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VOLUME XVIII. ERROR CEASES TO BE DANOEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT." Jefferson. ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 12,186(1. NUMBER 36. WttUtf Jtttflliijnirfr. PUBLISHEli DAILY AND WEEKLY BY JARED IRWIN 1 WHITAKER, Proprietor. ATLANTA. GEORGIA. Wednesday, September 12, I86Q. Lab.tr and Capital United -Andrew Joha- •on’a Pollrjr. Perhaps there in no man living whose inllu once to unite lalior and capital in tiie United States can at all compare with that ol “ Andy Johnson.” It is fortunate, indeed, for the whole country, that this is true; .that, in a crisis like the present, when evi)-dispos«d persons, usurp ers and fanatics, are doing all in thrift- power to prevent a restoration of the Union, in order that they ina}' revel ii|H)ii Southern spoils, and occu py high places in the government, there is at its head a man commanding the confidence as well of the laboring classes as of its capitalists. This confidence has recently been demonstrated in a remarkable degree. In every city which the President lias visited during his present tour, demonstrations by these two classes have been made which can leave no doubL upon the public mind that they both recognize in him a common arbiter to settle all differences between them, each confident that the interests of neither will he betrayed for tin; advancement ol the other through any measure lie may propose, policy he may suggest, or through any measure others may propose, or policy they may suggest, upon which he must finally act. Let the reader name the individual, if he can, within the boundaries of tin; American Republic, who is more entitled to he considered the representative of its laboring classes than “Andy Johnson,” of Tennessee! Ol and from them, he has ever heen true to them, and we do not wonder at all when we read accounts in our Northern exchanges of the enthusiasm he creates among, and the ovations paid to him by, those classes in the cities he has recently visited. An able, consistent, hold ad vocacy and maintenance of their interests, as well as privileges and rights, during an eventful life, have endeared “ Andy Johnson ” to the laboring classes everywhere, anil we are not at all surprised to note the welcome they have given him in Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York. So, too, it has been with Northern capi talists. In the passage of the President through the streets of New York, while he was being cheered by the laboring classes who oc cupied the streets, by whom was he supported, as lie stood up in the barouche bowing to the excited and enthusiastic crowd ? By the chief capitalists of that great metropolis ; by men who possess millions, and who have the wisdom to understand that capital and labor mast unite in support of “Andy Johnson” and his measures, or ail is lost. The Stewarts, the Astors the merchant princes, the wealthy bankers, all uni ted in doing honor to him who would maintain the Constitution and restore the Union. And why ? At the grand banquet given to their dis tinguished guest, over which A! ay or Hoffman presided, the President said ; “You have about three thousand millions of dollais in bonds. How arc you going to preserve the credit of them ? Will you tell me how the security, how the value, how the ultimate pay ment of the interest and principal of these bonds is to be secured ? Is it by continuing this gov ernment, disrupted as it is, by crippling our ener gies, and dividing us up into half a dozen petty States ? Let me tell you, and mark what 1 tell you, that there is no way by which these bonds can he ultimately paid, interest and princi pal, than by the consolidation of our nationality, the perpetuity and completeness of the Union of the States." This is wh at brings capital to uuitc with labor in support of the President’s measure of South ern restoration. This is what brings capital to the support ol the Philadelphia Convention movement. Without a restoration of the Union, how, asks the President, “arc you going to preserve the credit ol” the “three thousand mil lions of dollars in bonds?" "Mar/.-," he says, "what T tell you"—there is “no way by which these bonds can be ultimately paid, interest and principal, than hv the consolidation of our na tionality, the perpetuity and completeness of the Union of the States.” These were bold declarations on tfie part of the President, and the capitalists at that banquet board must have been deeply impressed with them. Plain spoken truths they were, and they must unite capital with labor, to overthrow the ltadicals, or there will he no restoration, hut instead thereof bankruptcy and ruin—confisca tion for the South, and npudiation in the North. A few short mouths will solve the grand prob lem. Here in the South, we have no voice. The ballot box on the terrible issue is closed to us. Our fate is that of Andy Johnson. Should he tri umph in the contest; should his policy prevail; then shall the South cscapc'the doom to which she is destined by her infuriated and fanatical toes. Hut, should he be defeated, the icorst that has been predicted will he our lot. Ilrioviilow in Philadelphia. “ THESE ARK MY SENTIMENTS." The Hon. W. D. Kelly, of Pennsylvania, in introducing Pro widow to a Philadelphia Radical audience recently, pronounced that notorious in dividual "great and valiant.'' What a burlesque upon greatness : what a burlesque on rotor ! Per haps it was lo impress the Philadelphia li.idir.ih. with his ralor—he could impress no audience wills an idea ot his greatness—that the old rowdy pronounced with his foul tongue these as his “sentiments.’' “If another war comes, 1 want you to divide your army into three parties, let the first and largest come armed with harpoons and do the killing—let the second come with live torches and do the burning—let the third come with sur veyor’s lines and re-mark out and re settle the country. These are my sentiments.” Which, now, of these three parties Brownlow will attach himself to, cannot be a matter ot doubt with sensible men, either North or South. There will he no “fiarpoonin his hand when the time comes, “to do the killing;" no lire torch to “do the burning;” for these will he attended by some little risk of life. But when the surveying party comes “to re-mark out and re-settle the country,” then this Borer nor I>nnrn ! ow will be found iu the lead to plunder our people and drive them from their homes. Iu this will his ralor he displayed. This is the nature of the beast, and his “a ntiments" accord with his nature. Major Campbell Wallace. Our readers will he pleased to learn that among the distinguished citizens of Georgia, who have recently been pardoned by the Presi dent of the United States, is Major C. Wallace, the efficient Superintendent of the Western & Atlantic Railroad. *The pardon was approved hv the President on the 2d day of October. 1865, and reached Major Wallace on the 28th ultimo. The Alabama Rising.—The Montgomery papers state that the Alabama is rising, and has attained sufficient height for the largest steamers lo ascend to that citv. Creditor and Debtor—Tbe Belief .'Move ment. We publish by reqaest in another column, the proceedings of a “relief meeting” held m .Tones- horo, Clayton county, on the 4th instanl. Sinii- lar meetings have heen held iu other eounties of tlie Suite, and others, we notice, have been called to assemble. These demonstrations indicate the existence of no cordial feeling between the cred itor and debtor classes of our good old common wealth. We -regret to see this manifestation.— Forbearance and indulgence on the part f>f the creditor class to the honest debtor, we admit, afe demanded by the results of the late war, and more recently, in large districts of the State, by the'entire failure of the crops. A simoom, as it were, lias passed over the cotton and corn fields of our State, and what With the heat and drought of the two long summer months, few of them will return any profitable yield. The prospect is indeed a gloom}* and to the debtor class an alarming one. For aH tins, the creditor class, he it remcinliered, is not responsible. Their legal rights and remedies, whatever they may be, can not he set aside. They must lie appealed to, not threatened. Confidence must exist between the two classes, and when this does exist, forbear ance and indulgence will surely follow. Perhaps we cannot do a greater service to both the debtor and the creditor classes in our State, than by transferring lrom the Milledgeville papers to our columns, the address of Judge Reese to the Grand Jury of Baldwin, at the late session of the Superior Court in that county. Under the im pression that it would, we shall do so, commend ing it to the serious consideration of our fellow- citizens of Clayton, and of all other counties in the State who have held, or propose to hold “re lief meetings.” The relations that exist in law and in fact between the debtor and creditor classes an; clearly set forth in the address; while the relations that should exist in these trying times are most forcibly presented: ADDRESS OK JUDGE REESE TO THE GRAND JURY OK BALDWIN COUNTY. Having gone through with my instructions iu reference to your statutory duties, I beg leave to call your attention to a subject which, though not among your prescribed duties, in my judg ment deeply concerns the morals and prosperity of our people. I allude to the relation of debtor aud creditor as it now exists in this State. And that I may not lie misunderstood, nor misrepre sented, I give you what I have to say upon this subject in writing. It requires no prophetic eye to see that the feeling now being engendered between the debtor and creditor class (unless a course ot conduct different from that now being pursued by both parties be adopted) will culminate in deadly hos tility, iu lawlessness, and in serious injury lo the agricultural interests of the country. On one hand, the debtor, whose property con sisted principally in slaves, and who, by reason of emancipation, is not now' possessed of pro perty sufficient to discharge his pecuniary liabil ities, feels that the action of (j.nocrnmnit has re lieved him from till moral obligation, and is, therefore, indifferent as to the payment ot his debts. On the other hand, the creditor seeing this in difference, is, iu most cases, proceeding to obtain judgment, so as to be ready to enforce the col lection of his debt to the extent of the debtor’s assets, whenever the law shall allow hint so to do. This course of conduct by the respective par ties brings about mutual charges of dishonesty and unfair dealing, and must, if persisted in, eventually lead to a state of things, easily im agined, hard to he depicted, and greatly lo he deplored. 1 propose, briefly,to establish the proposition, that in all cases of debts contracted prior to the first day ot June, 1S65, where the debtor has not a sufficiency ot property to discharge all his lia bilities, without leaving his family comparatively destitute, it will be to the interest of the debtor, to the interest of the creditor, and tor the good of the country, that there should be a compound ing between the parties at once, they taking for their guide the rule of conduct prescribed by Him who spake its never man spoke, viz; “ As ve would that men should do unto you, do you also unto them likewise.” First, then: Will it be to the interest of the debtor? It is clear to my mind that the planter who finds himself w ithout a sufficiency of prop erty at a fair valuation, to pay off his indebted ness now, cannot reasonably expect, under the present labor system, and with heavy pecuniary liabilities hanging over him, to better his condi tion in the pursuit of his former vocation, and without capital he cannot embark in any other business. It is not human nature for man to be industrious and energetic with judgment liens against him beyond the value of his property.— He is constantly watching and expecting the officer of the law' to take the last luxury, if not the hist, comfort, from his family. He becomes unmanned, useless to his family and to society. It requires no lengthened argument to prove that a debtor thus circumstanced will have more left by compounding with his creditor now than lie will have by waiting for the end of the law; for l am fully persuaded that there are but tew' cred itors who, when properly approached by the honest debtor, will not be w illing to compound upon liberal terms, taking into consideration, if you please, the losses ol himself and debtor by the action of government in abolishing the in stitution of slavery, and the ratio which the debt hears to such losses compared \vith the property lett to each.- You may. among creditors, now and then, find a “pound ot flesh creature,” who will be unwilling to compound upon any terms, but he will be the exception, unless I am much mistaken in the spirit pervading the creditor class, as also their intelligence in understanding their own interest. 2d. Will it he to the interest of the creditor? Every lien obtained diminishes the assets of the debtor to the extent of casts, at least, and takes irorn Ate creditor the collecting commissions.— Although the State has no bankrupt law, and may not lia^e the constitutional power to pass one affecting contracts made prior to its enact ment, it is almost certain that Congress will rery soon pass a general bankrupt law, in which they may, as they have the power to do, in the distri bution of the assets ot the bankrupt, put all debts upon the same footing, iu entire disregard of local liens; but if such law to’be passed should give priority to liens, the expenses of the proceed ings iu bankruptcy must necessarily take prece dence of everything else, and judging lrom the experience of those who are familiar with the operation of the bankrupt acts heretofore passed by Congress,there will be precious little left lor dis tribution among creditors, leaving the creditor not bv many degrees as well off as lte wonld have been by compounding now, without costs and without judgment. Besides, it the creditor compounds now and discharges the debt, leaving to the debt or uot only what is exempt by our insolvent laws, but a sufficiency, of property to enable him to live and hope, my word lor it, if he be a man imbued with proper sensibilities, he will be a hundred fold more anxious to discharge the mor al obligation of a debt lrom which he has been, released by the voluntary action of his creditor, than he ever will be if released by operation of the law. In the one ease he will feel that be is relieved from bis legal obligation merely—in the The President at New York. HIS SPEECH At THE BANQUET. FULL «EPORT, On the removal of the cloth at the dinner given bv the vitizensof New York to the Presi- other case he will feel that he lias been relieved from his moral as well as legal obligation. Such is the nature of man. So, that in every aspect of the subject, it seems to me, it is to t he interest of the creditor to compound now. Let the debtor ami creditor alike, remember the proverb, “ A prudent man forcseeth the evil and hideth him self, but the simple pass oiymd are punished:’ dent ahd his party, flavor Hoffman proposed 3d. Will it be for the good of the country ? It j the first toast,-which was, “ The health ot Ax is undeniable that the largest number of persons I , - N - President ot the L nited States. , . . . . „ . , ’ . .. J tie President arqsef&midst immense cheering, w ho have not a sufficiency of property lett to dis- ail j spoke .f s follow* charge their indebtedness, belong to tfle agricul- j Gentlemen : Tlid toast which lias just been tural class of our citizens, and have been brought j drank, and tlie kind sentiments which preceded it to their present condition by the action of gov- ! j? die remarks ot j tor distinguished representa- ..... , . . , - i tive, the Mayor or tflis city, is peculiarly, under era men t in abolishing the institution ot slavery; | existing eircumstanCls, gratifying to me; and in and, unless these persons can, in sjpme way, he i saving it is gratifying to me, I wish not to in- relieved from the incubus <ff indebtedness in- j dulgo.in. any vanity. If I were to sav less I curved prior to the 1st ot June, 1S65, the coun- f Uoukl ,u>t s P eak ^rutli and to give utterance , , _ ’ ’ . i to our sincere emotions. In beipg so kindly at- trv must lose the benefit ot-a large portion of its j tended fo, and received as I have been received agricultural talent and enterprise. The last Leg islature of the State, seeing the difficulties in the i ou : for premises, attempted a remedy in the passage of what is called “The Stay Law;” hut with the meagre erops of this year, amounting in many districts of the State, almost to a failure, taken in connection with the construction put upon said act by the Chairman of the Judiciary Committee who reported the bill, that a failure to pay one- fourth of a debt by the first day of January of any year, makes the whole collectable, it is now reasonably certain that said act will not a fiord the relief intended. What then is to be done in fhe premises? I can think of no better plan than the one sug gested in these remarks. It is worse than idle to look for energy, industry ora high standard of morality in a citizen, without a future. To make him a good citizen, a blessing to his family and society, man must be able in his devotions, truthfully to say in reference to temporal as well is spiritual matters, “We thank thee, O ! Lord, that we are still prisoners of hope.” Without this he sinks below the rank of a drone in the hive of society—with it he may become wealthy and useful. Having thus, as we think, shown that it will be to the interest of the debtor, to the interest of the creditor, and for the good of the country, that all debts contracted before the 1st day of June, 1865, iu case the debtor had not a suffici ency ot property to discharge liis liabilities with out leaving his family comparatively destitute, should be compounded at once upon liberal terms without incurring costs, the inquiry arises, why may it not be done ? When a merchant fails in business from error in judgment in conducting it, or from reckless speculation outside of his regular business, if there be no charge of fraud uleut conduct on his part, the general rule between merchant and mer chant is, to compound immediately, the creditors allowing the debtor to retain, not only such pro perty as is exempt under the insolvent law, but also, a sufficiency of property besides to put him on his feet again and make him a prisoner of hope. Why, I earnestly ask, should not the like rule of conduct obtain toward and among those who have been engaged in agricultural pursuits, aud who owe tlieir present circumstances to the action of government and not to any fault of their’s ? Is it true that the vocation of a merchant is more important to the country than that ot the farmer or planter? or is it true that there is any thing in the vocation of a merchant better calcu lated to liberalize its follower than there is in the noble and independent business of studying aud developing the productiveness of mother earth ? I trow not. In what I have s-*id to you I do not mean to be understood as having intimated, in the remo test degree, any opinion as to what extent, if at all, contracts based in whole or in part, upon slave property, have been affected in law by the action of Government in abolishing the institu tion. Nor do I mean to be understood as inti mating that there are not many debts, where the debtor is amply able to respond, looking to the origin of the credit given, which may not he compounded upon principles of “natural equity,” without dishonor to the debtor or creditor. I do, however, desire it to be understood that, in my judgment, “a universal repudiation of debts,” even if allowable under the Constitution of tlie United States and the Constitution of the State of Georgia, would be both unwise and unjust.— Repudiation is one thing—the compounding of a debt upon fair and equitable principles by the parties, upon the data given you in the foregoing remarks, is another, and a very different thing. My sole object, gentlemen, in presenting these views to you, I say to you in all sincerity, lias been, that they may go to your people with your endorsement, (if you accord,) and be adopted by them as their rule of conduct in this perilous crisis. If your body can suggest any better plan of relief you will have put the country under a lasting debt of gratitude. The Speech of the President at the New York Banquet. Tlie telegraph lias already furnished the read ers ot the Intelligencer with a portion of the details of the New York banquet, and an im perfect report of the speech of President John son on that interesting occasion. This morning we have the pleasure of spreading before tlie public a fulUand complete report of tlie speech. It will be readily accorded by every candid mind, that it is a model paper; that it covers all the issues before the country, and that it com mends itself to the profound consideration of tl k e entire people, not only by the good sense which characterizes it throughout, but by the evident spirit of earnestness and devotion to justice and popular liberty. The President does not hesitate to express the utmost confidence in the honesty, bravery and faithfulness of the Southern people, aud is clear and emphatic in the enunciation fhat the only hope and faith for the future—for the credit aud integrity of the Government—is in the complete restoration and union of the States upon the original and indestructible principle of equal, and exact rights to each and all. But we did not intend to write a laudatory re view of the speech. We only desire to call at tention to ft, and to impress upon every one, be neath whose eye it may pass, the importance of giving it a careful perusal. “Now York Soeaks with no Yncertaln Sound.” The New York correspondent of the Charles ton Courier writes as follows : There is no mistaking the meaning of the demonstration of yesterday. As the Mayor said, “New York speaks with no uncertain sound.” Andrew Johnson and his policy have the endorsement of three-fourths of the people of tlie commer cial metropolis of the country. Yesterday’s work will clinch the chances for six conservative Congressmen from New York city, and will assure the Conservative State ticket sixty thou sand majority South of the Harlem River. May our noble Chief Magistrate go on his way to the great West conquering the hearts of the people as he has done here.” on this occasion—h«je to-night and iu your city to-day by such a demonstration—I am free to confess that this oveijtvhelnis me. But the mind would be exceedin'®} dull, and the heart almost without an impulse} that could not give utter ance to sometbingjSsponsive to what has been said and done. #|YA;rs. ] Aud believe me, on this occasion, war^fis the heart that feels, and M illing is the tongue that speaks, and I would to God it w ere in my tower to reduce to sentences and to language the feelings and emotions that this day and this nijtlit, have produced. [Cheers.] I shall not attempt, in reference to what has been said, and the manifestations that have been made, to go into any speech, or to make any ar gument before youpn this occasion, but merely to give utterance to the sincere sentiments ot my heart. I M ould that I could utter what I do feel in response to this outpouring of the popular heart which has gofre forth on this occasion, and which will, as a legend, spread itself and com municate with evtry heart throughout the Con federacy. [Cheers] All that is wanting in the great struggle In v£hicli»we are now engaged, is simply to develop J be popular heart of the na tion. It is like latent fire. All that is necessary is a sufficient amount of friction to develop the the popular sentiment of the popular feeling of the American people. [Cheers.] I know, as you know, that we have just passed through a bloody, perilous conflict; that we have gentle men M ho are associated with us on tliis occasion, who have shared tlieir part aud participated in these struggles for the preservation of the Union. [Great appluuse.] Here is the army, (pointing to the right, where sat General Grant,) and here the navy, (pointing to the left, in the direction of Admiral Farragot.) They have performed their part in restoring the Government to its present condition of safety aud security; and will it be considered improper in me, ou this occasion, to say that the Secretary of State has done his part ? [Cheers.] As for the humble individual M’ho noM' stands before you, and to whom you have so kindly anp pleasantly alluded, as to what part he has per formed in this great drama, in this struggle for the restoration ofithe Government, and tlie sup pression of rebellion ? I will say that I feel, though I may lie included in the summing up, that the Government has done its duty. [Cheers.] But though llie Government lias done its duty, the work is not yet complete. Though we have passed through fields of battle, and at times have almost been constrained aud forced to the con clusion that M’e should be compelled to witness tlie Goddess of Liberty, as it M’cre, go scourged’ through fields of carnage and of blood, and make her exit, and that our Government would lie a failure; yet we are brought to a period and to a time in which the Government has been snccess- ful. While the enemy have been put down in the field there is still a greater and more impor tant task for you and others to perform. [Cheers.] I must be permitted—and I shall not trespass on you a inomcjA -1 must be permitted to remark in this conn.^}A«n, that the Government com menced the suppression of this rebellion for the express purpose of preserving the union of these States. [Cheers.] That was the declaration that it made, and under that declaration M r e went into the war and continued it until w r e suppressed the rebellion. Tlie rebellion has been suppressed, and iu the suppression ol the rebellion it lias de clared and announced and established the great fact that these States had not the poM'er, and it denied their right by forcible or by peaceable means to separate themselves from the Union.— [Cheers—“Good.”] That having been determin ed and settled by the Government, of the United States in the field and in one of the departments of the Government—the Executive department of the Government—there is an open issue; there is another department of your Government which has declared by its official acts, and by the posi tion of the Government, notwithstanding tire re bellion M’as suppressed, for the purpose of pre serving the Union of the States aud establishing the doctrine that the States could not secede, yet they have practically assumed and declared, and carried up to the present point, that the Govern ment was dissolved and the States were out of the Union. [Cheers.] We who contend for the opposite doctrine, years ago contended that even the States had not tlie right to peaceably to secede, and one of the means and modes of possible se cession was that the States of the Union might withdraw their representatives from the Congress of tlie United States, and that would be practi cal dissolution. We denied that they had any such right. [Cheers.] 'And now when the doc trine is established that they have no right to withdraw, and the rebellion is at an end, and the States again assume their position and renew their relations, as tar as in them lies, with the Federal Government, We find that when they present representatives to the Congress of the United States, in violation of the sacred charter of liberty M’hicli declares that you cannot, even by amendment of the Constitution of the United Slates, deprive any one of their representation, M'e find that in violation of the Constitution, in express terms as M’ell as in spirit, that these States of the Union have been and still are denied their representation in the Senate and House of Rep resentatives. Will we then, in the. struggle which is novv before us, submit—will the Ameri can people submit to this practical dissolution, a doctrine that we have.repudiated, a doctrine that we have declared as having ho justice or right? The issue is before you aud before the country. Will these States'be permitted to continue and remain as they are, in practical dissolution and destruction, so far as representation is concerned? It is giving the lie direct—it is subverting every single argument aud position M’e have made and taken since the rebellion commenced. Are M’e prepared now, after having passed through this rebellion; are M'e prepared, after the immense amount of blood that has been shed ; are we prepared, after having accumulated a debt of over three thousand millions of dollars; are we prepared, afier all the ini’, ry that has been in flicted on the people North’and South, of this confederacy, now to continue this disrupted coa lition of llie country? Cries, “No!” “no!” ‘Never!" [Cheers.] ' Let me ask this intelligent audience here to-night, in the spirit of Christian ity aud of sound philosophy, are we prepared to renew the scenes through which M’e have pass ed? [“No!” “no!” “no!”] Are Me prepared again to see one portion of this government ar rayed in deadly conflict against another ? Are we prepared to see the North arrayed against the South, and the South against the North? Are M e prepared, in this fair and h^gpy government ot freedom and liberty, Jo see man again set upon man, and in the name of God lift his Land against his telloM’ ? Are we again prepared to see these fair fields of burs, this land that gave a brother birth, again drenched in a brother’s blood? [“Never!” never!" Cheers.] Are we not rather prepared to bring from Gilead the balm that has relief in its character and pour it into the wound ? [Loud cheering.] Have not M'e seen enough to talk practically of this mat ter? Has not this array of the intelligence, the integrity, the patriotism, and the wealth a right to talk practically ? Let us talk about this thing.* We have known feuds among families of the United States in the past they ask to live under it iu the future. May I be permitted to indulge in a single thought here ? I will not detain Vou a moment. f“Go on;” “Go on.” Cheers.] Y (turning to Mayor ITofiman) are responsible having invoked it. [Laughter.] What is now said, gentlemen, after tlie Phila delphia Convention has met Lo pronounce upon the condition of the country ? What is now said? Why, that these men who met in that Convention M'ere insincere; that their utterances were worthless,; that it is aill pretense, and thee are not to lie believed. When you talk about it, and talk about red-handed rebels, and all that, M ho has fought these traitors and rebels with more constancy and determination than the. in dividual now before you—who has sacrificed ^nd suffered more ? (Cheers.) But because my sacrifices and sufferings have been great, and as an-incident growing out of a great civil war, should I become dead or insensible to truth or principle? (“No, no.” Cheers.) But these men, notM'ithstanding they may protess now loyalty aud devotion to the union ot the States, are* said to be pretenders—not to be believed. Wliat better evidence can you have of devotion to the Government than profession and action? Who dare, at this day of religious and political free dom, to set up an inquisition, anil come into the human bosom to inquire what are the senti ments there? (Cheers.) How many men have lived in this Government from its origin tq the present time that have been loyal—that have paid its taxes, and sustained the Government in the hour of peace, yet iu sentiment would have preferred a change, or M ould have preferred to live under some other form of government ? But the best evidence you can have is tlieir practical loyalty, their professions, and tlieir actions.— (“ Good, good,” and applause.) Then, if these gentlemen, in convention from the North and South, come forward and profess devotion to the Union, and the Constitution of these States, M’lten their actions and professions are loyalty, who dare assume the contrary? (Cheers.) If we have reached that point in our country’s history, all confidence is lost in man. If M’e have reached that point that M’e are not to trust each other, and our confidence is gone, I tell you your gov ernment is not as strong as a rope of sand. It has no M’eight; it will crumble to pieces. This Government has no tie—this Government lias no binding and adhesive power beyond the con fidence and trust in the people. (“ Hear, hear.” Loud applause.) But these men Mho sit in a convention, who sit in a city M’hose professions have been, that they were a peace-loving anti, war-hating people; they said there, and their professions should not he doubted, and they have reached a point at which they say peace must be made; they have come to a point at which they M’ant peace on earth and good will to men. (Loud Cheers.) And noM’, what is the argu ment in excuse ? We M'on’t believe you, and therefore this dissolution. This practical disso lution must be continued to exist. Your atten tion to a single point. Why is a Southern man not to be believed ? And I do not speak here to-niglit because 1 atn a Southern man, and be cause my infant view first saw the light ol Heav en in a Southern State. (“They are to be be lieved.”) Thank God! though I say it myself, I feel that I have attained opinions and notions that are co-extensive with all these States, with all ilie people of them. (Great applause. The whole audience rose and waved their handker chiefs at this sentiment. Voice—“That’s the best thing to-night.”) While I am a Southern man, I am a Northern man—that is to say, 1 am a citizen ot the Uni ted States—[cheers,] and am willing to concede to all other citizens what I cTaim for myself.— [Sound.] But I was going to bring to your at tention, as I am'tip,-and you must uot encourage me too much, [good, good,] for some of those men who have been engaged in this thing, and prgtty M’ell broke down, require sometimes a little effort to get them warmed. [Laughter.] I M’ift going to call your attention to a point. The Southern,.States, or their leaders, proposed a separation. Now, what was the reason that they offered for that separation ? Your atten tion. Tlie time lias come to think—the time has come to consult our brain, aud not the impulses and passions of the heart. The time has come when reason should bear sway, and feeling and impulse should be subdued. [Cheers.] What was the reason, or one of the reasons, at least, that the South gave for separation? It was that the Constitution was encroached upon, and that they were not secured in their rights under it. That M’as one of the reasons, whether it M’as true or false—that was the reason assumed. We M ill separate lrom the Government, they said, because we cannot have the Constitution execu ted, and, therefore, M’e will separate aud set up the same Constitution, and enforce it under a Government of our own. But it M’as separa tion. I fought then against those who proposed this. I took my position in the Senate of the United States, and assumed then, as I have since, that this Union was perpetual—that it was a great magic circle never to he broken. [Cheers.] But the reason the South gave was that the Con stitution could not be enforced in the present condition of the country, aud hence they would separate. They attempted to separate, but they failed. But while the question M’as pending, they established a form of government; and M’hat form of government was it? What kind of constitution did they adopt? Was it not the same, with a feM’ variations, as the Constitution of the United States? [Cheers, and “that’s so.”] —tlie Constitution of the United States, under which they had lived from the origin of the Government up to the time of their attempt at. separation. They made the experiment of an attempted separation under the plea that they desired to live under that Constitution in a gov ernment. where it M ould be enforced. We said, you shall not separate; you shall remain with us, and the Constitution shall be preserved and enforced. [Cheers.] The rebellion has ceased. And when their arms were put down by the army and navy, of the United States, they ac cepted the terms of the Government. We saitl to them, before the termination of the rebellion, “ Disband your armies, return to your original position in tlie Government, and we will receive you M'itli open arms. ” The time came w’lien their armies were disbanded under the leader ship of my distinguised friend on tny right, Gen eral Grant. [Three cheers for General Grant.] Tlie army and the navy dispersed tlieir forces. What were the terms of capitulation? They accepted the proposition of the Government and said, “ M'e have been -mistaken ; we selected the arbitrament of the sword, and that arbiter lias decide'd against us ; and that being so, as honor able and manly men M’e accept Fhe terms you offer us.” The query comes up, will they be accepted ? Do we want to humiliate them, and degrade them and tread them in tlie dust ? [“ No, no,” cheers.] I say this, and I repeat it here to-night—I d© not M’ant them to come back into this Union a de graded and debased people. [Louchcheers.]— They are not fit to be a part of this great Ameri can family if they a red eg radedti ml treated with, ignominy and contempt. I want them when they come back to become a part of this great country, an honored portion of the American people. I M’ant them to come hack with all their manhood—then they are fit, and not without that,, to be a part of these United States. [Cheers— three cheers lor AndreM’ Johnson.] I have sot, however, -approached the point that I intended to mention, and I know I am talking too long. [“ Go on, go on, go on.”] Why should we dis trust the Southern people, and say they are not to be believed ? I have just called your atten tion to the Constitution under M’hich they were desirous to live, and that was the Constitution of. their fathers, yet they wanted it in a separate condition. Having been defeated in bringing about that separation, and having lost the insti tution of slavery, tlie great apple of discord,-they, now, in returning, take up that Constitution un der which they always lived, and M’hioh they es tablished for themselves, even in a separate gov ernment. Where, tlien, is the cause for the want of confidence ? Is there an/? [“ No, no.”] I do not come here to-night to apologise for persons who have tried to destroy the Govern ment; and if every act of my life, either in lion broke out one extreme was- carrying it out and noM- that is suppressed, the other class arc still trying to give it life and etjtict. 1 fought those in the South who commenced the rebel lion, and iron* l oppose those in the North who are trying to break up the Union. [Cheers.] am for the Union. 1 am against all those udio are opposed to the Union. [Great applause.] am Sir the Union, the whole Union, and nothing but the Union. [Renewed applause.] I have helped my distinguished friend. General Grant, to.tight tlie rebels South, ami I must not forget a peculiar phrase, that he m’os going to fie;!it it out on that line. [Applause and laughter.] I was M'ith him, and did all that I conld; and when M’e whipped them at one end of the line, I want to say to you that I am for M'hipping them at the other end ot the line. [Great laughter and ap plause.] I thank God that if he is not in the field, military speaking, thank God he is civilly in the field on the other side. [Cheers for Grant.’] »This is a contest and struggle, for the Union, for the union of these States. [Applause.] The North can’t get along without the South, and the South can’t get along M’ithoilt the North. [“That's so," nnd applause.] I have heard the idea ad vanced that if M’e let the Southern members of Congress in they will control the Government.— Do vou want to be governed by rebels ? [Cries of “Lever,” “no, no.”] We M’ant to let loyal men in—[“hear, hear,”]—and none but loyal men.— [.“Good, good.”] But I ask here to-night, in the face of this intelligent audience, upon what does the face of the observation rest, that men coming in from the South Mill control tlie country *> its destruction? Taking tlie entire delegation of the South, fifty-eight members, M’hat is it com pared with the tM’p hundred and forty-tM’o mem bers of the rest of the Union ? [“Good boy.”] nroustration here to-day is the result of some of these demagogical ideas; that the great mass of the people when called to take care of the peo ple will do so. A Voice—-Sure as you are born. [Laughter.] Mr. Johnson—I tell you you have commenced the grand process uom\ I tell you those present M ho are croaking and talking about individual aggrandizement, and 'perpetuation of party, I tell them that they had better stand from under — [laughter aud cheers]—they had better get out of the way, [cheers,] for the Government is com ing together, and they cannot resist it. Some times, when my confidence gives out, when my reason fails me, my faith comes to my rescue, and tells me that this Government will be perpet uated, and this Union preserved. [Cheers.] I tell you here to-night, aud I have not turned philanthropist and fanatic, that men sometimes err, and can again do right; that sometimes tlie fact that men have erred, is the cause ot making them better men. [Applause.] I am not for destroying all men, or condemning to total de struction all men who have erred once in tlieir lives. I believe in the memorable example of Him who came with peace and healing on Ilis wings; and M’hen He descended and louud men condemned unto the law, instead of executing it, instead of shedding the blood of the world, He placed Himself upon the cross, and died that man might be saved. It I liave pardoned many, I trust in God that I.have erred on the right side. It I liav? par doned many, 1 believe it is all for the best interests of the country; aud so believing, con vinced that our Southern bretheren M ere giving evidence by their practice and profession that they M’ere repentant, iu imitation of Him of old M’ho died for the preservation of men. I ex- Is it complimentary to the North to say we are I ercised that mercy M’hicli I believe to be my Cheering Prospects in Illinois.—The Chi cago Times thinks Illinois will send eight, and perhaps nine, representatives to the next Con gress who supports the President’s policy. The Radicals likely to be displaced are Baker, Kuy kendall, Hording, Bromwell and Cullum. most respectable character, which would sepa rate, and the contest would be angry and se- j speeches or in practice, does not disprove the vere, yet when the parties would come- together • charge that I want to apologize for them, then and talk it all over, and the chfi'erences were un- | there is no use in a man’s having a public record derstood, they let their quarrels pass to oblivion: i [Cheers.] But I am one of those M’lto take the and we have seen them approach each other I Southern people M’ith all tlieir heresies and er- with affection and kindness, and felt gratified ! rors, admitting that in rebellion they did M’rong. that the feud^existed, because they could feel j The leaders coerced thousands and thousands ot better afterwards. [Laughter and applause.]— j honest men into the rebellion, who saw the old They are our brethren. [Cheers.] They -are a ! flag flap in the breeze for the last time M'ith un- a part of ourselves. [Hear, hear.] They are i feigned sorroM’, and welcomed it again with joy bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh. [Cheers.] | aud thanksgiving. The leaders betrayed and Thev have lived with us and been part of us ! led the Southern people astray upon this great from the establishment of the government to the i doctrine of secession. We have in the West a commencement of the rebellion. They are iden tiffed with its history, M'ith all its prosperity, in every sense of the word. We have been a hiatus, as it*were, hut that has passed by and we have come together again, and now, after having un derstood what the feud was, and the great apple of discord is removed; having lived under the game called hammer and anvil, and anvil and hammer, and while Davis and others were talk ing about separation in the South, there was an other class, Phillips, Garrison, and men of that kind, who were talking about dissolution in the North; and of these extremes one was the ham mer and the other the anvii, and when the rebel- afraid of them ? Would the free States let in fifty-eight members from the South that we doubt, that M’e distrust that we have ho confideuce in ? If we bring them into the Government, these fifty-eight representatives, are they to control the tM’o hundred and foBty-two ? There is no argil ment that the influence and talent and the prin ciples they can bring to bear against us, placing them in the worst possible light— [A voice—“tlie Sumner argument.”]—can he a cause for alarm. We are represented as afraid of these fifty eight men, afraid that they y. ill repudiate our’public debt ; that they can go into the Congress.erf" the United States under the most favorable condi tions they could require, the most offensive con ditions to us, and could overwhelm a majority of a hundred and fifty to a hundred and eighty—[a voice—“ridiculous”]—that these men are going to take charge of the country. Why it is croak ing ; it is to excite your tears, to appeal to your prejudice. Consider the immense sums of money that have been expended, the great number of lives that have been lost, and the blood that lias been shed ; that our bleeding arteries have been stay ed and tied up ; that commerce, and mechanical industry, and agriculture, and the pursuits of peace are restored, aud we are represented as cowards enough to clamor that if these fifty- eight meu are admitted as representatives of the South the government is lost. We are told that our people are afraid of the South; that M’e are cowards. [Cries of “We are not.”] Did they control you before the rebellion commenced ?— Have they any more power now than they had then ? Let me say lo this intelligent audience here to-night, I atn no prophet, but I predicted at different times, in the beginning of the late re bellion, what has been literally fulfilled. [Cries of “Tluit’s so.”] I told the Southern people years ago, that whenever they attempted to break up this Union ; whenever they attempted tQ-ckrthat, even if they succeeded, that yiq institution of slavery would he gone. [GooS, good.] Yes, sir, (turning to Mr. Seward) you knoM’ that I made that argument to Jefferson Davis. You will bear witness to tlie position I then occupied. Mr. SeM’ard,—I guess so. [Applause.] Mr. Johnson.—Yes, and you were among tlie few that gave me encouragement. [Applause.] I told them that the institution of slavery could not survive an attempt to break up the Union.— They thought differently. They put up a stake; what was it? It was four millions of slaves, in which they had invested their capital. Their in vestment in the institution of slavery amounted to three thousand millions ot dollars. This they put up at stake and said they could maintain it hv separating these States. That M’as the ex periment; what are the facts of the result ? The Constitution still exists. [Great cheering.] The Union is still preserved. [Cheers.] They have not succeeded in going out, and the institution of slavery is gone. [Hear, hear.] Since it lias been gone they have come up manfully and ac- kuowlged the fact in tlieir State Conventions and organizations, and they ratify its fall now and forever. [Cheers.] I have got one other idea right alongside of this. [Applause and laughter,] You have got about $3,000,000,000. [That’s so.” How are you going to preserve the credit of that? Will you tell me? [Voices—“You tell us,”] How are you going to preserve the credit of this $3,- 000,000,000 ? Yes, perhaps, when the account is made up your debt M ill he found $3,000,000,000 or $4,000’000,000. Will you tell me how you are "to secure it, liow the ultimate payment of the principal and interest of this sum is to he secur ed? Is it by having the Government disrupted ? [Mr. Stewart ancl others—“No, no.”] Is it by the division of these States ? [“No.”] Is it by separating this Union into petty States? [“No.”] Let me tell you here to-night, my New York friends, I tell you that there is no way by which these bonds can be ultimately paid, by which the interest he paid, by which the national debt can he sustained but by the continuity and per petuity and by the complete union of these States. [Applause.] Let me tell you who fall into this tallucy, and into this great heresy, you M’iil reap a more hitter reward than the Southern brethren liave reaped in putting their capital into slavery. Mr. SeM’ard—[sotto voce]—Tlie argumentum ad hominem. Good. Mr. Johnson—Pardon me, I do not exagger ate. I understand this question. You who play a false part, now the great issue is past, you who play into the hands of those who wish to dis solve the government, to continue the disreputa ble conditions to impair and destroy tlie public credit. Let us unite the government, and you will have more credit that you need. [Applause.] Let the South come back with its great mineral resources; give them a chance to come back and bear a part, and I say they will increase the na tional resources and the national capacity for meeting these national obligations. 1 am proud to say, on this occasion, not by way of flattery, to the people of New York, hut I am -proud to find a liberal, and comprehensive, and patriotic vieM’ of this whole question, on the part of the people of New York. I am proud to find, too, that here you don’t believe that your existence depends upon aggrffisitni and destruction; that while! yofi art! willing'to live, you arc willing to let others live. [Applause.] You don’t desire to live by tlie destruction of others. Same have grown fat, some have grown rich by llie aggres sion and destruction of others. It is for you to make the application, and not me. These then talk about this thing, and ask what fa Before you > What is’before you ? New York, this great State,, this great commercial emporium —I was asking your Mayor to-day the amount ot your taxation, and lie informs me it is eigh teen millions of dollars! W lie re did your Gov ernment start from hut the other day ? Do you remember that when Gen. Washington M as in augurated President that your annual bill M’as $2,500,000 for fhe entire'General Government ? Yet to-day I an?-toldthat my distinguished friend on tny hdt controls the desiinies ot a city whose taxes amount to. $18,000)000, and M’liose popula tion numbers four millions—double Mliat tlie entire nation Racl aT the time when it commenced its existence. General Standford—Our taxation by the Gene ral Government is fifty nyllions. Mr. Johnson—I am simply trying to get at the ‘amount collected to sustain your municipal estab lishment. Thus may we^tdvjfnce, entertaining the principles which are co-extensive with the States of this Union,-feeling like you that onr system of Government comprehends the M’liole people, not merely a part. [Applause.] New _ York lias ji great M ork to perform in the restorer ^tion of this great Union. As I have told you, they tffho talk about destroying the great elements that bind tliis Government together, deny the power, the inherent power of the Goveument, whicl) will, M’hfn its eppaqities arc put to the test, re-establish and re-adjust its position, and the Government he restored. [Applause.] I tell you that we shall he sustained in tliis effort to preserve the Union. It would be just about as futile to attempt the resistance of the ocean M ave, or to check the wind, as to prevent the result I predict. You might as M’ell attempt to turn the Mississippi back upon its source as to resist this great law of gravitation that is bringing these States hack and he united with us as strong as ever. I have been called a demagogue, and M'ould to God tliat there^m ere more demagogues iu the land to saye it. [Applause.] The de duty. I have never made a prepared speech 1 in my life, and only treat these topics as they occur to me. The ’ country, gentleman, is in your hands. The issue is before you. I stand here to-night, not in' the first sense in the character of Chief Magistrate ot tlie nation, but citizen, defending the restoration of the Union and the perpetuation of the Constitution of my country. Since becoming the Chief Mag istrate I have tried to fulfill my duty, to bring about reconciliation and harmony. My record is before you. You knoM’ politicians will talk ; aud if your people will get right, don’t trouble yourselves about the politicians, for when the people get right politicians are very accomodat ing. (Uheers.) But let me ask this audience here to-night what am I to gain by taking the course I am taking if it was not patriotic and for my country ? Pardon me, I talk to you in plain parlance. I have filled every office in this Government. You may talk to me as you will, and slander—that foul whelp ot sin— may subsidize; a mercenary press may traduce and villify ; mendacious and unprincipled writers may write and talk, hut all of them cannot drive me from my purpose. [Bravo and cheers.] What have I to gain, I repeat? From the posi tion of the lowest alderman in your city to President of the United States, I have tilled every office to the country. Who can do more? Ought not men of reasonable ambition to be satisfied with this? And ought not I to be willing to quit right here, so lar as I am con cerned? I tell this audience here to-night, that the cup of my ambition has been filled to overflowing, with tlie exception of one thing. Will you hear what that is? [Cries of “yes, and “M’hat is it ?”] At this particular crisis and period of our country’s history, I find the Union of these States in peril. It I can now be instrumental in keeping the possession of it in your hands, in the hands ot the people ; in restoring prosperity and advancement in all that makes a nation great, I will be willing to ex- claim, as Simeon did of old—[three cheers]—as Simeon did of old, of him W’ho had been born in a manger: “That 1 have seen the glory of thy salvation, let thy servant depart in peace.” [Applause.] That being done, my ambition is complete. I would rather live in history, in the affec tions of my countrymen as having consum mated this great end than to be President of the United States forty times. [Gen. Sandford called for “Three cliers for Andrew Johnson, the restorer of the Union.” The cheers were given ] In conclusion, gentlemen, let me tender to you my sincere thanks on this occasion. So long as reason continues to occupy her empire, so long as my heart shall beat with one kind emotion, so long as my memory shall contain or be capable of recurring to one event, so long will I remember the kindnesses, so long will I feel the good that lias been ou tliis occasion, and so long will I cherish in my heart the kind ness which has been manifested toward me by the citizens of New York. [Immense ap plause.] Tlie band played “The Star-Spangled Ban ner,” the audience enthusiastically joining in tlie chorus. President Johnson, haviDg seated himself, again arose, and said: “Gentlemen, in conclusion, after having consumed more of your time titan I intended, I fear unprofitably, let me propose, in sincerity, ‘The Union, the perpetual Union of these States.’ ” Tlie toast was drank with cheers. > Charleston—Cotton. The Charleston News of the 4th instant con tains some interesting statements in regard to llie business of that city and the cotton prospect.— We have room for hut a portion ot it; Our tables of exports show that during the year ending August 31,1860, 53,807 bales of cot ton (valued at $8,797,072) were exported to for eign ports, and 54,147 bales (valued at $7,625,388) were shipped coastwise, making an aggregate of 107,954 bales, valued at $16,423,080. The probable estimate of the growing crop of cotton are as vague aud indefinite as are the va rious opinions expressed by the prophetic (?) sta tists North and South. These embrace a range of figures running from 750,000 bales to 3,000,- 000 bales. We shall probably take another op portunity to give our opinion on the subject.— Reports from all sections are contradictory, and a late or an early frost, favorable or unfavorable weather, will change the present aspect and materially aftect the result. We shall be pleased to chronicle a crop of one million bales, ar.d still more happy to swell it to two millions. The prospect of the growing crop in our own State is not very encouraging. Many planta tions are uncultivated from the want of capital —complaints come from many quarters ol poor stands and unfavorable weather—while in some districts we understand that the lrcedtnen are not working with their wonted steadiness and ac tivity. This is disheartening intelligence, but we art, nevertheless, hopeful, as m c have an abiding faith in “a Special Providence,” and look for ward to a late frost and more auspicious weather to bless the toil of the planter. Louisiana.—The Empire Parish says of the rice crop in that section: Rice-making, as far as we know', is progress ing in a satisfactory manner, our fields being everywhere dotted with rice-stacks. So lar, nearly all the rice has been secured with little or no injury from rain. Tlie new rice has large heads, with full, plump berries. With genial weather, the harvest would be expedited, or nearly so, by the 20tli of next month, provided the crops be not destroyed by hurricanes, as was the ease iu the years 1812,1819, 1831,1856 and 1860. We are not bragging when M’e say that farm ers in this section of the State are certainly in a more prosperous condition than those of any other portion of the Southern country. Ohio.—The Cincinnati Enquirer says: From every part of the country m - c hear of important desertions from the Radical camp.—- Thev have lost in a few weeks thousands of prominent Republ cans, who, since they have soon Jacobinism developed, are taking position nobly by the side of the President. This pesti lent Radical faction will have arrayed against it this fall, not only the Democracy, hut a large fragment of the Republican party, and it will be beaten by a large majority. It will go down be fore the united onset. ^ Tax on Cotton.—The Augusta Constitution alist says; Hereafter the Internal Revenue Tax on cotton will he included in the price when sold. For instance, good middling, which was quoted last week at 28 cents, will henceforth be quoted, with the tax of 3 cents per pound added, viz: 31 cents if the price should not vary. Of course, the producer, or owner of the cotton will pay the tax, &c. In future our reports of tlie market will lte in accordance with this state of affairs, M’hicli is the present custom in Savannah and Charleston. The ne f, ro arrested tor tlie murder of Mr. * Carter, ofUlinton, Miss., has been released, as the evidence proved him to be justified in the homicide. “This is one case, at least, where a s freedmau has received justice before a rebel tribu- « nal.” The Bureau’s occupation is going rapidly, j 1