nor “ tidal influences of the moon ” had disturbed its digestion. In keeping with its character, the “Era” takes a fling at “Andy Johnson,” and charges him with being the. advocate of “negro suffrage. ’— Our reply to this is, that President Johnson maiutaius upon this question the constitutional ground—the right of each State to regulate suf frage for itself. This is all the South can expect from the Chief Magistrate of the Government.— But the "Era" would “go the whole hog” upon this grave question, because the radicals “will ul timately” vote the negro. It would elevate the negro to political equality in this respect, because the radicals “will ultimately”do so! It would im pose sell-degradation upon the Southern people because the radicals propose to, and will degrade them !! There is no "poetry" in this; it is all stubborn fact. The "Era," somehow or other, is unfortunate whin it meddles with the "negro question." Only a few days ago, it announced the anxiety of “a large nunilter of the most substantial and use ful lrecdmen in this city ” to organize a fire company. Who compose this lakc-e num ber of substantial and useful freedmen? We know ot but few such m tins city. Doubtless there are hundreds of freedmen in Atlanta who will join any organization—the "Golden lux!, lor instance, or any other. Perhaps they would not object to military organizations; anything for a show. Bui the Era, in its zeal, went further than the mere suggestion of a “ Freedmen's Fire Com pany." It told us that “ at every lire they are am bitious and effective workers;” and that “they trill venture where a white man dare not." No wonder the Fire Department ot this city re sented, as they did, so unprovoked an insult.— A more gallant or effective body of Firemen no ! city, North or South, can boast of. They dare j do all th U any similar body of men have ever* dared; and when it is said of the "coloredper sons" in this c< mmunity, acting as firemen that “they will venture wueie a white man dare not,” a much higher estimate is placed upon the daring and courage of the “ colored persons," and a much low’er one upon the Fire Department of this city, than is warrant'd by either tacts orcircumstauces, or the history ot the latter since its first organiza tion. The Era, however, is in its "juvenility" in tliis city; when it becomes “ senile ” it will per haps modify its opinions. Cheering News and Wise Counsel. | e lay belore our readers this Sabbath morn- 1 ing the following communication addressed to us j by our friend, a gentleman favorably known to most of our citizens, and extensively in the State —the Rev. S. J. Pinkerton—who has recently returned to this city from a tour in the West, to which we invite their attention; especiallv, the attention of those, who, owing to the recent long drought, and the parched state of the fields in this, and other sections of our State, are in a de sponding mood. The letter of the reverend gen tleman is full of encouragement. Bread and meat will be abundant and cheap, and our poor need not, may not, must not perish from famine. Means will be devised, and measures adopted for their relief. Let them, therefore, be cheerful in their afflictions! The political information embraced, too, in the communication below, is also of a most encour aging character. Fanaticism, we trust, has seen its last day of supremacy in the direction of our national affairs. “So mote it be!” To the Editor of tlte Intelligencer: m My Dear Sib: Having returned on yester day from over a month's visit to the West, and especially to the interior of the State of Ken tucky, it has been suggested to me by several friends, that, with the view of imparting encour agement to the suffering people of this and other portions of Georgia, and the South, I should make a brief statement with reference to the prospect for the coming Fall and Winter. In every part of the country west of the mountains, so far as I could either see for myself or hear from others, the growing crops are quite as good as they have ever been known to be. There is a very large breadth of land planted in corn throughout Mid dle and Western Tennessee, as well as all along the valley of the Ohio. And so far as the Blue Grass region of Kentucky is concerned, one might almost say that it was “covered over with corn.” And such corn as I have rarely seen growing. The rains have been very timely, and sufficiently copious to perfect the crop.— There are also, as I learned from gentlemen who ought to be well acquainted with the facts, a very large number of hogs being made ready lor slaughter this winter. This may serve to allay our great fears with ref erence to the scarcity of meat. I rejoice to believe, from all the signs coming under my observation in the West, that w T e shall have abun dance of provisions, and at reasonable prices, notwithstanding the failure of the provision crop in portions of the South. Let the disappointed laborers in the parched fields of upper Georgia, and other sections, therefore, be comforted by the assurance that from the teeming West there will be poured into our exhausted markets every thing that is necessary, with economy, to cany us through the present and a portion of the com ing year. As another source of gratification and encour agement to the people of the South, I may say that the political horizon, which has been so much obscured by the angry and threatening clouds of fanaticism aud sectional bigotry, is just now beginning to open itself in clearness and hopefuluess to our view. We shall, I trust, under the good Providence of God, very shortly see ourselves in possession of that political status which will enable us to enjoy the sacred rights of a just and legitimate representation under the Constitution of the country. We should be patient still; and while courageously battling with the obstructions in all paths of life, tempo ral, social, and political, wc should remember to put our trust in the infinitely wise Arbiter of the universe, maintain our moderation, aud con sequently our self-respect, hv an adherence to truth, and the principles of honor and justice. I am, very respectfully, yours, 8. J. Pinkerton. Atlanta, August 18, 1800. Georgia Alieud !— 1 Tlio hast of the “ Army of Northern Virginia.” The following is decidedly the richest circum stance connected with the whole w ar. We glean the particulars from the Petersburg Index, and they run as follows : * * * “ The serenity of the office of the commanding officer of this post was agitated on yesterday, by the apparation of four Confede rate soldiers, w ho gave their names aud “descrip tive lists” as follows: Anthony Monkas, Co. E, Did Georgia Infantry, 3d Army Corps, A. N. V. Thomas Wells, ditto. James Brinberter, ditto. Allan Tewksberry, 43d Louisiana, ditto. A more ragged set of mortals had never ap peared before the Colonel during all the dealings he has ever had with the “ ragged rebels ” of Lee’s army. Tewksberry was a sort of walkiu illustration of original patchwork. His clothing had been tied, and sewed, and stuck together with string and thread, and thorns, until there did not appear a solitary square inch upon it which had not been tied up, sewed np, or stuck up, in some way or other. His companions were not quite as badly off, one having a pair of blue Yankee pantaloons, with only a half a dozen rents in it; another hiding the raggedness ot his gray pants with a flowing, though ribbony, Yan kee over-coat, and the other making his decen cy apparent by concealing the defects of his up per garments with an old oil-clotli flv, awfully bedaubed with mud. Tewksberry stated to the Colonel that he and his party stopped on the Appomattox, about 7 miles above the city, after the evacuation of Petersburg, for the purpose, at first, of resting; that they staid longer than they expected, and werecutoff. They then made a vow to live on that spot, and never go home or give up till the Confederacy was completely annihilated. They sought out a cave on the banks of the river, which, at that point, is very rocky, and, after some little industry, succeeded in erecting for themselves a most comfortable little home. Here they lived upon fish and game and occasional roasting ears during all last summer, and upon bread made of corn they had gathered from the corn flelds. an occasional pig they found with out a mother, in their rambles during the winter. This spring and summer they lived as they did last summer, but recently, hearing from an old negro man that the Confederacy had undoubted ly “ gone up,” they concluded to quit the barba rian life and surrender. They marched to the city yesterday morning, with their muskets and accoutrements, stacked ;trms in front of head quarters, sent in word tuat they were the rem nant of the army of Northern Virginia, and that they wished to surrender upon the conditions ac corded to the main body. Colonel Milton cordi ally assented to their request, gave them trans portation to their homes, and bade them adieu. The illustrious four roamed about town for a short time, had new suits of clothiDg given them, and, after being made about half drunk, embark ed on the Southern train for their homes. Jbe Brunswick Courier. AVe have received at this odice, the first num ber of the Brunswick (Ga.) Courier—Orme & Wattles. Proprietors. This is a weekly jour- nal,edited by our old friend,Maj. Richard Orme, late oi this city. We place the Courier upon oup exchange list with pleasure, and wish it abundant success. Brunswick is an important point in Georgia—before it, the finest harbor for shipping in tire South—wanting only capital to make it soon a flourishing seaport and a great city. The location is a most excellent one for a newspaper—one that will advocate its interests, and la}’ before the public its superior advantages as a Southern port of entry. This is labor for Major Orme, the Editor of the Courier, which, from his known enterprise, he will doubtless perform with zeal and ability. Gracious Revival. The Christian Index contains the following plause.) With an item, interesting to many of the readers of this j at my discretion, I paper: Brother Titos. S. Allen writes us that he com menced a meeting at Flat Creek Church, Fayette count}’, on the first instant, in conjunction with brethren John Camp, G. B. Davis, and — Dod son, which continued twelve days. Their labors were greatly blessed of the Lord. One hundred aud twenty-eight were added to the church by expericuceand baptism. Would that seasons of awakening might become more general! INTERESTING FROM WASHINGTON. GREAT SPEECH OF THE PRESIDENT. M ashington, Aug. 17.—There was a great crowd to-day to hear the President in response to Reverdy Johnson,who presented the official pro ceedings of the Convention. He referred with feel ing to the scene of South Carolina and Massa chusetts entering the Convention together. He was overcome, and could not but conclude that an overruling Providence was directing us aright Our brave men have performed their duties in the field, and have won laurels imper ishable ; but (turning to Gen. Grant.) he contin ued, but there are greater and more important duties to perform, and while we have had their co operation in the field, we now need their efforts to perpetuate peace. (Applause.) The Executive Department had tried to pour oil on the wounds, and to restore the Union, but it had not entirely suceeded. We have seen, he said, in one department of the government every effort to prevent a restoration- of peace and harmony in the Union. We have seen liaDging on the verge of the government, as it were, a hotly called, or which assumed to be, the Con gress of the United States, while, iu fact, it is a Congress of only a part of the States. We have seen this Congress assume and pretend to be for the Union, when its every step and act tend to perpetuate disunion, and make disruption of the States inevitable. Instead of promoting recon ciliation and harmony, its legislation has parta ken of the character of penalties, retaliation and revenge. This has been the course and the policy of - one portion of your government. The hum ble individual who is now addressing you stands the representative of another department of the government. The manner in which he was called upon to occupy that position I shall not allude to on this occasion. He takes his stand upon that character, as battling for our liberties, which is the great rampart of civil and religious freedom. [Prolonged cheers.] Having been taught in my early life to hold it sacred, and hav ing preached upon it during my whole public course, I shall ever continue to reverence the Constitution of my fathers, and make it my guide. (Hearty applause.) The President proceeded and denied the charge that he had ever been tyrannical or despotic, but said such charges w’ere simply intended to deceive aud delude the public mind into the belief'that there is some one in power who is usurping and trampling up on right and the Constitution. It is done by those who make such charges for the purpose of covering their own acts. (That’s so, and ap plause.) I have felt it my duty, in vindication of prin ciple and the Constitution of my country, to call the attention of my countrymen to these pro ceedings. Having placed myself upon that broad platform, I have not been awed, or dismayed, or intimidated by either threats or encroachments, but have stood in conjunction with patriotic spirits sounding the tocsin of alarm when I deemed the citadel of liberty in danger. (Great applause.) I said on a previous occasion, and repeat it now, that all that is necessary in this great strug gle against tyranny and despotism was that the struggle should be sufficiently audible for the American people to hear and sufficiently under stand. They did hear, and looking on to see who the combatants were, and what the strug gle was about, determined that they would set tle tliis question on the side of the Constitution and of principle. I proclaim here to-day, as I have on previous occasions, that my faith is in the great mass ot the people in the darkest hour of the struggle.— When the clouds seemed most lowering, my faith, instead of giving w r ay, loomed up through the cloud, beyond which 1 saw that all would be well, niv countrymen. We all know that despotism, in the language of Thomas Jef ferson, can be exercised and exerted more effec tually by the many than by the one. We have seen a Congress gradually encroach, step by step, and violate day after day, and month after month, the Constitutional rights, and the funda mental principles of the Government. We have seen a Congress that seemed to forget that there was a limit to the sphere and scope of legislation. We have seen a Congress in a minority assume to exercise power which, if allowed to be carried out, would result in despotism and monarchy itself. This is truth, aud because others as well as myself, have seen proper to appeal to the pat riotism and republican feelings of the country, we have been denounced in the severest terms. Slander upon slander, vituperation upon vitupe ration ot the most villainous character, have found their way through the press. What, gen tlemen, has been the cause of our oflendiug, I will tell you, is the daring to stand by the Con stitution of our fathers. I consider the proceedings of this Convention, sir, more important than those of any Conven tion that ever assembled in the United States.— (Great applause.) When I look, with my mind, upon that collection of citizens, coming together voluntarily, and sitting in council with ideas, with principles, and views commensurate with all the States, and co-extensive with the whole people, and contrast them with the coalition of persons who are trying to destroy the country, I regard it as more important than any Con vention that ever sat since 1787. [Renewed ap plause.] I think that I may also say that the declarations that were there made are equal to the Declaration of Independence. (Cries of glorious! and a most enthusiastic and prolong ed applause.) Your address and declaration are nothing more nor less than a re-echo of the Con stitution of the United States. Yes, I will go farther and say that the declarations you have made, that the principles you have enounced in your address are a second proclamation of eman cipation to the people of the U. 8., (renewed ap plause,) for in proclaiming these great truths you have laid down a constitutional platform upon which all can make common cause, and stand united together for the restoration of the States and the preservation of the government, without reference to party considerations or influence; and how many are there in the United Stale'; that now require to be free? They have the shackles upon their limbs and are bound as rigidly as though they were in fact in slavery. I reoeat, then, that your declaration is the second proclamation of emancipation to the people of the United States, and offers a com mon ground upon which all parties can stand.— [Applause.] Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, let me in this connection ask what have I to gain more than the advancement of the public wel fare? I am as much opposed to the indul gence of egotism as any, but here in a conven tional manner, while formally receiving proceed ings of this Convention, I may be permitted to ask what have I to gain by consulting human ambition more than I have gained already. My race is nearly run. I have been placed in the high office which I occupy under the Constitu tion ot the country, and I may say that I have held, from the highest to the lowest, almost every position to which a man may attain in our government; and surely, gen tlemen, this should be enough to gratify a rea sonable ambition. If I wanted authority, or if I wished to perpetuate my own power, how easy it would have been to hold and wield that which was placed in my hands by the measures called the Frecdmen’s Bureau bill. (Laughter and ap- armv which is placed could have remaind at the capital of the nation, and with fifty or sixty millions of appropriation at my dis posal, with the machinery to be worked by my satraps and dependents in eveiy town and village ; and then with the Civil Rights bill following as an auxiliary ; [laughter] and in connection with all the otLer appliances of the government^ I could have proclaimed myself And I repeat, that neither the taunts nor the jeers of Congress, nor of a calumniating press, can drive me from my purpose. [General ap plause.] I acknowledge no superior except roy God, the author of my existence, and the people of the United States (prolonged and enthusiastic cheers.) For the one, I try to obey all His com mands, as best I can compatibly with my poor humanity. For the other, in a political and rep resentative sense, the high behests of the people have always been respected and obeyed by me. And now, Mr. Chairman, I have said more than I intended to say. For the kind allusion to myself contained in your address, and in the resolutions adopted by the Convention, let me re mark that in this crisis, and in the present period of my public life, I hold above all price; aud shall ever refer with feelings of profound gratifi cation to the last resolution containing the en dorsement of a Convention, emanating spontan eously from the great mass of the people. I trust and hope that my future action may be such that you and the Convention you represent may not regret the assurance of the confidence you have expressed. Before separating, my friends, one and all ac cept my sincere thanks for the kind manifesta tion of regard and respect you have exhibited on this occasion. I repeat that I shall always be guided by a conscientious conviction of duty, and that always gives one courage, under the Constitution’ which I have made my guide. At the conclusion of the President’s remarks, three enthusiastic cheers were given lor Andrew Johnson, and three more for General Grant.— The President then took a position near the door opening, near the hall, with General Grant by his side, w’here, as the gentlemen of the commit tee, and the-members of the Convention, passed out, he grasped each one by the hand, and had a smile or a cheering word for all. After which they passed on to take General Grant by the hand. From the La Grange Reporter. The Philadelphia Convention. DECLENSION OF HON. H. V. JOHNSON. Augusta, Ga., August 10th, 1866. Dr. R. A. T. Ridley, La Grange, Ga. : My Dear Sir—I have received, this moment, yours of the 4th inst., as President of the Con vention of the Third Congressional District, in forming me of my unanimous appointment, as a delegate for the State at large, to the Philadel phia Convention, to assemble on the 14th instant. I see, by the newspapers, that I have been ap pointed by all the other District Conventions, to the same position. I feel deeply sensible of the honor conferred upon, and the confidence repos ed in, me, and I avail myself of this opportunity to express my sincere thanks. I regret, however, that the knowledge of my appointment has come too late for me to make known, in time for an alternate te supply my place, that it is im possible for me to attend the proposed conven tion. I should do so cheerfully, if it were com patible with surrounding circumstances, in which the public have no interest. The Southern States having decided to respond to the call for such a convention, it should be with cordiality and full delegations. It is for this reason, that I regret my inability to attend and that it is too late for my place to be filled.— The object sought to be accomplished is so im portant to the public welfare, that every doubt of success, by the mode adopted, should he sacri ficed to an honest and faithful experiment. For what true hearted patriot does not feel that it is incumbent upon him to do all that he can to re store the harmony of the States, upon the basis of the Constitution ? So far as the convention shall seek to accomplish this, it will have my hearty symphathy, and I shall hail its success, as among the proudest and sublimest achieve ments of patriotism and statesmanship. The restoration of harnTony between the North and South and of repeseDtation to the latter in Congress, is a work which must be done by the people of the former. They are the triumphant party; the government is in their hands; we are excluded from all participation in its delibera tions and actions; we cannot be otherwise, until they consent. The issue is fo^^em to decide ; the battle lor the Union Constitution must be won or lost, at the North, without any practical participation on our part. Moral aid and comfort are all that we can render. Hence, I am forcibly impressed with the conviction, that our strongest and best policy is silent, but digni fied submission to the necessities of our condi tion, leaving the responsibility entirely upon the Northern people to determine our fate and the future destiny of the government. When, we complain, we are told, that we are sore-headed and not sufficiently humbled. When we urge our rights under the Constitution, we are tokl that we have none—that we have forfeited them When we make required concessions, it is but the pretext for further exactions. We can neither say nor do anything that is not converted into a weapon against us. Hence, the policy of entire quiescence, I have thought, is best. We can sustain the President; we can sustain the conservative men ot the North; we can stand ready to perform our part in tiie government, whenever we shall be permitted; we can obey the Constitution and laws; we can be just and magnanimous to the freedmen. Beyond all tliis, what can we do? In all this, there is moral power—the eloquence of submission to wrong, and injustice which, sooner or later, will reach the hearts ot good men, in all lauds. For my self, I cannot but feel apprehension, lest the con tracting of party alliances, at this juncture, how ever laudable the purpose, may destroy this moral power: for to constitute an efficient ele ment, in such an organization, we shall be com pelled, most probably, to pay for it, in the form of concessions of principle and abatement of self-respect. I fear something of this sort, in connection with the Philadelphia Convention.— The platform promulgated by those who called it, requires a surrender of principle, on our part, which, if insisted on by the convention and yield ed by the South, cannot fail to produce great mischief, without, so far as I can discover, any corresponding good. But if our delegates shall be welcomed as peers; if the convention shall organize a party, whose object shall be to restore the Union, upon the basis of the Constitution, as it is, and if fidelity thereto and to the laws passed in pursuance thereof, shall be the only test ot loyalty, then immense good will have been ac complished. It is in this view, that, in my opi nion, the experiment is worth making. It is for this, I hope, not sanguinely, but earnestly, in the trembling faith, that wise and prudent counsels may guide its deliberations. But why speculate as to the probable fruits of the convention ? It is close at hand and we shall soon know its results. It is every patriot’s prayer, that they may be most happy and benign—the beginning of a career of peace and harmony for our distracted country. I have the jtonor to be^our obedient servant. Herschel V. Johnson. Growth of Conservatism Across the mountains. A friend writing us from upper East Ten nessee says: The conviction is forcing itself upon the people of this part of the State, that the great object of the Radical leaders in Congress and in the State, is immediate negro suffrage, and, as far as possible, negro equality, social as well as political. Many were slow to believe this. But the speech of Mr. Fletcher, in Nashville, on-the 28th ult.,in which he so intimately associates the white and black Unionists, has given cause to believe that the Union which the Radicals de sire and are laboring for, is not the Constitu tional Unien of our fathers, hut a violent and enforced union of the two races. This is repul sive to this people. The action of the late ne gro convention at Knoxville, appointing negro delegates to attend the Southern Loyal Con vention to assemble at Philadelphia in Septem ber, there to mingle and deliberate with white men, excites derision and disgust, and discloses the true object of radicalism. They find that the President, their own true aud tried Andy Johnson, stands the firm opponent of these vio lent innovations, and is now laboring to protect and shield them from the abrupt and revolution ary plans of the Radicals in this matter, which must essentially change or destroy the Gover nment, if successful. “Under these considerations, I feel assured that the great mass of the voters of East Ten nessee will array themselves, in all future elec tions, under the banner of the Conservative Union party, whose standard is in the hands of Andrew Johnson, whose colors never yet trailed in the dust through all the conflicts of the last thir ty yearn. An eminent member of the Bar, who enjoys an extensive practice in the large Circuit of upper East Tennessee, assures me that Con servatism is rapidly increasing in that entire section." Our correspondent is a calm and diligent observer, and we rely fully on his good judg ment. Dictator, hut, gentlemen, my pride and ambition T 1 ??- Emjieror of Austria sent his S00 horses jias been to occupv that position which retains and loO carriages to Oten for safety. He could j „ . .. f , F, , T . . open a first class liverv stable if things go much | a11 P° wer ia tbe hands of tlie ^ ,]c - II 19 U P° D harder with him. " i that I always rely, and it is upon that I rely now. Brick Pomeroy has adopted a political plat form, and spreads it out in the La Crosse Demo crat. It is brief and pithy: ‘ Equality of States in the Union, or another war. White men to govern white men. Equal taxation—taxation of the United States bonds, or repudiation. PHI LADELPHIA. THE GREAT ""CONVENTION. LAST RAY’S PROCEEDINGS, declarationHop principles. CHEERING NEWS FROM COLORADO. The Convention Adjourns Sine Die. Philadelphia, August 16.—The National Union Convention re-assembled _ at 10 o clock this morning, Senator Doolittle in the chair.— The proceedings of the convention were opened with prayer by Rev. Green S. Snyder, of 3IibSis- sippi. The President of the convention then read a dispatch from Colorado, announcing the election of A. C. Hunt, the administration candi date for Congress, in Colorado. The announce ment was greeted with cheers. Mr. Crowell, of New Jersey, offered a resolu tion for the appointment of a National Execu tive Committee from each State and Territory, which was adopted. On motion of Hon. Reverdy Johnson, a reso lution was adopted to appoint a committee to wait upon the President aDd present him with an official report of the proceedings of this con vention. A Committee of Arrangements was then ap pointed. . . . Senator Cowan introduced a resolution, which was adopted unanimously, thanking Mayor Mc- Micbael for his excellent police arrangements for the preservation of peace. The following is the declaration of principles adopted by the convention: Thank God for the return of peace! The war maintained the authority of the Constitution, and preserved the equal rights ot the States. The right of representation in Congress and the Electoral College cannot be denied by Congress nor the General Government. It calls upon the people to elect to Congress only men who will admit this right; declares that certain powers are reserved to the States, and among them is that of prescribing the qualifications for the elective franchise; that no State can withdraw from the Union, nor can any be excluded; that all the States have an equal voice in ratifying constitutional amendments; that slavery is abol ished, and the enfranchised slaves should receive protection in person and property; repudiates the rebel war debt, and declares sacredly for the debt of the nation; says it is the duty of the Government to meet the just claims of its sol diers, and care for the survivors aud widows and orphans; recognizes Andrew Johnson as worthy of the support of the nation, and tenders to him a cordial and sincere support. They were adopted unanimously. An address was read by Mr. Raymond. The convention adjourned sine die. [second dispatch.] Philadelphia, August 16.—The National Union Convention re-assembled at 10 o’clock this morning, pursuant to adjournment. Every seat in the building filled. The assemblage of la dies was greater than at any time previous. The proceedings were opened with prayer by Rev. R M. Snvder, Pennsylvania. The President ot the Convention, Senator Doolittle, then rose and said: “ Before we proceed to any further busi ness the chair begs leave to announce as the first response of the call of this convention, the result of the Colorado elections. [Cheers.] Denver, Colorado Territory, Aug. 16.—Re turns from all parts of the Territory render cer tain the election of A. C. Hunt, the administra tion candidate for Congress, over Chilly, radical The dispatch was greeted with applause. Mr. Crowell, New Jersey, offered the following resolution : Resolved, That a National Union Executive Committee be appointed to be composed of two delegates from each State and Territory and Dis trict of Columbia. The resolution was adopted. Hon. Reverdy Johnson, who on rising was greeted witli enthusiastic cheers, oflered the fol lowing resolution: “Resolved, That a committee, consisting of two delegates from each State, and one from each Territory and the District of Columbia, be ap pointed by the Chair to wait upon the President of the United States and present him with an authentic copy of the proceedings of this conven tion.” The resolution was unanimously adopted. Mr. Charles Knapp, of the District of Colum bia, offered the following resolution: “ Resolved, That a committee of Finance be appointed, to consist of delegates from each State Territory, and the District of Columbia.” The resolution was adopted. General Patten, of Pennsylvania, offered resolution on the subject of representation in the convention, which under the rules of the conven tion was referred, without reading or debate. Mr. Cowan then offered the following resolu tion: “ Resolved, That the thanks of this convention be and are hereby tendered to Morton McMicliael Mayor of the city of Philadelphia, for the ad mirable police arrangements lor the preservation of the peace and good order during the sittiu of this convention. The resolution was greeted with applause and carried unanimously. Mr. Cowan again arose and said, on behalf ot the committee who were appointed to prepare the resolutions and address: I have to state that after a very careful and elaborate consideration of the same, lasting all day and a part of the night, we have agreed on the same. I beg leave to report the following declaration of principles adopted unanimously by the committee, which the Secretary of this Convention will read, and also an address to the people ot tiie countrv, which will be made by Hon. II. J. Raymond, of New York. [Applause.] The Secretary then proceeded to read the declaration of principles, each clause of which was loudly applauded, and the last one, which endorses the President, was greeted with prolonged cheering, in which the audience and delegates united. declaration of principles. The National Union Convention, now assem bled in Philadelphia, composed of delegates from every State and Territory of the Union, admonished by the solemn lessons which, for the last five years, it has pleased the Supreme Ruler of tbe universe to give to the American people, profoundly grateful for the return of peace, feel ing that a large majority of their countrymen in all sincerity desire to forget and forgive the past, revering the Constitution as it came to us from our ancestors, regarding the Union restored as more sacred than ever, and looking with deep anxiety to the future, hereby proclaims the fbl, lowing declaration of principles and purposes, on which they have, with perfect unanimity agreed : First. We hail with gratitude to Almighty God the end of war and the return of peace to our afflicted and beloved land. Second. The war just closed has maintained the authority of the Constitution, with all the powers which it confers and all the restrictions which it imposes on the General Government, unabridged and unaltered ; and it has preserved the Union, with the rights, dignity and authority of the States perfect and unimpaired. Third. Representation in the Congress of the United States and in the Electoral College is a right recognized by the Constitution as abiding in every State, and is a duty imposed on its peo ple fundamental in its nature and essential to the exercise of our republican institutions, and neither Congress nor the General Government has any authority or power to deny this right to any, or withhold its enjoyment, under the’Con stitution, from the people thereof. Fourth. Calls upon the people of the United States to elect to Congress members who admit the fundamental principle of representation, and who will receive the loyal representatives from every State in allegiance to the United States; submit to the constitutionality of each House to judge of the election returns and qualifications of its own members. Fifth. The Constitution of the United States and the laws thereof are the supreme law of the land, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. All the power not conferred in the constitution upon the General Government, nor prohibited by the States, are restored to the States, or the people thereof, and among the rights to prescribe quali fications for the elective franchise therein, which right Congress cannot interfere with. No State or convention of States has the right to withdraw from the Union, or to exclude, through their ac tion in Congress or otherwise, any State or States from the Union. The Union of the States is perpetual and the amendments to the Consti tution of the United States may be made by the people thereof as they may deem expedient, but only in the mode pointed "out by its resolutions; and in proposing such amendments, whether by Congress or by a convention, and in ratifying the same, all the States have an equal and indisputa ble right to vote thereon. Seventh. Slavery is abolished and forever prohibited, and there is neither desire nor pur pose on the part of the Southern States that it should ever be re-established upon their soil or within its jurisdiction, and the enfranchised slaves in all States of the Union should be re ceived in communion with all their inhabitants, and equal protection in ever}’ right of person and property. Eighth. While all regard a3 utterly invalid and never to be assumed, or made of binding force any obligation incurred, for making war against, the L nited States, we hold the debt of the nation to be sacred and inviolable, and we proclaim our purposes in discharging this as in performing all other national obligations to main tain unimpaired and unimpeached the honor and faith of fhe public. Ninth. It is the duty of the National Govem- the services ot the Federal 8 and sailors in lb<i contBt fJSSS&riiS&fiey bay! lender- -hose who C °Tenth rate in a rndrew Johnson, President of the EHSaBeiiif Sf The nation and equal to the great crisis and noon which his lot is cast, and are tendered to m in e discharge of his high and responsible Kc“ oar profound respect and our cordial and S "S S SrSc had been taken oh the adoption of* the foregoing Declaration ot Principles, t was ffiscove?ed that the reading of the seventh one had been omitted by accident, and this tact was announced by Mr. Doolittle It was then adopted with great applause and unanimity. The Declaration of Principles was then adopted as !V whole with enthusiastic cheers for the adop U< Three cheers were called for and given in the most enthusiastic manner tor Senator Cowan, ot ^Senator Cowan acknowledged the compliment, hut said as he considered himself the host of the Convention, one of his distinguished guests would address it bv virtue of authority unani mously derived from the Committee on Resolu- tions and address. He then introduced Hon. Henry J. Raymond, of New York: Mr" Raymond, therefore, proceeded to read the address which had been written by himself, as had also been the declaration of principles.— He was so frequently interrupted by applause that the cliairmain a'ppealed to the Convention to restrain such”manitestations until the reading of the address should be concluded. Neverthe less at the close of the sentence declaring that no people subjected to such treatment as that to which the South was now subjected, could long remain loyal, cheer after cheer resounded through the Wigwam. Senator Johnson asked that the sentence be repeated. The sentence was read again as follows : No people has ever 3’et existed whose loyalty and faith, such treat ment long continued w’ould not alienate and de spair. The ten millions of Americans who live iu the South, would be unworthy citizens of a free country, degenerate sons of a heroic ances try, unfit ever to become the guardians of the rights and liberties bequeathed to the United States by our fathers and founders of this Re public if they could accept, with uncomplaining submission, the humiliation thus imposed on them. This sentence was again cheered with the greatest enthusiasm, and at the close ot the reading of the address, ex-Governor Perry, of South Carolina, rose and moved its adoption.— The motion was declared carried unanimously. Mr J. S. Tilden, of New Y’ork, then rose and proposed in behalf ot the Nework delegation three cheers for the Hon. H. J. Raymond, who had prepared the address just read. Mr. Patton on behalf ot the Pennsylvania delegation, seconded the call for the cheers, which were then enthusiastically given. The address contains about eight thousand words, and will make not far from four solid col umns in the New York morning papers. It de mands the universal acknowledgment of the le gitimate consequences of the war, which are the perpetual maintainance of the Union and the destruction of slavery. It asserts next, that the Government acquired no new rights or powers by the war, that it acted only on the defensive. Con gress had passed resolutions declaring that when the war closed all the powers and dignity of the States should remain unimpaired. The power assumed by the Government in the States since the war closed was in violation of the Constitu tion. The Constitution declares that no State shall, without its own amendment, be deprived of its equal representation in the Senate. The action of Congress denying representation to the South ern States appears as great an effort to overthrow the Government as was that by armed rebellion. If Congress can exclude other States on one pre text another Congress may exclude other States on another. There is no movement for this in the Constitution. Not only cannot representa tion be excluded from Congress but no State, without its own consent, can be deprived of equal representation in the Senate, even by an amend ment of tiie Constitution. The only pretext for the action of Congress is that States lately in re bellion have lost their Tight to representation which the supreme government only can restore ; but it is in a principle that no right can be im paired by rebellion—only its enjoyment of that privilege can he be constructed.” The address further asserts that the position of Congress in the matter is not warranted by the Constitution, and is not compatible with the public safety. It is also argued that three-fourths of the loyal States can change the fundamental law affecting the others, aud that we have no right to pass judgment upon the motives of any of the citizens of the United States when Ills acts are loyal. The disturbances that have occurred were due as much to injudicious political move ments as any purpose hostile to the Government. If the people of the South show less disposition than formerly to acquiesce in the uew order of affairs, it is because Congress lias withheld their rights from them. If they lelt otherwise, they would be the degenerated sons of their sires.— No people ever existed whose loyalty w’ould uot have been impaired by such treatment. The peo ple of the South -would not be worthy to he en trusted in the exercise of their rights if they were willing to submit to such humiliation. These men acted as they did rather from a con viction of compulsion. For this they have suf fered ten-fold more than those who have remain ed in allegiance. The address directs attention to the fact that a new Congress is now to be elected, aud adds that if the present policy be pursued, civil war may be renewed, aud calls upon every Congres sional district to return oulv members who are favorable to the policy of restoration. Eloquent Extract. The following are the closing remarks of the Hon. S. S. Cox, of Ohio, in the ’speech recently delivered by him in tlte city of New York, and in which lie reviewed the intolerant action of the Congress that recently adjourned : Tlte historian of Rome draws something from his imagination when he pictures the proud Queen of Palmyra, Zenobla, arrayed in purple, yet loaded with golden chains; to aggrandize the procession in honor of the conqueror of Asia. It needs no imagination to picture the fate of eleven States, not of foreign origin, but of one blood, language, and history and religion, follow ing with downcast eye the triumphant chariot of Congressional power! States whose area is over 725,000 square miles; larger than England, France, Spain, Portugal, and all Germany; having a population ot 10,000,000; whose an nual product from a little pod is greater than the wealth which the Roman bore in his stately gal leys to Rome from the golden and jeweled Orient! Virginia, too proud, perhaps, but with such a grandeur of great names on her rolls ; tiie Caro linians, weary of their waywardness, but still the home of the Pinckneys, who gave the Constitu tion to America, and of those who, at Mecklen burg, anticipated the Declaration which, at King’s Mountain, consummated our independence; Geor gia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, whose feet are kissed by the waters of a thousand rivers, which, rolling through the valley of the Mississippi, gather their volumes of wealth from Minnesota to Louisiana—these are the subject States led in fetters at the car of this Imperial Congress.— [Cheers.] Such exhibitions dishonored the great ness of even Pagan Rome. They would not be tolerated by ambitious France, which takes Ve- netia as a gift from the Kaiser only to set it as a jewel in the crown of a United Italy. [Cheers.] It might find its counterpart in the great land animal of the North—Russia—in whose embrace prostrate Poland groans. [Cheers.] Forgetting her own grasp of Ireland, England assumes to be horrified at the spectacle. [Cheers.]— Even in Turkey, the policy of strangling broth ers by the Sultan no longer makes the traveler shudder as he crosses the Bosphorus. But for this Christian land of America, the people do not ask such a mockery of triumph and such a degradation of power". [Cheers.] They will write the epitaph of the Congress which pro poses it in letters of fire : “ Here lies the frag ments of the Thirty-ninth American Congress, which, starting with a furtive conspiracy against the President, with oppotunities never before vouchsafed for blessing, postponed Union ; and putting the nation in peril of another civil ’war, it died under the just indignation of an aroused people, and is damned to an immortality of in famy • ” [Cheers.] The Cotton Crop.—According to the esti mate of intelligent gentlemen in Mississippi, who compose an association for collecting data as to the cotton crop of that State, one-fourth of an ordinary crop would be an extravagant estimate of the cotton that will lie made in Mississippi this year. If this estimate be cor rect, the whole crop ot the L’nited States may not exceed three-fourths of a million. England, notwithstanding the iniquitous three cent export duty, will need nut less than one million bales of American cotton, and it is not improbable that New England manufacturers may have to pay fifty cents per pound for all the next crop they use.—Nashville Union d American. Paris Correspondence of the New York Tribune. Imperial Every-Day Life-How the Empe ror Napoleon Passes Isis Time. Passing through various ante-rooms in the Tuileries we at last find ourselves in a large drawing-room, hung with red silk damask, the furniture being covered with the same material. In the center is a large table, with an arm-cliair at one end and chairs all around. We are now- in the council chamber, where, the Emperor twice a week deliberates with his ministers.— Leaving this apartment, we penetrate into the Emperor’s study, or either the official study, as there is another adjoining office in which lie w'riles reads reports and examines ihc numerous affairs submitted to his decision. In the first study he usually receives the persons to whom audiences have been granted, signs papers, transacts gene ral business. In tiie private office we find two valets engaged in dusting mid putting things in order, for the Emperor will presently arrive.— These two valets have special charge of the study. Their sole business is Jo keep ii iu order, and no one but they can enter it in the Emperor’s absence. These two men, with Felix, first usher, Leon, first valet de chamber, and five or six other servants, formerly attached, either in per son or through their families, to tiie household ot Queen Horleuse, constitute the personal at tendance of Napoleon III. They are devoted to their imperial master, and watch over him with discreet and jealous vigilance. I use the term “discreet,” because it is well known that the Emperor has a great dislike of the precau tionary measures which the several attempts to assassinate him have rendered necessary, and M. llyrvoix, Inspector General of Police of the Im perial residences, is obliged to employ the great est activity and skill to secure the safety of the sovereign against whose life so many conspira cies have been set on foot. While we have been staring at the rooms through which we have passed, 7 o’clock has struck, and the Emperor is now at his desk.— The first persons admitted to liis presence are Dr. Conneau, the Emperor’s physician and di rector of the Sovereign’s bounty, and M. Melin, Treasurer ot the Cassette, or Privy Purse. These gentlemen report on the moneys distributed bv them yesterday, and receive "their instructions to-day. After leaving the Emperor they make a similar visit to the Empress and the young Prince Imperial, for the same purpose." The next arrivals are M. C’onti, chief of the Cabinet (which must not be mistaken for the Ministry) and M. Pietri, Private Secretary to the Empe ror. They report to his Majesty upon the peti tions which have been received on the previous day, and take the Emperor’s orders with regard to them. As numerous documents of tliis kind are daily sent to the Tuileries, and as each is daily examined, this labor usually consumes the time until ten o’clock. At this hour Felix intro duces the savans, writers and artists, employed by the Emperor, and who come to present their work or receive instructions. Shortly before noon the officers of the household submit theii several reports, and at noon the Emperor goes, up to the apartments of the Empress to "break fast, herself and the Prince Imperial only partici pating with him in this meal, which lasts about halt an hour. After breakfast the Emperor re mains a short time to converse with his son and the ladies and gentlemen ofthe palace on duty. He then returns to his office, and the regular series of audiences commence. The visitors are the Cab inet Ministers, Foreign Ambassadors, the Presi dent of the Senate, Corps Legislatiff, and Coun cil of State, the high functionaries who have bu siness to transact, and persons who have been accorded a special interview. These receptions are rarely over before 4 o’clock. The Emperor then goes out to ride, sometimes merely for relax ation, in which case he drives to the Bois de Boulogne, or to Vincennes, but frequently avail ing himself of the opportunity to inspect the public works and improvements in progress, and visit charitable establishments. He generally re turns to the Tuileries about 6 o’clock, and at 7 din ner is announced. At this meal, in addition to the Emperor, Empress and Prince Imperial, the guests are the entire household on duty, that is to say, the aids-de-camp, orderly officers, ebam- perlains, equerries and ladies of the palace.— Contrary to the rule observed on occasions of ceremony, (when the Empress sits opposite the Emperor,) on ordinary days Her Majesty’s place is at the right side of her husband. Gen. Rollin, Adjutant General of the Tuileries, siis opposite their Majesties. The first Lady of Honor is placed at the Emperor’s left, and the Cliief-Aid- de-Camp at the Empress’ right. After dinner, the company enter the drawing room adjoining the dining-room, where about an hour is passed, the time being spent in conversa tion or in games of skill and calculation. Card playing is entirely excluded. Recently, the princi pal occupation of this leisure hour was the plan ning of homes for the laboring classes. Tbe Empe ror and Empress, both of whom take a deep inter est in this subject, each built a miniature dwelling with blocks of wood and bits of pasteboard, de fending their ideas against the objections and criticism of those around them. At the Univer sal Exhibition of 1867, Napoleon III. and the Empress Eugenie will figure as exhibitors of workingmen’s houses, and may be fortunate enough to carry off a medal. Between 9 and 10 o’clock the Emperor again returns to his study, and labors until the hour for retiring. “Do tot know who I am ?” said an officer to a fellow whom he had by the collar. “Not ex actly, sir,” the fellow replied “but I think you must be the malignant collarer.” From the Cincinnati Gazette. Tiie Camphor Remedy For Cholera. Great interest is just now felt in the successful cure of the cholora by Dr. Rubini, of Naples. Camphor, as a cure for cholera, has long been used by both schools of medicine, and Dr. Ru- bini’s innovation consists in the method of pre paring the remedy. The essential facts of the case I will now state as they have been reported here by an English gentleman. Dr. Rubini’a preparation consists of equal parts by weight of camphor and spirits, aud to the power thus obtained he attributes his success in the treatment of the disease. And here I may say that the (quantity of camphor which water will take up is small. To obtain, there fore, the “saturated spirits of camphor of Rubini,” it is necessary to distil spirits of wine, and get rid of so much of its water as will bring it to sixty degrees over proof, in which condition it will dissolve and hold in solution its own weight of camphor. [We are informed that our druggists find it necessary to use alcohol of 98 per cent, above proof. The composition is simply to put in as much camphor as the spirit9]will dissolve.—Ed.] With this “saturated spirits of camphor,” Dr. Rubini, an eminent Neapolitan physician, has treated in Naples five hundred and ninety-two cases of Asiatic cholera without the loss of a single patient. Of these five hundred and ninety-two cases, two hundred were cured in the royal alms house; eleven in the royal poor house, and one hundred sixty-six in the Swiss regiment of Wolff. That the three hundred and seventy-seven cases treated by Dr. Rubini in the public institutions were all genuine cases: of Asiatic cholera, and some terribly severe.”' and that all recovered, the evidence of the fol lowing distinguished individuals, with their offi cial seals attatched, sufficiently attests: II Gen eral Govemators Ricel; 11 Maggiore Com- madante Nicola Forni; II Capitano Command- ante Carlo Sodcro; Generate Commandante Filippo Ruoci; Colonel Eduoro Wolff. When a man is seized with the cholera he should at once,” says Rubini, “lie down, be well wrapped up in blankets, aud take every five minutes four drops of the saturated tincture ot camphor. In very severe cases the dose ought to be increased to from five to twenty drops every five minutes. In the case of a man in. advanced age accustomed to take wine ami spirits, where the drug given in drops has no effect, give a small coffee spoonful every five minutes, and iu a verv short time the coveted reaction will occur. Ordinarily, in two, three or four hours, abundant perspiration will come out, and then cure will follow. “The preven tative method,” writes Dr. Rubini, “is this: Let those who are in good health, while living in accordance with their usual habits, take every day five drops of the saturated spirits of cam phor upon a small lump of sugar (water must never be used as a medium, or the camphor will become solid, and its curative qualities cease,) and repeat the dose three or four times a day. Spices, aromatic herbs, coffee, tea and spirituous liquors should be avoided.” -An _ Elopement.—There was a great excite ment in Cannelton, Indiana, last Sunday. Miss Martha E. Connett and Mr. Pleasant Munroe, both of Pell City, Indiana, had eloped thither, but were followed by the indignant father of the young lady, who sought to prevent the mar riage. The twain, however, had resolved to be come one. They wandered about in search of a clergyman who would tie the knot, followed bv the father and a large crowd which had been gathered by the noise of the altercation between them. Finally, the couple entered a friend’s house, whence the father was now excluded; but he still waited without, determined that they should not emerge without him seeing them.— Their forlorn hope in this extremity was a ruse, which succeeded perfectly. A friend sallied forth in the young lady’s attire, and surrounded by other friends, ran up the street, followed by the father and the crowd. Then the young lady came forth dressed in male attire, and afterwards came the bridegroom; they reached a place ap pointed and were soon married. Fast Trlveling.—Recently, on an English railroad, a bridge caught fire,"and the superin tendent of the road, who was in London, was telegraphed for. He immediately left London, and traveled on an engine to York, a distance of 191 miles, in 3 hours and 43 minutes, includ ing a stoppage of 8 minutes at one of the sta tions. This was equal to six miles in seven min utes—a rate of continuous speed rarely made on any long railroad.