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“ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”—Jefferson. VOLUME XVIII. ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 29,1866. NUMBER 34. Oar Country—It* Heal Character. The real character of our Government Is sel- THE ADDRESS PUBLISHED DAILY AND WEEKLY BY JARED IRWIN WHITAKER, I*roi>ri«-t«»r. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, Wednesday, August 20, 1866. The Philadelphia Convention. We have laid before our readers, from time to time, reports of the proceedings of the late Phila delphia Convention, which embrace all of inter est connected with its official action. It may in terest our readers now to know how the action of that body—its PLatfoum of principles and its address to the people of the United States— has been rereived North and South. The press of both sections give the best indications of the prevailing sentiment, and we are gratified in be ing able to state, that with very few exceptions South, and with none, save the “ dyed-in-the- wool radical ” papers of the North, is any doubt expressed as to the success of the great and pa triotic movement. With regard to the former, some exceptions have been taken to certain por tions of the address. But—and we produce it as an example—the Richmond Examiner says : “ We do not expect to have everything our own way in these matters. We can render no aid in the contest. The wants and leclings of the South are imperfectly understood. If the Convention had known how thoroughly the South loathes martial law and the military satraps who bear rule over her fair borders, they would doubtless have urged an instant abrogation of the whole system upon the attention of the President. The recommendation of general amnesty would have been both u graceful and a sensible proceeding. These, indeed, are grave omissions. But we re cognize most cordially, the Conservative spirit and objects of the Convention, and we believe that the eflect of its deliberations will be im incnsely to strengthen the great popular move ment which is destined soon to overwhelm utterly the Radical faction. If it accomplishes this good end, it will not have met in vain, We have no votes, and all we can do is to look on quietly, wishing success to the Conservative phalanx, hut declining at the same time, to ratify what is not true, or to reward, by ovations, our own very unprofitable servants who have paid half fare to Philadelphia, and done less than half work.” The foregoing is illustrative of the general feeling of that portion ol our people who do not thoroughly endorse the platform of principles and the sentiments expressed in the address of the Convention, hut nevertheless “ recognize most cordially the conservative spirit and objects of the Convention,” believing “ that the effect of its deliberations will be immensely to strengthen the great popular movement which is destined soon to overwhelm utterly the radical faction.” Perhaps even the Southern papers that occupy the, in some respects, dissenting position ot t lie Examiner, would not have give utterance to some of their objections, had they known what we see stated in the editorial correspondence of the Au gusta Chronicle <f Sentinel, to-irit: that “ the ad dress to the people of the United States, as pub lished, is not in the exact phraseology which was reported by the Committee.” There are (says General Wright, the writer,) “ a few phrases used in- describing parties to the late war, which are offensive to a portion of our people, and they were ordered to he stricken out of the address, before it was reported to the Convention. By some oversight, this was not done, and hence the official copy oftlic address will he slightly modi fied in a few not very important particulars.” The Southern press generally endorses the proceedings of the Convention, and will give what support it can to the “ Conservative Party,” and to President Johnson, in their ctlorts to overthrow the Radical Party of the North. We regret here, however, to say, that more opposi tion was made in Georgia, by its press, to the Convention movement, than in any other South ern State, and that, we see no change in the dis course of those papers since the adjournment of that body. Pride of opinion, we apprehend, lias much to do with their murmurings and discon tent ; more than is warranted by the condition of the South. This opposition, or dissent, how ever, does not affect a majority of the papers in this State, or the masses ol the people—they are right—and will lend all the aid they can to the Conservative Party of the North, in the mighty etlbrt—God speed them in it—they are now making to overthrow radicalism, and restore Constitutional Government to ilie Southern States. So much for the position of the press and peo- pi.k of the South. From the North, the news is cheering. The Ritdicals are on the wane, and the Conservative l'arty daily acquiring strength. The Convention is there recognized as a triumphant success. So may it prove. But as our Macon cotemporary —the Journal <£• Messenger—says: “Let our rea der-; one and all divest themselves of the idea that they have no responsibility, and need take no interest in national affairs. We have greater reason tor interest than we ever had ; and it mat ters not whether we are citizens of the Govern ment by our own free volition or no—it is our Government nevertheless, just as much as it is Thaddeus Stevens', and we have as deep and vi tal a concern in its successful and prosper ous administration. It holds our tate and that ot our children in its hands, and we cannot be indiflerent to its welfare without a kind of moral suicide. We need not be noisy politicians—we need not run for office—we need not pandei to office seekers; but we ought, like sensible men, to stand in our lot and support with earnestness and fidelity the Course of public policy which we believe to l>c right and conducive to the na tional welfare." 1 right to exclude others from representation and j victorious war always confers upon the conquer- ; from all share in making their own laws and J ors, and which the conqueror may waive, in his dom adverted to in these degenerate limes, and j nL . , r ,. . T . . , | choosing their own rulers, unless they shall com-j own discretion. To this we reply, that the laws it is really not understood by the great mass oft ™Uaaeipflia National 1111011 lOnveiltlOIl, j ply with suchi condtUons and perform such acts j i* question relate-solely , so fer as the rights they predated, and how few there are, among the millions that now inhabit the United States and the Teritories thereof, that have studied the character of their governments, State or Fede ral ! A lamentable ignorance in this respect lots pervaded, hence, demagogues and the designing have too oflen succeeded in deluding the people, and have, at various periods in the history of this government, attained power, when patriots and statesmen should have directed its affairs.— As a people, since the adoption of the Federal Constitution, we have been a progressive one in ail that pertains to agriculture, manufactures, me chanics, education, science and the arts ; hut in government we have sadly deteriorated, and our people either know less of, or care less for, their rights under that Constitution, and to govern ment under it, than their ancestors did at the period it was formed. This is especially true in regard to the people of the Northern, Eastern, and Western States. With all their industry and enterprise; with all their colleges, acade mies, and common schools; and with all their pro fessed regard for morality and religion; the govern ment under which we live—its theory and design —is less understood, than it is in the South, or if understood, has been and is still being perverted to ends of self interest and the advancement of fanatical opinions which, having provoked and brought about a desolating war, are now being directed to the procrastination of peace and the persecution of the people of the Southern States. We, of course, allude only to the controlling ma jority of the sections referred to. How long these may retain the power in the government they have so much abused, we know not; the “signs of the times” indicate that their supremacy is fast waning, and that a better day is fast ap proaching. The foregoing views have been suggested by the following article of the Baltimore Evening Transcript. We commend its perusal to our readers. Its views on our government and its real character, are philosophical and sound, and will interest while they will impart most valua ble information: The sovereign power of flie people of these United States, it is universally conceded, resides and litis always resided in the people of the sev eral States, as expressed in separate majorities in accordance with the prescribed organic law. These powers are found first in their State Con stitutions ; and such additional necessary and proper powers as are deemed requisite to create a Federative Union were bestowed upon a Fed eral Government under the Constitution of the United States established in 1787. This, in a few words, is the government we live under. As Mr. Johnson remarked to Queen Emma, here every citizen of a State was a king, a sovereign, and though lie was infinitismally atomic in the exercise of sovereign powers, he was every inch a king, in arriving at the great result. If sover eignty he an attribute to American citizenship it is because each qualified elector is possessed of those powers which in monarchical countries re side in the King or Wittenagemote; or it follows that no sovereign can diminish, or alienate his sovereignty under well known principles of in ternational law. It. is essentially undivisible, in alienable and extra commercivm-, it cannot be bought, sold, surrendered, or transferred, because he is tree and is incapable of dimisliing, dispos ing of or destroying those prerogatives of his ex istence which he holds for the benefit of his fel low-citizens and posterity forever. He is not permitted by the law of nations to commit po litical suicide. Hence it is a gross error to con tend in this country that the people have surren dered anything to the States or the General Gov ernment. It is a fatal and false admission, and is wrong ab initio ad finis. What the people have done in the plenitude of their sovereign rights was to breathe the breath of political life into their State and Federal Constitution, not to diminish their sovereignty; but in furtherance thereof, the bet ter to establish, confirm, protest and defend those powers, and they have said in their Declaration of Independence, as in the Massachusetts Consti tution, that tlie people of this Commonwealth are free and independent, aud have the right to amend, alter or totally change the government under which they live, whenever they choose, and that these rights, without, which freedom and inde pendence are but empty words, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing, arc inalienable and in- divestible. Mr. Hamilton also says in the Feder- dist on this very point, “7/i strictness the people surrender nothing”—“they retain everything, and have no need of particular reservations”— speaking of Constitutions professedly founded upon the powers of the people. These agents, trustees, servants and ministers of the sovereign will of this great nation, are sheer usurpers, when they ascribe to themselves original and undelegated authority iu contradis tinction to the sovereign rights of the people.— They invert the whole system of our political ex istence, and become our masters instead of our servants, our King, instead of our subjects, our Creator, instead of our creatures. They pervert the logic of political mechanics, and expect the base ol a pyramid to rest where the apex belongs, and that the government can get along just as well bv walking on its head as its legs. This is a heresy more dangerous than nullification, se cession or radicalism, and the sooner it is explo ded the better. This is a government ot the people. The people ot the States have said who are qualified to enter into this fraternity of Kings, and how their sovereign pleasure shall be ascer tained, made known and promulgated, both in Suite and Federal affairs. It is tlieir voice, ex pressed through votes which is the vox dei, and it is absurd to contend that they ever surrendered one jot or tittle ot their sovereignty by which their lives, liberty or freedom can be jeopardized. To secure them forever to themselves and their posterity they ordained organic laws, by which all were to he solemnly governed, and it would be very astounding at this day to discover that they had only succeeded in creating a change of masters by the oceans of blood and sacrifice shed in the name of a fictitious libertv. our people, from whom emanates the power to i To TUE govern. It must be studied to be known and ap- j PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. Having met in Convention at the city of Phila delphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, this 16th of August, 1866, as the representatives of the people in all sections and all the States and Ter ritories of the Union, to consult upon the condi tion and the wants of the common country, we address to you this declaration of our principles and ol the political purposes we seek to promote. Since tlie meeting of the last National Con vention, in the year 1860, events have occurred which have changed the character of our inter- fored at the present time. Nor does it find" any support in the cry that the States thus excluded : are in rebeftion against the Government, and are I therefore precluded from sharing its authority.— j They are not thus in rebellion. They are one i and all in an attitude of loyalty towards the Gov- I ernment, and of sworn allegiance to the Consti- I tution of the United States. In none of them is j there the slightest indication of resistance to this j authority, or the slightest protest against its just J aud binding obligations. This condition of re- between have no regard, in a war waged by a government to suppress an insurrection of its own people upon its own soil against its author ity. If we had carried on successful war against any foreign nation, we might thereby have ac quired possession and jurisdiction of their soil, with the right to enforce our laws upon their people, and to impose upon them such laws and such obligations as we might cbeose. But we had, before the war, complete jurisdiction over the soil of the Southern States, limited only by our own Constitution. Our laws were the only powerful in number, in resources, and in public spirit, alter a war so long in its duration, so de structive in its progress, and so adverse in its issue, have accepted defeat- and its consequences with so much of good faith as has marked the conduct of the people lately in insurrection against the United States. Beyond all question this has been largely due to the wise generosity with which tlieir enforced surrender was accept ed by the. President of the United States, and the generals in immediate command of our armies, and to the liberal measures which were after wards taken to restore order, tranquility, and law, to the States where all had been tor the time overthrown. No steps could have been better calculated to command the respect, win the confidence, revive the patriotism, and secure the permanent and affectionate allegiance of the nal policy aud given the United States a new I newed loyalty lias been officially recognized by national laws in force upon it. The Government people of the South to the Constitution and laws . r J ® . . — cnloinn nrnolom.itirm rvr tho PvoontT\onn»t I d*.,* it 1 n a I _ c -V . tt • .i n • l. i l " Truth crushed to earth wilt rise again. The eternal years of God are hers: While Error* writhes in fltrony and pain. And dies amid her worshippers.” Tlie Ad tire** and other Proceeding* of the Philadelphia foil vent ion. These occupy most of our space to-day. We lay them before our readers, therefore, without continent. That they will be deliberately read and pondered over by onr people, and that they will do much to leconcile those who were orig inally disposed to decry the movement, we have no doubt. At least we trust that they ntay. Con nected with these proceedings, we notice the fol lowing from the Executive Committee, to which we invite also the attention of our readers: Philadelphia, August, 16, I860. At a meeitng of the National Union Executive Committee, held this day at Philadelphia, Au gust 16, 1866. the following resolution was unan- imouslv adopted: R'XiJred, That the National Union Executive •Committee earnestly recommend to the friends of peace. Union, liberty, and law, in each county of the thirty-six States and nine Territories of the American Union, as early as practicable, to hold mass meetings for the purpose of ratifying the action ol tlie National Union Convention, •and also to provide means to place its proceed ings iu the hands of every citizen of the Republic. Joseph T. Crowell. Chairman National Union Executive Committee. Personal. We had the pleasure yesterday of seeing iu our *ity, the Ilox. O. A. Lochkane, a gentleman well known, and who has many friends in At lanta. The Ji’DGE appears to be in fine health and spirits, and has remained over to attend to some professional engagements here. He is at the National Hotel. Be Cautious. We call the attention of all interested to the following extracts from Section 5th, page 108, Internal Revenue Laws: That it shall be unlaw ful from and after the 1st day of September, i860, for any agent ot transportation to receive for shipment any cotton unaccompanied by a permit from the Collector or Assessor of the District front which it is shipped; and such certificate shall be furnished to the Collector of the Dis trict to which said cotton is transported, and his permit obtained before the delivery of said cot ton. Any person or persons violating the above pro vision of this Act shall be liable to a penalty of £100 for each bale so shipped, or to imprison ment for not more than one year, or both. All vehicles employed in such conveyance or trans portation shall be liable to seizure and forfeiture by proceedings in any court of the United States. Hon. A. H. Stephen*. A Washington correspondent of the Augusta Chronicle writes that this gentleman had a lengthy interview with the Presidennt on the 14th. and it is known that the interview was of a most pleasant and satisfactory character. We notice also the following paragraph in an exchange, dated Philadelphia, the 18th instant: Hon. Alexander H. Stephens left for Milledge- ville this morning. It was impossible for him to remain in the city any longer, owing to impor tant business engagements. His physical condi tion prevented him from addressing the public, as he intended, but it is possible he will deliver a series of lectures in Northern cities during the coming winter.” place among the nations of the earth. Our Gov ernment has passed through tlie vicissitudes and the perils of civil war—a war which, though mainly sectional iu its character, has neverthe less decided political differences that from the very beginning of the Government had threat ened the unity of our national existence, and has left its impress, deep and ineliaceahle, upon all the interests, the sentiments, and the destiny of the Republic. While it has inflicted upon tlie whole country severe losses iu life and in pro perty, and has imposed burdens which must weigh on its resources for generations to come, it lias developed a degree of noble courage in the presence of national dangers, a capacity for military organization and achievement, and de votion on the part ot the people to the form of government which they have ordained, and to the principles of liberty which that Government was designed to promote, which must confirm the confidence of the nation in the perpetuity of its republican institutions, and command the re spect of the civilized world. Like all great con tests which rouse the passions and test the endu rance of nations, this war has given new scope to tlie ambition of political parties, and fresh im pulse to plans of innovation and reform. Amidst the chorus of conflicting sentiments, inseparable from such an era, while the public heart is keen ly alive to all the passions that can sway the public judgment and affect the public action, while the wounds of war are still fresh and bleed ing on either side, and fears lor the future take unjust proportions from the memories aud re sentments of the past, it is a difficult, but an Im perative duty which, in your behalf, we who are here assembled have undertaken to perform.— For the first time after six long years of alliena- tion and of conflict, we have come together from every State and every section of our land, as citizens of a common country, under that flag, the symbol of a common glory, to consult to gether how best to secure and perpetuate that Union which is again the object of our common love, aud thus secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. In the first place, we invoke you to remember always and everywhere that the war is ended, and the nation is again at peace. The shock of contending arms no longer assails the shudder ing heart of the Republic. The insurrection against the supreme authority of the nation has been suppressed, and that authority has been again acknowledged by word and act in every State and by every citizen within its jurisdiction. We are no longer required or permitted to re gard or treat each other as enemies. Not only have the acts of war been discontinued and the weapons of war laid aside, but the state of war no longer exists, and the sentiments, the passions, the relations of war have no longer lawful or rightful place anywhere throughout our broad dominion. We tire again people of the United States, fellow-citizens of the country, bound by the duties and obligations of a common nation, and having neither rights nor interests apart from a common destiny. The duties that de volve upon us now are again the duties of peace, and no longer the duties of.war. We have as sembled here to take counsel concerning the in terests of peace, to decide how we may most wisely and effectually heal the w'ouuds the war has made, ami perfect and perpetuate the bene fits it has secured, and the blessings which, un der a wise and benign Providence, sprung up in its fieri' track. This is the work not of passion, but of calm and sober judgment; not of resent ment for past offenses prolonged beyond the limits which justice and reason prescribe, but of a liberal statesmanship which tolerates wliat it cannot prevent, and builds its hopes for the fu ture rather upon a community of interest and ambition than upon distrust and the weapons of force. In the next place, we call upon you to recog nize, in their full significance, and to accept, with all their legitimate consequences, the political re sults of the war just closed. In two most impor tant particulars the victory achieved by the Na tional Government has been final anti decisive. First: it has established, beyond all further con troversy, and by the highest ot all human sanc tion, the absolute supremacy of the National Government, as defined and directed by the Con stitution of the United States, and the permanent integrity and indissolubility of the Federal Union is a necessary consequence; and secondly, it has put and end, finally and forever, to the existence of slavery upon the soil or within the jurisdiction of the United States. Both these points became directly involved in the contest, and controversy upon both hits euded absolutely and finally by the result. In the third place, we deem it of the utmost importance that the real character of the war, anti the victory by which it was closed should he accurately understood. The war was carried on by the Government of the United States in main tenance of its own authority and in defense of its Own existence, both of which were menaced by the insurrection which it sought to suppress. The suppression of that insurrection accomplished the result. The Government of the United States maintained by force of arms the supreme author ity over all the territory and over all the States aud people within its jurisdiction which the Con stitution confers upon it, but it acquired thereby no new power, no enlargedjurisdiction, no rights, either of territorial possession or of civil author ity, which it did not possess before the rebellion broke out. All the rightful power it can ever pos sess is that which is conferred upon it in express terms, or by fair and necessary implication, by the Constitution of the United States. It was that power and that authority which the rebel lion sought to overthrow, and the victory of the Federal arms was simply the defeat ot that at tempt. The Government- of the United States acted throughout the war on the defensive. It sought only to hold possession of what was already its own. Neither war nor the victory by which it was ended changed in any way the Constitution of the United States. The war was carried on by virtue of its provisions and under tlie limita tions which they prescribed, and the result of the war did not either enlarge, abridge, or in any way change or affect the powers it confers upon the Federal Government, or release that Government from the restrictions which it has imposed. The Constitution of the United States is to-day precisely as it was before the war—the supreme law of the land, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary not withstand ing. And to-day also, precisely as before the war, all the powers not conferred by the Constitution upon the General Government, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the several States or to the people thereof. This position is vindicated not only by the es sential nature of our Government and' the lan guage of our Government, in all its departments and at all times, from the outbreak of the rebel lion to its final overthrow. In the messages and proclamations of the Executive it was explicitly declared that the-sole object and purpose ot the war was to maintain the authority of the Consti tution, and to preserve the integrity of the Union, and Congress more than once reiterated this solemn declaration, and added the assurance, that whenever this object should be attained the war should cease, and all the States should re tain their equal rights and dignity unimpaired. It is only since the war litis closed that other rights have been asserted on behalf of one de partment of the General Government. It has been proclaimed by Congress that in addition to the powers conferred upon it by the Constitution, the Federal Government may now proclaim over the States and the territory, and the people in volved in the insurrection, * the rights ot war— right ol conquest and of confiscation, the right to abrogate all existing governments, institutions, and laws, and to subject the territory conquered and its inhabitants to such terms and regulations as the legislative department of tlie Government may see fit to impose, under the broad and sweeping claim that the clause ol the Constitu tion which provides that no State shall, without its consent, be deprived of its eqnal suffrage in the Senate of the United States has been annull ed : and States have been refused, and are still refused, representation altogether in both branch es of the Federal Congress; and the Congress in which only a part of the States and of the peo ple ot the Union are represented has asserted the solemn proclamation of the Executive Depart- I of the United States was the only Government I of the Union than those which have beeu so ment. The laws of the United States have been through which those States and their people had firmly taken and so steadfastly pursued by the extended by Congress over all these States, and relations with foreign nations, and its flag was I President of the United States, the people thereof. Federal courts have been re- the only flag by which they were recognized or And if that confidence and loyalty lias beeu ported, and Federal taxes imposed and levied, known anywhere on tlie face ot the earth. In i since impaired, if the people South are to-day anc. in every respect, except that they are denied I all tliese respects, and in all other respects in- j less candid in that allegiance than they were int- representation in Congress and the Electoral Col- yolving national interests and rights, our posses- I mediately upon the close of the war, we believe lege, the States once in rebellion are recognized I sion was perfect and complete. It did not need I it is due to the changed tone of the Legislative as holding the same^obligations and subject to ' - - - - — - - the same duties as tlie other States of our com- 1 victorious war against the rebellion could do I them; to the action by which Congress mon Union. •. . I nothing more than maintain it. It could only deavored to suppress and defeat the President It seems to us, in the exercise of the calmest I vindicate and re-establish the disputed snprem- j wise and beneficial polievof restoration; to their and most candid judgment we can bring to the acy of the Constitution. It could neither enlarge | exclusion from all participation in our common subject, such a claim, so enforced, involves as fa- nor diminish the authority which that Constitu- Government; to the withdrawal front them o‘ tal an overthrow of tlie authority ot the Consti- j tion confers upon the government by which it I the rights conferred and guaranteed by the Con tution, and as complete a destruction of the Gov- I was achieved. Silch an, enlargement or abridg- I stitution, and to the evident purpose of Congress, eminent and Union, as that which was sought ment of constitutional power can be effected 1 ' " - - to be effected by the States and people in armed | only by amendment of the Constitution itself, and such amendments can be made only in the modes which the Constitution itself prescribes. The claim that the suppression of an insurrec tlou against the Government gives additional authority and power to that Government, espe- insurrection against them. It cannot escape ob servation, that the power thus asserted to exclude certain States from representation is made to rest wholly in the will and discretion of the Congress that, asserts it. It is not made to depend upon in the exercise of a usurped and unlawful author ity, to reduce them front the ranks of free and equal members of a republic of States, with rights and dignities unimpaired, to the condition ot conquered provinces and a conquered people in all things subservient, and subject to the w ' of their conquerors, free only to obey laws specified conditions or circumstances, nor to be cialiy that it enlarges the jurisdiction of Congress making which they are not allowed to share. No 1 '“ — ~i—* an( j gives that body the right to exclude States | people has ever yet existed whose loyalty and from representation in the National Councils, without which the nation itself can have no au thority and no existence, seems to us at variance alike with the principles ot the Constitution and with the public safety. Third. But it is alleged that in certain particu lars the Constitution of tlie United States fails to secure the absolute justice and impartial equal ity which the principles of our Government re- _ quire; that it was in tliese respects the result of I j )e imposed upon them. Resentment ot injustice compromises and concessions to which, however i s always and everywhere essential to freedom necessary when the Constitution was formed, we anf i tlie spirit which prompts tlie (states and peo are no longer compelled to submit; and that P le latel y in insurrection, insurgents now no . . - - . now, having the power through successful war, I longer, to protest against the imposition of un- snare in the Government, tor one reason, and that an j j us t warrant lor its exercise in the hostile I just and degrading conditions, makes them all reason removed, the next Congress may exclude conduct of the insurgent section, the actual Gov- tlie m<>re worthy to share in the government of Q ne gtatc maybe excluded on | eminent of the United States may impose its i a free commonwealth, and gives still firmer as- own conditions, and make the Constitution con- I yurance ot tlie future power and freedom of the subject to any rules or regulations whatever. The right asserted and exercised is absolute, without qualification or restriction, not confined to States in rel>ellion, nor to States that have re belled. It is the right of any Congress, in for mal possession of legislative authority, to exclude any State or States, and any portion of the peo ple thereof, at any time from representation in Congress, and in the Electoral College, at its own discretion, and until they shall perform such acts and comply with such conditions as it may dic tate. 'Obviously, the reasons for such exclusion being wholly within the discretion of Congress, may change as the Congress itself shall change. One Congress' may exclude a State from all faith such treatment long continued would not allienate and impair. And the ten millions Americans who live in the South would be un worthy citizens of a free country, degenerate sons of an heroic ancestry, unfit ever to become guardians ot the rights and liberties bequeathed to us by the authors and founders of this Repub lic, if they could accept, with uncomplaining submissiveness the humiliations thus sought to it for another, one ground to-day, and another may be excluded on the opposite ground to-morrow. Northern ascendency may exclude Southern States from one Congress—the ascendency' ot Western or Southern interests, or of both combined, may ex elude the Northern or the Eastern States from the next. Improbable as such usurpations may seem, the establishment of the principle now asserted and acted upon by Congress will render them by no means impossible. The character, indeed, the very existence of Congress and the Union, is thus made dependent solely and entirely upon the party and sectional exigencies or forbearances of the hour. We need not stop to show that such action not only finds no warrant iu the Constitu tion, but is at war with every principle of our Government, and with tlie very existence office institution. It is, indeed, the identical practice which has rendered fruitless all attempts hither to to establish and maintain free governments in Mexico aud the States of South America. Party necessities assert themselves as superior to funda mental law, which is set aside in reckless obedi ence to their behests. Stability, whether in the exercise of power in the administration of gov ernment of in the enjoyment of rights, becomes impossible, aud the conflicts of party, which an der constitutional governments are the conditions and means of political progress, are merged in the conflicts of arms,- *> which they directly and inevitably tend. It was against this peril, so conspicuous, and so fatal to all free governments, that our Consti tution was intended specially to provide. Not only the stability, but the very existence of the government is made by its provisions to depend upon the right and the fact of representation.— The Congress, upon which is conferred all the legislative power of the National Government, consists of two branches—the Senate and the House of Representatives—whose joint concur rence or assent is essential to the validity of any law. Of these, the House of Representatives, say's the Constitution, (Article 1st, section 2d.) shall be composed ot members chosen every se coud year by the people of the several States.— Not only is the right of representation thus re form iu all its provisions to its own ideas of equality and the rights of war. Congress, at its last session, proposed amendments to the Consti tution, enlarging, in some very important parti culars, tlie authority of the General Government over that of the several States, and reducing, by indirect disfranchisement, the representative, power of the States in which slavery formerly existed ; and it is claimed that these amendments may be made valid as parts of the original Con stitution without the concurrence of the States to be most seriously affected by them, or may' be imposed upon those States by' three-fourths of tlie remaining States, as conditions of tlieir re- admission to representation in Congress and iu the Electoral College. Republic; for whatever responsibilitv the South ern people may' have incurred iu resisting the authority ot the National Government aud taking up arms for its overthrow, tliey may be held to answer for as individuals before the judi cial tribunals, of the land, and for their conduct as societies and organized communities they have already paid tlie most fearful penalty that can fall on' offending States, in the losses, the sufferings, and humiliations of unsuccessful war. But whatever may be the guilt or the punish ment of tlie conscious authors of the insurrec tion, candor and common justice demand con cession to the great mass of those who became involved in its risks and acted upon what they deemed to be their duty, and iu defense of what It is the unquestionable right ot the people of they flfhl been taught to believe were their rights, the United States to make such changes in tlie or under a compulsion, physical and moral Constitution as they, upon due deliberation, may which they were powerless to resist. Nor can it deem expedient. But we insist that they shail I he amiss to remember that, terrible as have been be made in the mode which tlie Constitution it- j the bereavements and the losses of this war, they sell points out, in conformity with the letter and | have fallen exclusively upon neither section and spirit of that instrument, and with the principles of self-government and of equal rights which .lie at the basis ot our republican institutions.- We deny the right of Congress to make these changes in the fundamental law without the con currence of three-fourths of all the States, in cluding especially those to be most seriously af fected by them, or to impose them .upon States or people as conditions of representation or of admission to any of the rights, duties or obliga tions which belong, under tlie Constitution, to all the States alike ; and with still greater em phasis do we deny the right of any portion of the States, excluding the rest of the States from any share in their councils, to propose or sanction changes in the Constitution which arc to affect permanently tlieir political relations, and control or coerce the legitimate action of the several, members of the common Union. Such an exercise of power is simply a usurpation, just as unwarrantable when exercised by Northern States as it would lie if exercised by Southern, and not to be fortified or palliated by anything in tlie past history either of those hy whom it is at tempted or of those upon whose rights and lib- cognized as possessed by all the States and by er ti es it is to take effect. It finds no warrant in every State, without restriction,_ qualification, or j the Constitution. It is at war with the funda- upon neither party; that they have fallen, in deed, with far greater weight upon those with whom the war begun ; that in the death of rela tives and friends, the dispersion of families, the disruption of social systems and social ties, the overthrow of Governments, of law and of order, the destruction of property and of forms and modes and means of industry, the loss of politi cal, commercial, and moral influence in any shape and form, which great calamities we are sure tlie States and people which er traged in the war against the government of the United States have suffered ten-fold more than those who re mained in allegiance to its Constitution and laws. These considerations may not, as they certainly do not, justify the action of the people of the insurgent States ; but no humane, generous mind will refuse to them very considerable weight in determining the line of conduct which the Gov ernment of the United States should pursue to wards them. They accept, if not with alacrity, certainly without sullen resentment, the defeat aud overthrow they have sustained. They ac knowledge aud acquiesce in tlie results to them selves and the country which that defeat invol ves; they no longer claim for any State the right to secede from tlie Union; they no longer assert condition of any kind, but the duty of choosing men tal principles of our form of government. If | for any State an allegiance paramount representatives is imposed upon the people of | tolerated iu one instance it becomes the prece- | Which is due to the General Government. to that - s prece- I wmen is uue Tome uenerai urovernuiem. They each and every' State alike, without distinctions 1 ffeut for future invasions of liberty and constitu- I bave accepted tlie destruction of slavery—abo- or the authority to make distinctions among them tional right, dependent solely upon the will of the fished it by their State Constitutions—and con fer any reason or upon any grounds whatever.— party in possession ot power, and thus leads by I curred with the States and people of the whole Anri the Senate, so careful is the Constitution to t jj rect an( j ne cessary sequence to the most fatal Union in prohibiting its existence forever upon and intolerable of all tyrannies, the tyranny of the soil or within the jurisdiction of the United shifting and irresponsible political factions. It States. They indicate and evince tlieir purpose, is against this, the most formidable of all the jest so fast as may be possible and safe, to adapt dangers which menace the stability of free gov- | their domestic laws to the changed condition of ernment, that the Constitution ot the United And the Senate, so careful is the Constitution to secure to every State this right of representation, it is expressly provided that no State shall with out its consent be deprived of its equal suffrage in that body, even by an amendment to the Con stitution itself. When, therefore, any State is excluded from such representation, not only is States was intended most careiully to provide.— the right of the State denied, but the constitu- \y e demand a strict aud steadfast adherence to t ie State ig impaired, and the jjg provisions. In this, and in this alone, can we validity ot the government itself is brought in fi n( f a basis of permanent union and peace, question. But Congress at the present moment [ Fourth. But it is alleged in justification of the tnus excludes from representation m both branch- | usurpation which we condemn, that the condi- their society, and to secure by the law and its tribunals, equal and impartial justice to all classes of tlieir inhabitants. They admit the invalidity of all acts of resistance to the national authority and of all debts incurred in attempting its over throw. They avow their willingness to share the burdens and discharge all the duties and ob- other States aud other sections of the Union, and they renew, through their representatives in this Convention, by all their public conduct in every way, and by the more solemn acts by which States and societies can pledge their faith and allegiance, through all time to come, to the Con stitution of the United States, and to all laws which may be made in pursuance thereof. Fellow countrymen, we call upon you, in full es of Congress ten States of the Union, denying t i on 0 f the Southern States and the people is not ligations which rest upon them in common with them all share in the enactment: of laws by which I suc h as renders safe their teadmission to a share ' '' ' 3 they are to be governed, and all participation in j ; n government ot the country; that they are the election of the rulers by which those laws still disloval in sentiment and purpose, and that Are to.be enforced. In other words, a Congress neither the honor, the credit, nor tlie interests of in which only twenty-six States are represented, tl)e nation would be safe if they were readmitted asserts the right to govern, absolutely and in its I to a share in its councils. We might reply to ow n direction, all the thirty-six States which this compose the. Union ; to make their laws and First. That we liave'no right, for such reasons, choose tlieir rulers, and to exclude the other.ten to deny to any portion ot the States or people . „ , , from all share in their own government, until it rights expressly conferred upon them by the Con- reliance upon your intelligence and your patriot- sees fit to admit them thereto. What is there to gtitution oi the United States. ism, to accept with generous and ungruding distinguish the power thus asserted and exercis- Second. That so long as their acts are those of confidence this full surrender on the part of ec * f r ?l n 1 *' e n* ost absolute and intolerable tyran- loyalty ; so long as they conform in all tlieir pub- those lately in arms against your authority, and ny. Nor do these extravagant and unjust claims jj c conduct to the requirements of the Constitu- on the part of Congress to powers and authority Hon and laws, we have no right to exact from by the Con- [ ti ie m conformity in their sentiments and opin ions to our own. Third. That we have no right to distrust the purpose or the ability of the people of the Union to protect and defend, under all contingencies, and by whatever means may be required, its honor and its welfare. These would, in our judg ment, be full and conclusive answers to the plea thus advanced for the exclusion of these States When this shall have been done, the Govern ment will have been restored to its integrity, the Constitution of the United States will have been re-established iu its full supremacy, and the American Union will have again become what it was designed to be by those who formed if— a sovereign nation, composed of separate States, each like itself moving in a distinct and inde pendent sphere, exercising powers defined and reserved by a common Constitution, and resting upon the assent, the confidence, and co-opera tion of all the States and all the people subject to its authority. Thus reorganized aud restored to their constitutional relations, the States aud the General Government can enter, in a fra ternal spirit, with a common purpose and a common interest, upon whatever reforms tlie security ot personal rights, the enlargement of popular liberty, and the perfection ot our republi can institutions may demand. appointment of committees—closing scenes. The Chair here announced the following names as constituting the National Union Ex ecutive Committee, tlie Resident Executive Com mittee at Washington, the Committee to Wait on the President, and the Financial Committee : COMMITTEE TO WAIT ON T1IE PRESIDENT. Hon. Reverdy Johnson, Chairman. Maine—\V. C. Gosby, Calvin Record. New Hampshire—J. Hosley, J. H. Smith. Vermont—L. Robinson, Gen. Isaac McDaniel. Massachusetts—E. C. Bailey, Edward Avery. Rhode Island—Amasa Sprague, Gideon Broford. Connecticut—Jas. E. English, G. H. Hollister. New York—Owens W. Smith. S. E. Church. New Jersey—T. H. Herring, Theo Hnnyou. Pennsylvania—J. R. Flanigan, G. W. Cass. Delaware—S. G. Laws, C. H. B. Ray. Maryland—J. Morrison Harris, J. I). Jones. Virginia—James Barbonr, G. W. Balling. West Virginia—J. J. Thompson, Daniel Lamb. North Carolina—D. M. Barringer, G. Howard. South Carolina—J. L. Manniug, Jns. Farrow. Georeia—S. J. Smith, J. S. Wimberly. Florida—J. P. Sanderson, J. C. McKlbbon. Mississippi—Giles M. Hillyer, H. T. Limerall. Louisiana—T. P. May, W. C. King. Texas—D. J. Bnraett. B. H. Epperson. Tennessee—A. A. Kvle, D. B. Thomas. Arkansas—Juo. D. Lucee, C. Boudiuot. Alabama—Lewis E. Parsons, Jno. Gill Shorter. Kentucky—J. W. Stephenson, A. Harding. Ohio—Henry B. Paine, A. NcD. McCook. Indiana—S. E. Meredith, D. S. Gooding. Illinois—Geo. C. Bines, K. R. Morrison. Michigan—C. O. Loomis, G. A. Custer. Wisconsin—A. W. Curtis, Robert Flint. Iowa—H. Madaiy, B. B. Richards. Kansas—H. Sleeper, Orlin Thurston. California—J. A. McDougall, Jacob P. Lecse. Nevada—Gideon J. Tncker, John Carmichael. Oregon—W. H. Farrar, E. M. Barcum. District of Columbia—Thos. B. Florence, Tt. T. Swart. Idaho—H. H. DePny. S. Cummins. Nebraska—Geo. L. Miller, L. Lowerie. Washington—Geo. D. Cole, C. P. Egan. Minnesota—H. M. Rice, D. S. Norton. Missouri—E. A. Towis. John M. Richardson. stitution, find any warrant in the argument or excuses urged on their behalf. It is alleged— First.- That these States, by the act of rebel lion and by voluntarily withdrawing their mem bers from Congress, forfeited their right of rep resentation, and that they can only receive it again at the hands of the supreme legislative au thority of the government, on its own terms and at its own discretion. If representation in Con gress and participation in the government were to share with them tlie honor and renown that await those who bring back peace and concord to jarring States. Tlie war just closed, with its sorrows and disasters, has opened a new career of glory to the nation it has saved. It has swept away the hostilities of sentiment and of interest which were a standing menace to its peace. It has destroyed tlie institution of slavery, always a cause of sectional agitation and strife, and has opened for our country tlie way to unity of interest, of principle, and of from the Union. But we say, further, that this plea | action through all time to come. It has devel- , ,7 -, „ i rests upon a complete misapprehension, or an simply pm-deges conferred and held by favor, unjust perversion of existing facts. We do not this statement might have the merit ot plausi- hesitate to affirm that there is no section of the bility. But representation is, under the Consti- coun try where the Constitution and laws of the tution, not only expressly recognized as a right, United States find a more prompt and entire but it is imposed as a duty, and it is essential m obedience than in those States and among those both aspects to the existence of the government paople who were lately in arms against them, or and to the maintenance ot its authority. I?i free tvhere there is less purpose or danger of any fu- govemments fundamental and essential rights tul0 attempt to overtluow their authority, cannot be forfeited, except against individuals by | It would seem to be rational and inevitable due process^ of law, nor can constitutional duties j that irf States and sections so recently swept bv and obligations be discarded or laid aside. The the whirlwind of war, where all the ordinary enjoyment ot rights maj be for a time suspended modes and methods of organized industry have by a failure to claim them, and duties may he tieen broken up, and the bonds and influences pvfirlpri nv q fnimrp to np,rforin thpm TMi** i i * i * j evaded by a failure to perform them. Tlie with drawal of their members from Consress by the States which resisted the General Government was among their acts of insurrection—was one of the means and agencies bj* which they sought to impair the authority and defeat tlie action of the government; and that act was annulled and ren dered void when the insurrection was suppressed. Neither the right of representation, nor the dntv to be represented, was in the least impaired by tlie fact of insurrection, but it may have been that, by reason of the insurrection, the condi tions on which the enjoyment of that right and the performance of that duty for the time de pended, could not be fulfilled. This was, in fact, tlie case. An insurgent power, in the exercise that guarantee social order have been destroyed; where thousands and tens of thousands of turbu lent spirits have been sud J ,nly loosed from the discipline of war, and thr ,vn without resources or restraint upon a disorganized and chaotic so ciety, and where the keen sense of defeat is add ed to the overthrow of ambition and hope, scenes of violence should defy for a time the imperfect discipline of law and excite anew the tears and forebodings of tlie patriotic and well disposed. It is unquestionably true that local disturbances of this kind, accompanied by more or less ofvio lence, do still occur. But they are confined en tirely to tlie cities and larger towns of the South ern States, where different races and interests are brought most closely in contact, and of usurped and nnlavt ful authority m the terri- | where passions and resentment are always most fory under its control, had prohibited that idle- ! easily fed and tanned into outbreak; and even giance to the Constitution and laws of the I ni- there thev are quite so much the fruit of untime- ted States which is made, by that fundamental ; i y an j hurtful political agitation, as of any hos- law, the essential condition ot representation ir ; tility on the part of the people to the authority the Government. No man. within the insurgent 1 0 f (fie National Government. Bnt the eoncur- States was allowed to take the oath to support j rent testimony of those best acquainted with the the Constitution of the L nited States, and, as a condition of society and the state of public sen- necessary' consequence, no man could lawfully timent in the South, including that of its repre- represent those States in the councils of the Un- j sentatives in this Convention, establishes tlie fact ion. But this was an obstacle to the enj03Tnent j that the great mass of the Southern people ac- of the right, and to the discharge of a duty; it eept, with as full and sincere submission as do did net annul the one, nor abrogate the other, j the people of other States, the re-established su- and it ceased to exist when the usurpation by j premacy of the national authority', and are pre- whieh it was created had been overthrown, and j pared, in the most loyal spirit, and with a zeal the States had again resumed their allegiance to j quickened alike by their interest and their pride, the Constitution and laws of the United States, j to cooperate with other States and sections in Second. But it is asserted in support of the i whatever may be necessary to defend tlie rights, authority claimed by the Congress now in pos- ! maintain the honor, and promote the welfare of session of power, that it flows directly from the 1 onr common country'. laws of war; that it is among the rights which 1 History affords no instance where a people so oped in both sections a military capacity' and aptitude for achievements of war, both by sea and land, before unknown even to ourselves, and destined to exercise hereafter, under united councils, an important inlluence upon the char acter and destiny of the continent and the world. And while it has thus revealed, disciplined, and compacted our power, it has proven to us be yond controversy or doubt, by the course pursued towards both contending sections hy foreign powers, that we must be the guardians of our own independence, and that the principles of republican freedom we represent can find among the nations of the earth no friends or defenders but ourselves. We call upon you, therefore, by every con sideration of your own dignity and safety, and in the name of liberty' throughout the world, to complete the work of restoration and peace which the President of tlie United States has so well begun, and which the policy' adopted and the principles asserted hy the present Con gress alone obstruct. The time is close at hand when members of a new Congress are to be elected. If that Con gress shall perpetuate this policy, and by ex cluding loy r al States and people from representa tion in its hails shall continue the usurpation by which the legislative powers of the Government are now exercised, common prudence compels ns to anticipate augmented discontent, a sullen withdrawal from the duties and obligations of the Frederal Government, internal dissensions, and a general collision of sentiments, and pre tensions which may renew, in a still more tear ful shape, the civil war from which we have just emerged. We call upon you to interpose your power to prevent the recurrence of so tran- sceudant a calamity. We call upon you in every Congressional district of every 8tate to secure »*« i«iv, v. «*«« **»vnuu oty —uunuuuuu^. the election of members who, whatever other j Those opposed No—none. It is carried, and NATIONAL UNION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. Jos. T. Crowell, Chairman. Maine—James Mailu, A. P. Gould. New Hampshire—E. Burke, S. Cutter. Vermont—B. D. Smalley, H. N. Worthau. Massachusetts—Israel Dunham, R. S. Spofford. Rhode Island—Alfred Anthony^Jas. H. Parsons. Connecticut—Jas. T. Babcock, D. S. Scranton. New York—Robert H. Periene, S. J. Tilton. Pennsylvania—S. M. Seilis, J. S. Black. Delaware—J. H. Comegys, E. L. Martin. Srfyland— 1 T. Swann, T. G. Pratt. . irginia—J. F. Johnson, E. C. Robinson. West Virginia—Daniel Lamb, J. Jackson. (North Carolina—T. S. Ashe. J. H. Wilson. South Carolina—J. L. Orr, B. F. Terry. Georgia—J. H. Christie, T. Hardeman. Florida—W. Morton, Wilkins Call. Alabama—W. S. Cruiksliank, C. C. Hackstee. Mississippi—Wm. L. Sharkey, G. L.|Potter. Louisiana—Randall Hunt, Alfred Henning. Arkansas—Lorenzo Gibson, E. II. English. Texas—B. S. Epperson, John Hancock. Tennessee—D. T. Patterson, W. D. Campbell. Kentucky—R. H. Stanton, Hamilton Pope. Ohio—Lewis D. Campbell, G. D. Smythe. Indiana—D. L. Gooding. T. Dowling. Illinois—J. A. McClernand, J. O. Norton. Michigan—Alfred Russell,Byron J. Stonp. Missouri—Berton Able, J. S. Rollins. Minnesota—H. M. Rice, D. S. Norton. Wisconsin—S. A. Pease, J. A. Norman. Iowa— G. A. Parker, Wtn. A. Chase. Kansas—J. A. McDowell, W. A. Tipton. New Jersey—Joseph T. Crowell, The. F. Randolph. Nevada—John Carmichael, G. K. Hail. District of Columbia—J. D. Hoover, J. B. Blake. Nebraska—II. H. Heath, J. S. Norton. Washington Territory—It. Willard, Ehvood Evans. California—Samnel Hardy, J. P. Sege. Oregon—J. W. Nesmith, E. M. Rarhurn. Dakota—W. K. Armstrong, N. M. Miner. Idaho—Wm. H. Wallace, Honry tHunmine. RESIDENT EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE AT WASHINGTON. Charles Knap, Chairman. Hon. Montgomery Biair. A. E. Perry. Hon. Charles Mason. Samuel Fowler. Ward H. Lamon. Col. James R. O’Biente. John F. Coyle. Cornelius Wendell. COMMITTEE ON FINANCE. CharleBKnap, Chairman. Maine—A. W. Johnson, John Burleigh. New Hampshire—Daniel Marey, W. li. Blair. Vermont—R. W. Chase, C. L. Davenport. Massachusetts—F. O. Prince, George ML. Bentley. Rhode Island—A. Sprague, Janies Waterhouse. Connecticut—J. H. Ashmead, F. M. Brown. New York—Abraham Wakeman, Richard Sclicll. New Jersey—J. L. McHugh, F. S. Lathrop. Pennsylvania—It. L. Martin, H. M. Phillips. Delaware—Charles Wright, T. F. Crawford. Maryland—R. W. Fowler, W. P. Manlsby. Virginia—E W Hubbard, George Blow, jr. West Virginia—C. T. Beale, Thomas Sweeney. North Carolina—A. n. Arrington, A. McLean. South Carolina—V. J. Moses, W. H. Shingler. Georgia—L. Tumlim, William W. Tonney. Florida—G. W. Scott, W. C. Maloney. Alabama—Lewis Owen, J. S. Kennedy. Mississippi—E. Pegnes, J. A. Bingford. Louisiana—A. W. Holbrook. Arkansas—W. L. Bell, C. L. Fellows. Texas—M. B. Ochiltree, J. Hancock. Tennessee—W. B. Ferguson, J. Williams. Kentucky—M. J. Durham, W. W. Baldwin, Ohio—T. E. Cunningham, J. H. James. Indiana—Levi Sparks, M. Drake. Illinois—William B. Ogden. Isaac Underhill. Michigan—G. C. Monroe, W. S. McCreesey. Missouri—Thomas L. Price, Charles M. Elliard. Minnesota—C. F. Buck, Charles F. Gilman. Wisconsin—J. B. Dow, C. L. ^Shales. Iowa—W. D. Henry, S. A. Bn tier. Kansas—T. P. Fitzwilliam, G. A. Colton. California—John H. Baird, II. T. Williams. Nevada—Frank Herford, L. H. Newton. District of Colombia—Charles Knap, Esau Pickroll. Dakota—J. B. S. Todd, F. E. Dewilt. Idaho—C. T. Powell, T. W. Betts. Nebraska—James R. Porter, P. B. Becker. Washington—Edward Sander, Elwood Evans. Rev. Mr. Elliott then advanced to the front of the stage and delivered the following prayer : THE CLOSING PRAYER. O Thou Great Ruler of the universe and Au thor of all peace, and harmony, and law in eartli and Heaven, it is meet and light that we should bow our hearts before Thee on this deeply in teresting occasion, and offer thanks to Thee, the Great Preserver of men and of nations, that e have been permitted to meet together after the confusion of years, under such favorable auspices, surrounded and protected by that providence and by that disposition to order and law that is now about us. We recognize Thy gracious providence, and offer thanks to Thee, the Author ot all our mercies. We thank Thee that Thou hast put it into the hearts of these Thy servants to come together aDd to organize themselves in harmony from the various parls of this Union, and once more to take the friendly greeting with each other in Thy presence, and to renew with hearty sincerity their friendships here on earth. O fyord God of our fathers, who planted us, who built us up, who made us great, and kept us uffited, and hy whose gracious will and providence we are again one people, we offer thanks to Thee for the harmony of this body, for the union of hearts that has been maifested throughout this Convention ; for that conciliation of spirit that Jhas been seen iu all its members and in all its proceedings. We thank God for the blessings that now crown our nation, and especially for the President of these United States, who is so worthy of his situation and position. O Lord God Almighty, who raisest and who sustaineth those that are in authority, let Thy blessing come upon him, and. sustain him in his difficult and arduous task, that he may carry out to complete success the plan by which we may become one united and great people now and perpetually. 3Iay the blessing of God rest upon all the committees and upon all the resolutions and addresses, and upon all tlie arrangements by which these Thy servants propose to carry out the principles of the Union. O Lord God, do Thou go with them to their several States aud direct them in all their work. Be with us and remain with us through life, and when fife is done, may we meet in that place above, where union is the law that pervades the society, and where, united, we shall reign immortal. These, with all other blessings, grant us, for the sake of Him that lived and died to save us, and to Father, Son, and Holy Ghost we will ascribe praise due now' and forever. And may tlie blessings of Almigh ty God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, rest upon this Convention, upon this nation, urion its ru lers, now and forever. Amen. THE FINAL ADJOURNMENT. Tlie President. The motion is that this Con vention do now adjourn without day. Those in favor of that motion say Aye—unanimous. differences may characterize their political ac tion, will unite in recognizing the right ot every i State of the Union to representation in Congress, j and who will admit to seats in eitiier branch, j every loyal Representative from every State in allegiance to the Government who may be found by each House, in the exercise of the power conferred upon it by the Constitution, to have been duly elected, returned, and qualified for a seat therein. the Chair does now pronounce this Convention adjourned without day. The wildest enthusiasm ensued, hearty and prolonged cheering being given for the Union, lor President Johnson, and for the triumphant success ot the Convention. Catharine Luther, the last of the Reform er’s family, aud a Catholic, died recently in Germany,