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lUcrhlu ^utdligcarrr. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, Wednesday, September 12, 1846. letter from Ei*CoTernor H. V. Joknon. The attention of our readers is directed to a letter, addressed by the distinguished Georgian whose name heads this article, to the editors of the Augusta Chronicle rf- Sentinel, which we publish to-day. Like the Chronicle & Sentinel, from which we quote, “ we offer no apology for the space occupied in our columns to-day by the very able and patriotic letter of Governor John son. Like everything else which emanates from his cultivated intellect, it is sound, cogent and eloquent. We fet:l assured that the patriotic counsels contained in this masterly production will not full unheeded upon the public ear of the State. We are rejoiced to know that the Gov ernor will lend the utmost of his powerful sup- ]K>rt to tlie movement recently inaugurated in Philadelphia. We believe that there is not a single fair-minded man in the State who will not heartily endorse all that is said in this manly aud vigorous letter. We earnestly commend its caieful perusal to those who have been disposed to harsh criticisms of the Philadelphia Plat form und the Southern members of the conven tion. The duty of the true men of the South is so graphically and truthfully pointed out, that we feel assured that the great body of the people will cheerfully accept the advice thus given, and throw the whole weight of their approval and support in favor of the party recently' organized for the overthrow of the Radical Disunionists.” “ Tlic Ladle*’ Home. ” We notice in most of our exchanges North, as well *is South, flattering notices of this most ex cellent literary journal. Indeed it receives higher commendations from the press of every section of the United Stales, than we have ever known bestowed upon any- literary journal published in this country that had only reached its fifteenth issue. Of it, one of our State exchanges, the Southern Georgian, says: “We have repeatedly called attention to the surpassing excellence of this weekly Southern publication, but cannot do so oftener than the paper merits by its lofty as piration to be the leading literary paper of the American comment.” Like the Georgian, we cannot notice the “Home” oilener than it merits. Its every department, editorial and otherwise, evidences that talent of a high order as well as taste and industry, are engaged upon its columns. It is already a success—a literary institution of our "Gate City" of which every considerate citi zen should be proud. We might fill columns of this journal with flattering press notices of the “Ladies' Home' that have come under our obser vation, but prefer seeing them in the columns ol that journal itself, that its early friends maybe gratified at the commendations bestowed upon it. We incline to the opinion, how'ever, that its ac complished Editress and Editors are over- modest, and have refrained re-publishing the many flattering compliments paid them and the enterprise. They should remember, that the early patrons and friends of the “Home” would be grateful to know how it has been received, and how it is estimated by the press ol the country. iUiftiiourl Radicals. Yesterday we published a paragraph illustra tive of the spirit of Radicalism in Indiana. Below will be found a short article, showing the prac tical workings of that element in Missouri. It appears under the head of a special dispatch from St. Louis to the Cincinnati Enquirer, from which paper we copy it: During a Radical meeting at Independence last Thursday, some one in the court-room hurrahed for the President of the United States. There was su immediate cry to put him out. He re peated his indorsement of the President of the United States, when a Radical rush for him, with revolvers drawn, was made. At this junc ture a Lieuiennut in command of a company of the Third United States Infantry, who was in dividually present at the meeting to prevent bloodshed, stepped rapidly in front of the ad vancing party, demanded of the armed men to stand back, for if violence was persisted in he would hang the aggressors. The Rev. Mr. Alexandria, at Fehlen, in this county, was warned by an anonymous letter last Saturday, that if he attempted to preach with out taking the oath he would be driven from the pulpit. In spite of this he did preach, and the next day his congregation assembled in large force, with guns and weapons to protect him.— This demonstration frightened his persecutors, and he was not disturbed. New York. The Herald gives an encouraging view of the political situation in New Y'ork. It says: The developments in every part of the country fur nish unmistakable proof that the Conservative movement now in progress has really taken the character of a general uprising of the people. A revolution in the politics of the country will un questionably follow. This fact has become so apparent that Secretary Seward has predicted that this State will give forty thousand majority against the Radical party. We do not expect so large a majority as that, for the reason that the canvass is too short; but we do not think that the Empire State will give less than twenty' thou sand for t he Conservative party'. We shall be satisfied with that figure in the State, with two- thirds of the members of Congress. This much can be secured if the nominations for Congress on the Conservative side are judiciously selected. The Hath. From an article in De Bote's Review for Sep tember, 1866, we make the following extract, which we trust will be read and pondered over by that portion of ow people who are “ given to despondency ” in regard to the future of the South. The idea that the white man cannot cultivate Qur soil, or that ha cultivation depends on negro labor, is a most erroneous one. With slave labor the South is done, and it will not be long ere It "win be done also with negro labor.— The inferior will give place to the superior race in all industrial pursuits, whenever or wherever there is competition between the two, and when The Radical Convention. Our Northern exchanges are filled with ac counts of the proceedings in the Mulatto Con vention. Like all bodies where fanaticism is the predominating element, the action of the con vention has been characterized throughout by a want of harmony and agreement of opinion. In other words, it baa proved a complete failure, and we now believe that its assembling was the best thing that could have happened at this par ticular janctore. Below will be found some extracts from the correspondence of the New York World, which will give the reader a better idea of the real this competition fully developea itself in thp jjgan* ot th>» pnnf^m of the temper and spirit by South, as it surely will, the negro will as surely disappear. But wo did not set out to present other than the views of the writer, on the South, to which we have referred. Time will establish the truth, so far as the labor question is concern ed, as history does what is said of the white man under the burning suns of other climes. The w'riter says: “The liabits of the Southern people have been inimical to their true interest for many years pre ceding the war, and they are so now. The negro has never had anything to do with it, and never will have.” “We thought before the termination of the war, that Southern prosperity depended on negro slave labor. We are satisfied now that it does not, and speaking in reference to a series of years, we are equally satisfied that the wealth of the South does not depend on the negro at all.— We regret to say that the time is not far distant in the history of the nation, when the negro will have passed away under the heavy pressure of white population, and our regret is for the negro, not for the white man. The latter can take care of himself; the negro has no friend but his for mer master, who politically can do him no good, nor can he long protect him by affording liim social comfort, the best of which is employ ment.” “History proves that two distinct races have never harmonized under an equal participancy of political privileges; and the same question is being again solved. The negro will disappear. It would be to his interest if the Government which has destroyed his earthly hopes in the South, could colonize him somewhere. If that is not done, it will be seen in the future, that the white man will occupy the land, and the poor negro will have to give way under pressing want as well as the stronger muscle and greater skill of a superior race.” “That the white man can work successfully in the open fields, beneath a burning sun, and ac complish feats of industry surpassing anything in the history of negro slavery, it seems to us no well-read man will deny. We will not fatigue the intelligent reader by historic detail, for edu cated men are supposed to be acquainted with history. But we will ask, for the purpose of turning the mind to this subject, where were the seats of ancient civilization ? were they not un der a tropical, or semi-tropical climate? were not the great works of art and labor which dis tinguished the old civilization of warm climates worked out by white labor ? ” “The Hebrews, the Persians, the Assyrians the Greeks, the Romans, were all located in warm climates. The proud cities of Babylon and Balbec, and Palmyra, were erected by white men, under burning suns. The rich fields of Egypt were cultivated by stalwart white limbs, and the mighty pillars of the Pyramids piled under a tropical climate, by white people.” “The Southern States will be worked by whites. Ig the cotton, and rice, and sugar plantations, the white man will stand as much work as the negro can stand. Did not God put the white man un der the tropics ? Did he not say that he should earn his bread by the sweat of his brow ? Aud is it now left to our infidel philosophy to say, that he cannot do what his Maker has eommanded ?” “Ancient history proves, what is now equally substantiated by the history of modern Europe, that Southern nations have always been in ad vance of those of the North, in every element of civilization, physical, moral, and intellectual.” “The people of the South, now living as citi zens under the laws and government of the United States, are destined to be the most power ful and intelligent on this continent.” Whether in the United States, or out of it, that section of territory extending from the Po tomac to the Rio Grande, will be in all respects far ahead of any other. It has a soil and a cli mate that oan raise all the products that grow in the world, or their substitutes, with perhaps the exception of a few' spices; while beneath Us sur face lie nearly every mineral. Every section is watered by streams that give facilities for work ing every kind of machinery that man can in vent or desire; and besides all this, like all warm climates, it is very healthful. If it is not true that warm climates are the most healthful, why has it always been found, with the excep tion of the Southern States, that it has been be yond comparison the most densely populated ? ” “Southern wealth must not halt, nor can it de pend on agriculture alone, it must have manufac tures and commerce.” The Secretary of the Interior.—The National Intelligencer, announcing the installa tion of the new Secretary of the Interior, says: Having, some weeks ago, given a sketch of this able, honest and enlightened statesman, we have only to add that lie was the life and soul of that great and patriotic gathering of t he men of mark from every part of our country, the Philadelphia Convention of the Kith of August*whose action lias tilled the hearts of the American people with confident hope of a restored aud perpetual Union. Mr. Browning brings to the administra tion talents of the first order in counsel and for business—a character of fidelity and integrity tried and irreproachable, and a disposition most generous and conciliating. Treasury Regulations. Ou and after the first day of July, 1S6G, when a voucher of any kind is sworn to before a Jus tice of the Peace, a certificate of the Clerk of the Court is required to sliow that such officer is a Justice of the Peace aud duly authorized to administer oaths. When a voucher is sworn to liefore a Judge or Clerk ol Uie Court, the official seal of the Clerk of the Court is required. If sworn to before a Notary Public, his official seal must be affixed, or his official character be cer tified by the Clerk of the Court. All revenue officers are authorized to administer oaths. Life of General X. R. Forrest. We are requested to state that a gentleman of distinguished literary ability is now engaged in writing a history of General Forrest's cavalry command. The general desires that those who contributed to his promotion, should share what ever of fame or distinction may be accorded to him. Any officer or private, who was in his command, and who can recall any anecdotes, in cidents, or items of any kind, ctf interest to the historian, will please carefully prepare such man uscript and forward to Captain G. W. Adair, at Atlanta, who will give it the proper direction.— There were two Georgia regiments at the cap ture of Murlreesboro. whose members could con tribute items ol grer:t interest. The Georgia press, we are also requested to state, by copying or referring to the foregoing notice, will confer a favor on the gentleman who proposes to write the history of “Forrest and his Command”—a history, when written, that will soon be in the Lauds of every tamilv and school boy in the South. named delegates to the Great I Em( TenaeiMe. It would seem that in portions of East Ten nessee hostilities are still kept up, and “ free fights ” between Radicals and Conservatives are of almost every day occurrence: Occasionally, even preachers get mixed up in affairs of the kind. The following somewhat classic account of a muss appears in the columus of the Knox ville Commercial of the 6th: Difficulties of a personal nature seem to be of frequent occurrence throughout East Tennessee. At the recent term of the Circuit Court, lately held at Elizabethton, a controversy occurrred be tween two parties, which, before its termination, assumed the most prodigious proportions. At one time, we learn, that about fort}' persons were engaged in the melee, when brick-bats and lime stone rocks, like the arrows of Xerxes’ hosts, were exchanged last and freely, and darkened the light of the sun. Casualties—several broken heads, together with other serious injuries. At the same place we understand that the Rev. W. B. Carter, the Ajax Telamon of East Tennessee Conservatism, got hold of an insig nificant little Radical, named Albert Tipton, and when the parson finished with him, the demol ished little Radical looked as if be could have crept into a rat-hole. Vermont—Coals In New Castle. The Radicals in this little bit of a State, hid den away, up in the mountains, where the news travels slowly, have elected two of the members of Congress—not three, as heretofore—(no choice having been effected in one district,) and they have, as usual, carried the Legislature, and they claim, by increased majorities, over a compara tively small vote in 1965. The Radical press is jubilant thereon, and rejoices over it. We ex pect soon to hear of their being happy over a new marble quarry discovered in Vermont, or over a new clip of wool, or more maple sugar. The Suite is, has been for thirty years, and will be for thirty years to come, ignorant jind fanatic upon the negro, because there are no negroes there, and great on “protection” for Vermont marble, Vermont wool, and for having no inter nal revenue tax on maple sugar. Vermont, says the New York Express, votes as she has voted for two generations, and as she will vote for two generations more, if paid for it, as she is now. The following Union” istered their: House in Philadelphia; they hail from Ge rgia: j J. E. Bryant, G. W. Ashburn, N. S. Morse. Washington City.—We learn from our ex changes that the work ol church building is be ing rapidly pushed forward at this Time by vari ous denominations in Washington. The Luther ans are in the act of erecting & church that will cost $75,000; the Baptists have nearly completed one costing $100,000; and one man has paid it all. The Wesley Chapel Society is making ef forts to secure $200,000, in order to erect a “Me tropolitan Church.” The Episcopalians and So man Catholics are also moving in the same di. rection. The “one man” alluded to is Hon. Amos Ken dall. which it was controlled, than that furnished by our meagre telegraphic reports. The correspon dence is dated on the 4th, and reads: To^lay one has had a better opportunity to judge of the character of the convention of-so- called (Southern loyalists. They were not sur rounded by enthusiastic Philadelphia Radicals, nor other admiring crowds, as yesterday, but al most Malone iu National Hall, deliberating upon the business before them. Of brains, intelligence, wisdom, or political experience, but little was to be seen. Jack Hamilton, of Texas, a broad- sbouldereil, red-faced man, who has nothing either attractive or agreeable about him, was there, a leader among boon companions. Parson Brown- low, cadaverous and weak, was also present—a fit associate ot his friend from Texas. These men rnn the entire machine. What there is of ability in the convention is entirely overshadow ed by these two miserable tricksters. The great majority shout when they command; nearly the whole convention bend when they nod. They are in lact, the very life and spirit of the gather ing, and to-night the committees are preparing resolutions and address as they dictate. There are a few men ot note here, as I tele graphed last night, but they amount to nothing in the presence of the two managers from Ten nessee and Texas. Botts is silent, because the convention would not hear in patience his pro posed attack upon negro suffrage. Cresswell and bis colleagues from Maryland will certainly bolt to-morrow, if tin: majority' insist upon universal ballot. Fletcher, of Missouri, and others are ex pected to follow suit in this contingency. The fact is, and they admit it, that the programme laid down by Hamilton and Brownlow will, if adopted, result iu the overwhelming defeat of the Radicals this fall. The Maryland represent atives say that tlieir present fight is hard enough, but to remain in the Convention after negro suf frage is iudorsed, would be to court certain de feat id the State, and cause the probable loss of every Congressman. As a matter of policy they oppose the colored man’s ring, while those in it demand a free ballot, not because they love the darkey any more than their brethren, but for the other reason, that through him, aud through him alone, they can maintain themselves at the polls. The negro must be handled as a citizen only for party purposes; elevated motives aud a spirit of pure philantlirophy have nothing to do with the matter at all. In ail my experience at political conventions I never saw hypocricy more thor oughly marked than in this particular. Of course, the President is particularly abused. All side are unanimous upon the point. The walls of the National Hall are heavy with in scriptions calculated to excite contempt for the Executive. Every mouth seems’anxious to utter Radical billingsgate and abuse of'Johnson. There is not a word ot sympathy for his heroic efforts in behalf of the Union, when many of these very Southern “loyalists” were deep in treason ; but, as if by preconcerted arrangement, all unite in condemnation of liis policy, as well as of the man. It is often disgusting to hear them, and more so in private conversation than in public speeches. Those who have not the manliness or the ability to speak what they feel in the conven tion, make up for it in the bar rooms and hall ways of the hotels. At home there, they talk without restraint, and in so disgraceful a manner that if their utterances were made in the time of the late administration, and of it, court martials would have consigned them to Fort Lafayette or the Dry Tortugas. Their conduct now is ac counted for by the fact that most of them became loyalists in expectation of getting fat offices.— Disappointed in this, and too late to retrace their steps, they have only to enjoy the satisfaction of vituperating a man who thinks more of his country than of these brainless hypocrites. Referring to the question on which the con vention finally split, the correspondence con tinues : When a delegate offered resolutions in favor of negro suffrage, the yell that went up was terrific, being joined in by the assembled crowd in the lobbies and galleries. The applause was again and again renewed. By request the resolution was referred to the committee having the matter charge. Then some gentlemen, alarmed, sought to get it back and open the question for argument; but every effort was in vain. Angry feelings began to be displayed, and the excite ment ran high, as several delegates arose and de clared that their respective delegations sustained the principles set forth. Maryland tried the compromise dodge of an agreement upon the basis of the constitutional amendment. Cress- well and Thomas urged it. But it was received with comparative coldness, aud the previons en thusiasm was only renewed when some fiery Radical offered another resolution indorsing “equal rights,” “impartial manhood suffrage,” and similar principles. It was quite evident that the extreme party had undisputed control of the Con vention. The Cotton Question. The following we take from the London cor respondence of the New York Times, dated 18th August: The Government of India sent one Dr. Forbes to the cotton States of America to spy out the prospects of that ex-king of Dixie. His report is verv favorable—tor India. He says the crops will be very small—two-tliirds of the plantations are unworked, and the free laborers do a third less than when slaves. England has nothing to fear from America until the country is thoroughly reorganized. There is, therefore, a British in terest opposed to such reorganization. In fact, it wa9 not in human selfishness not to rejoice over the calamities of a country which is the most powerful-rival to British industry—which protects itself by high tariffs against British com petition, whose resources are only iu the begin ning of tbeir development, while those of Eng land are beginning to be exhausted. Iu England labor is rising in price, from emigration to Ame rica. Coal and iron are dearer. The Cornwall tin and copper mines are becoming unworkable, and the people are in great distress. The de mands for increase of wages will bankrupt man ufacturers. Food is dear, because two-thirds is imported. Fresh meat is now to be brought in galvanized iron tanks, filled with a gas that will exclude oxygen, from South America, but it is an up-hill fight. There are many who think that free trade was a mistake and is a failure, and the working men of England, though they in sisted on free trade in food, will not allow free trade in wages. Last week they mobbed some hundreds ot French and Belgian “navvies”—rail road laborers—who were “taking the bread out of their mouths.” I see that a movement ; s making to induce emigrants to go to Louisiana and other parts of the Sot.th. The poor people ot Com waH should be very glad of the chance. With a proper or ganization, a vast industrial artnv coaid be re cruited in Europe; but such a work needs large means and extraordinary ability. PaWle Hecttaf la Claytoa Conner. Pursuant to previons notice, a large and re spectable number of the citizens of Clayton coun ty assembled on the 4th instant, at Jonedboro, for the purpose of devising some means for the relief of the people. The meeting was organized by calling Rev. J. T. Smith tothe chair, and appointing Capt C. A, Dollar to act as Secretary. On motion, the chairman appointed the fol lowing gentlemen a committee TO'prepare busi ness for the action of the meeting: AbnerCamp, Rev. D. L. Duffey, Hon. Elijah Glass, Judge R. K. Holliday, and J. C. Ellington lions * well as individuals-” a tide in the affairs action, I take this method of respondm because { which, taken in the flood, leads on to it gives me less labor and a more general dissem- fortuneWe ’ are now in the mk i s t of such a “ SIX**®!* W n.n.M -Th.mnm.n Mint Uota The committee retired a short time, returned ■► eery timidly iu favor oC senriigg delegates, fear “ Black and Tan” Convention have reg- their names at the National Union Club Gold for Duties.—The amount of gold re ceived at the Boston Custom House for duties, for the month ending with the 31st of August, was $1,743,000. Catherine: Catton—Suggestions to Plant ers. A planter of Limestone county, (Ala.) commu nicates tl»e following to the Huntsville Indepen dent : Now, Mr. Editor, that the cotton crop is cut short, it would be well for the planter to consider how to turn it to the most profit The first thing is to gather it with great care aud expedition, for the rains, dews and atmosphere injure it every moment after it opens—it bleaclvss and washes away the oils which gloss and strengthen it, and gives it the rich cream color and designates a good article. From the time it opens waste and deterioration begins. Owing to drouth the plant is stunted and tlie bolls so near the ground that when it rains the clay and dirt is pattered upon and stains it. And again, it should be ginned early, and with great care. We should get the beat machinery to separate the lint from tlm seed, trash and dirt, without breaking it. It is more important to do it carefully than rapidly; better to use gins that will do k well, picking two bales per diem rather than four. For as small crop as this year, there is abundant labor to save it, if k can be made available. Another question—is it best to gather while the weather is good and house it, and delay ginning, which may be done m bad weather? This is owing to the amount of crop produced as a general rule; but undoubt edly if it can be ginned as it is gathered, it is most economical lor several reasons: its quality is better; it deteriorates less; it will sell for more; is out ot the way ; debts are paid, interest saved. Tlte planter can sum up profit and loss, and decide whether to continue the business, and if so, has more time to prepare for the next crop. Now, while every planter knows all this, and is preparing for it, yet it may be well to stimulate by timely notice, therefore let even- resource be brought into requisition to secure labor to gathe ■ and save all the cotton made. The new system will require all our energies and ingenuity to ! make available the only material we have. Planter. and reported the following preamble ancf resoln tions which were adopted: Whereas, by the ravages, devastations, and fate of the late war between the United States and the so-called Confederate States, our slaves have been emancipated, farms destroyed, and farm ing interests paralyzed,so that it is impossible for the people to settle their old liabilities. All of our effects and resources upon which debts con tracted before the war were based, have been swept away. This is the case, throughout the State in every section, lo a great or less extent, which, with the drouth and short crops, has put it out of the power of the people to pay any part of their debts. And whereas a few men who have old claims and a taoney capital, by being fortunate in the late war, can now, should the law be turned loose for lire, collection of debts, or any part thereof, buy up the property of the country for a mere trifle. We do most earnestly protest against such adyantages being allowed, thereby placing a few men in power and in pos session of the majority *pf the property in our country, from the simple fact that fortune has smiled on them, while ijre^wned on their neigh bors. N ’ It will take the entire property of the debtor class of the citizens to pay one-fourth of their indebtedness as is now required after the first of January next. Stay laws will not do, we need immediate and permanent relief, so that our peo ple can recuperate their energies, go to work, and ere long be an easy indepeudant people once more. Our motto is, to do the greatest good to the greatest number of persons; therefore Resolved 1. That we, the citizens ot Clayton county, deem it to be a duty we owe to our com mon country, to humanity, ourselves, society and posterity, to pray to the"authorities that be to grant us the relief we so much need. 2. That the Governor is hereby requested to lay the matter before the next session of the Le gislature, and request immediate action, and in case the Legislature fails to take action for want of constitutional jurisdiction, or any other cause, the Governor and the Legislature arc respectfully requested to memorialize the President of the United States and Congress to take the matter in hand, and grant ns relief, or the means to the States of relieving themselves. 3. That we earnestly request the citizens of all the other counties in the State to co-operate with us in the great and important movement. • 4. The Editors and newspaper correspondents favorable to the cause throughout the State a re requested to discuss this matter and lay it befo re the people through their respective journals. o. That a copy of these proceedings be sent to the Atlanta Intelligencer for publication, and all papers in the State friendly to the cause requested to copy. J. T. Smith, Chainnan. C. A. Dollar, Secretary. From the Louisville Sunday Democrat. Waif* from the YVInilow-Sill. BY SINE CUBA. In the twilight of life, when the stars of Hea ven look out from behind their soft gray cur tains, how softly in tlieir noiseless rapidity steal upon us the associations of by-gone days. Like white-winged messengers from the spirit-land they come to whisper of friemls that have van ished, of joys that have flow^ and, ever upon the sands of to-day', they trace their record in. gorgeous hues. Be the present e’er so happy, the past e’er so cheerless, yet down deep in the same sacred chamber, where memory guards the portals, the light of other days is shining with rays so reflected that the bright spots in the checkered past drown in their refulgence the sober shades that may have been woven in the web of late ; and, ever under the mysterious influence of our nature, a sigh goes out from the heart to pay its tribute at the shrine of by gone hours. On rainbow pinions they come, bringing to us severed ties and forgotten asso ciations. A word, a look, will sometimes bear us back to other scenes and other friends, when we find that affections which had long since burned out to dead gray ashes, have only been smothered into embers which need but chance breath to fan them into former flame. Down the winding way of days gone by we stroll and sip the sweets from flowers that blossom from the way-side. Into the distant chambers we wander and live again with the guests who have gathered there. We jest, we laugh, we revel in our poetic dream, but ere long the spell is broken and we awake to the prosy present to long “For the touch of a vanished hand, And the sound of a voice that is still.” The past, though gone forever, leaves its memory and its associations to delude the while our vision like the streaks of loveliness which flush the horizon long atter the dazzling orb,, whose reflections they are, lias descended from our view, or to play their charms upon, our willing ear, like the low lingering echoes of mournful music wlieu the deeper tones have died away. Louisville, August 30th, 18G6. . . From the Augusta Chronicle & Sentinel. Letter from Ex«Gov. H. T. Johnaei HE ENDORSES THE PHILADELPHIA £QNYE*TION. Augusta, Bept 1st, 166ti Messrs. Editors:—Having receivedAmuty in quiries for my views of the proceedings pf the Philadelphia Convention, and -as to the iBourse bringing the conservative men of the North and the people ol the South into co-operation, yet I doubted the expediency of the call for the Phila delphia Convention. After it wa3 called I was Sledge-Hammer Preaching. The most popular of English preachers fe the celebrated Dr. Spurgeon—celebrated because ot the homely and forcible way he has of approach ing the understanding of his congregation. The following passage occured in one of his recent discourses: A certain tyrant sent for one of his subjects, and said to him: “ Wliat is your employment ? ” He said : “ I am a blacksmith.” “ Go home and make me a chain of such a length.” He went home; it occupied him several months, and lie had no wages all the time he was making it. Then he brought it to the monarch, and he said: “ Go and make it twice as long.” He brought it up again, and tlie monarch said : “ Go make it longer still.” Each time lie brought it, there was nothing but the command to make it longerstall. And when be brought it up at lavt, the monarch said: “ Take it, and hind him hand and foot with it, and cast him into a furnace of fire.” These are the wages for makiDg the chain.— Here is a meditation for you to-night, ye servants of the devil. Your master, the devil, is tellin you to make a chain. Some have been fifty years welding the links of the chain; and lie says; “ Go and make it still longer.” Next Sab bath morning you will open that shop of yours, and put another link; next Sabbath you will be drunk, and put another link ; next Monday you will do a dishonest action ; and so yoq will keep on making fresh links to this chain ; and when you have lived twenty years more, the devil will say: “ More links on still.” And then, at last, it will be: “Take him, and bind him hand and foot, and cast him into a furnace of fire.” “For the wages of sin is death.” There is a subject for your meditation. I do not think it will be sweet; bat if God makes it profitable, it wiH do you good. You most have strong medicine sometimes, when the disease is bad. God apply it to your hearts. Me Mr hi sand Charleston Railroad.—This road was surrendered to the company by military authorities, on the 11th of September, 1865, and the trains commenced running through on the 6th of November. The following state ment from the report of. the Superintendent, shows very gratifying results: RECEIPTS. The receipts of the road have been : Fran Paencngers - $562,157 61 From Freight : 569,916 62 From Mail 20,506 43 From Express 51,092 50 From Rents and Privileges 30.633 91 EXPENSES ORDINARY. $1,274,307 10 Conducting Transportation $252,895 7S Maintenance of Wav 254,939 27 Maintenance of Cars 63,223 30 Maintenance of Machinery 312,464 63 $SS3.507 9S Less Road Material 233.343 05 $650,164 93 Net Earnings $624,142 17 A gentleman in New Hampshire, agitl SO years, has been sued for $10,000 for brea;Ji oj( promise Short Seryioxs.—Some one with more point than reverence, says: I always advise short ser mons, especially on a hot Sunday. If a minister “kau’t strike ile” in forty minutes boring, he has either got a poor gimbjet, or he is boring the : wroug^place. ing that the passions engendered by the war had not sufficiently subsided to admit of harmony, in council, and wisdom in action. I am glad that my misgivings have been disappointed, and I be Here that much good has been done and progress made towards restoring harmony, npon the basis of the Constitution. Though not all which could wish, yet more than I expected, was done. With the spirit, tone, and in the main, the seuti men(s of the resolutions adopted, I am satisfied. Both in language and in principle, I would make slight modifications. But take them as a whole, considered in the light of surrounding circum stances, they furnish less ground for complaint thanM would have auticipated. They were evi dently dictated under the inspiration of patriot ism and phrased in language intended not to w.ound tlie sensibilities of au overpowered, but proud and gallant people. Viewing them in this light,-1 am willing to accept them in tlie spirit that gave them form and utterance, and ignore whatsoever is distasteful, a3 a tribute to the gen erous enthusiasm of the patriotic body • from whom they emanated. The question is frequently asked, by those who honestly opposed the representation ot the State in the convention, and who now withhold their approval ot its action, what good has it accomplished ? I reply, it has, in my judgment, effected two very important things—important to the whole country, and especially to those States which are denied representation in Con gress. In the first place, it inaugurated the be ginning of good feeling and understanding be tween the two sections. Tlie war has engender ed bitterness and hatred. There can be no real political fraternity, between the North aud the South, until such feelings shall have been soothed and confidence re-establislied between the two sections. We at the South, looking to tlie treat ment we have received from Congress, since the surrender of our arms, are apt to forget that we have frieuds at the North and to class its whole people as enemies to the restoration of the Union and to our welfare. The people of the North, attaching undue importance to the falsehoods ol hired letter writers, who distort and magnify ev ery act of rashness or imprudence that occurs in our midst, or mistaking the honest, but injudi cious comments of a portion of our press for the true exposition of the general sentiment, imagine that a spirit of insubordination to the constitu tion and law pervades the South. The result has been the perpetuation of mutual bad feelings— crimination and recrimination. Doubtless many of the intelligent, of both sections, knew the error, but they could not expose it to the masses, for the lack of some practical demonstration that would arrest general attention. Tlie Philadel phia Convention furnished that demonstration. It was signalized by scenes of enthusiasm, un paralleled, in the history of conventions, in this country. The better feelings of the heart— charity, magnanimity, generosity, love of justice, patriotism—were started from their icy repose and thawed into happy fusion. It was a meet ing of the North and the South, not on tlie bat tle field, but on the field of reconciliation; aud the representatives from each section returned home, prepared to testify truthfully of the temper and spirit ot the people of each, that, while hon estly differing on some questions, they agree to co-operate with each other, in the great work of restoration. In the second place, tlie convention lias organ ized a party, pledged to the restoration of the Union, upon the basis of the constitution and of representation to the Southern States, without any other test ot loyalty besides the oath to sup port the Constitution ot the United States. This is deeply interesting to us. It is the overshad owing question, paramount to all others. It is vital. I surrender none of the cherished politi cal opinions of my life, so far as they are appli cable to the situation in which we are left by tlie war, nor do I endorse such as I believe to be erroneous in the Philadelphia platform and ad dress. But wliat avails the discussion of these now? What can we gain by argument? We have no audience; we are practically out of the Union; we have no ; voice in the action of the government. Shall we waste our powers in vain debate and refuse to co-operate with the Conser vative men of the North because they differ with us upon some questions ? Shall we throw obsta cles in tlieir way by jealous criticisms of the proceedings of tlie convention at the very time when they are fighting our battle? Shall we uot rather aid, sustain and encourage them by earnest co-operation ? For one, I am prepared to do it with iffy whole heart; for the issue is vital. It involves, in my judgment, not only the destiny of the South, but that of constitutional liberty. Some such movement as that of the Philadel phia Convention was necessary, in order to af ford the conservative element oi the country a defined basis of action, on which it could organ ize aud concentrate its forces against the destruc tive policy of the dominant party. It canuot fail to produce a powerful eflect. The people have but to open their eyes to see that liberty is in peril, and that the constitution is sought to be substituted by the will of an irresponsible ma jority. The people everywhere love liberty; they love the constitution; they are honest; they are to be trusted. Show them the right and they will pursue it; make them sensible of the danger and they will unite to avert it; expose to them the bad ambition of power, drunk with the love of dominion, and they will rise to over throw it. Tlie campaign iu the Northern and Northwestern States is just now opening. The Philadelphia Convention boldly and clearly pre sents tlie issue between the conservative and de structive elements, of restoration of all the States to representation, on the basis of the con stitution on the one hand, and on the other, the perpetuation of strife and discord, by the wicked outlawry and disfranchisement Of nearly one- third of the States of the Union. The appeal is made to the calm, sober patriotism of the North ern people. With them the battle is to be won or lost. Liberty and the promise of good gov ernment is the prize on one side, against misrule and despotism on the other. May we not, since the late demonstration in Philadelphia, and the patriotic response of the President to the resolu tions of the convention, indulge a hope of final' triumph for truth, justice aud State equality? Prior to the action of tlie Philadelphia Con vention, the President had no party to sustaiu him He stood alone, so far as organized co operation was concerned, against the assaults of the Radical Congress and press. He has exhib ited courage worthy of Jackson, and a determi nation to restore the Southern States to rightful representation in Congress which cannot fail to challenge our support and commendation. The convention was confessedly a movement of his conception. lie desired it: First, to inaugurate good feeling and understanding between the friends of the Union, under tlie constitution; Secondly, to organize them into a party, to sus tain his policy of restoration; and, Thirdly, to present fairly to the people of the whole coun try the distinct issue of reinstating the ten exclu ded States to their constitutional relation to the other States, without unconstitutional tests ot loyalty. The whole programme is deeply, vi tally interesting to tlie South. Shall we not hold up liis hands ? Shall we not give him our earnest support ? Shall we not do all in our power to crown the action of-the convention with the most triumphant success ? Whilst this great battle is to be fought at tiie North and Northwest, in which the South can not practically participate, still, we have an im portant part to act. Tliat is—what I have just above intimated—uphold, encourage and sustain the efforts of those who are rallying under tlie banner which the convention unfurled to the breeze. The inscriptions upon it may not be all that we wish ; hut, prominent among them is the recognition of the equality of the States, and their right to representation without the odious test oath. We, therefpre, cannot but view the contest with an intense desire to see that banner planted in triumph upon the dome of the Capi tol. Let our press and people abstain from cap tious and ill-natured criticism of the action of the convention. Forgetting or ignoring what soever is distasteful, in phraseology or erroneous in principle, let us look rather to its patriotic spirit. Reciprocating that spirit, let us practice forbearance, a manly resignation to the necessi ties of our condition and respect for the Consti tution and constitutional laws of the United States. The wires will be busy in flashing from North to South, and from South to North, every thing calculated to irritate the people, provoke them to rash and intemperate expressions, and widen the chasm that divides them. The peo ple, and particularly the press of the South, should not forget this; and iu view of it, they should take special jiains to afford as little capi tal for the destructives, and as much, for the Conservatives, as possible. The Radicals are evidently greatly chagrined and astounded by the success of the convention, and painfully exercised because there was so lit tle speaking, especially by Southern delegates. They failed to realize their expected feast of dis cord and wrangling; they gathered but little pabulum for the greedy maw of slander and vi tuperation. So, by a similar course, let the peo ple of the South disappoint their morbid and insatiable apatites. Let us feel and realize that all that we can ever expect of constitutional rights is involved in the pending campaign, and that our fate depends upon tlie filial triumph of ■ the despotism of a single ruler, who might be ■*- - 1 ---• —>- — J humane and just, but-the despotism ol an irre sponsible majority. But to realize these aiitici- 41ie ■Conservative party. When we speak and • act? it s^oiffd be in tbeir interest and with a view , to tlieirsuccess; for in tlieir success is our hope for tlie future. There are turning points in the history of na- niinous, relentless, desperate, devilish—will "become irresistible unless*ts progress be arrested. It can be arrested only by the uprising ot the people in their majesty. I indulge a hope that the action of the convention will awaken them to the perils of the Crisis. I trust tTTe'ftre that tforu-srid wow wit Hi told "their approval- of its , . » i i ...J nniLin rltunll unnn renil 4»YIMV»Q« m flip nt liberty can be roaintained.only by a recognition of the rights and equality of the States. Their abrogation or disregard means despotism—not patioua, we must tirst.be admitted to our repre sentation in Congress. Tint is the great ques tion—the essential vital condition precedent to any hope of better days tor the South. And this depends upon the final success of tlie Phila delphia movement. Let us encourage that suc cess. _ We owe it to frankness and candor; we owe it to the conservative men of the North ; we owe it to ourselves, to do justice to the Philadel phia Convention—its resolutions and address. I regret to see that some who opposed theconven- warmed the hearts of that body will be diffused in expanding circles until it shall begirt the whole laud and dispel the darkness that now haugs, like a funeral pall, over our distracted country. Now is the time and the opportunity for the masses of tlie North to rally. The gov ernment is in their hands; we are excluded ; if the Temple of Liberty totter to its fall, the re sponsibility is.theirs. Do they uot begin to see it? The grouudswell begins to heave; the re action has commenced ; let- the people, North and South—those who desire constitutional union and government—be true to themselves and their posterity, and rise to the bight of the great occa sion. Then woe, woe awaits those who now pollute the altars of liberty and lord it over the heritage of her children. The world knows the people of the South do not approve of all that was done by the Phila delphia Convention; nor is it pretended that our delegates did. Protest against what ie objec tionable, by our prels or our people, is totally unnecessary, even as a matter of justice to our selves. There is no need to define our position upon controverted questions of principle or policy; it is known and read of all men. When restored to representation, we can argiie and de bate if occasion require it. We shall then have an audience; we shall even coustilute a part ot the tribunal to decide tlie questions discussed.— If we never get restored to representation, then argument is useless. We can therefore afford to be silent as to what wc cannot endorse, for tlie sake of the prize that is staked upon the issue.— Our government, tlie constitution, the whole frame-work of our political institutions, were, in tlie beginning, the result of mutual concessions and compromises. They will never be restored, aud when restored they cannot be preserved without the exercise of the same spirit. True, as a section, the South will be in a mi nority aud powerless, of herself, to arrest unjust and unconstitutional legislation. But that great change in popular sentiment iu the North, which slialfsecure to us representation, will also bring into Congress friends who, united with the Southern members, will constitute a majority of the House, or, if not a majority, a sufficient num ber to sustain presidential vetoes of unconstitu tional enactments. Extravagance ot expendi ture can be checked, the burden of taxation equalized, corruption exposed, and the annoy ance of the present dominant party tamed and chastised. When we can be heard, there will be hope, at least, by appeal to reason and justice, that tlie ship of State may be again put upon the course which its builders intended it to nav igate. If this can be accomplished, there is a hope of regaining good government, and finally ma terial prosperity. Long before the war I bad come to the conviction that the best hope for this country was in a close alliance with the great ag ricultural States of the Northwest. They, like us, are interested in low taxation and economy. United with them, and such friends as could al ways be elected from a lew districts of tlie North ern States, I believed on the day of secession, that the South was stronger in, than out of the Union. This conviction, so deeply fixed, explains the true motive of my adhesion to the noble and lamented Douglas, in I860. I knew he wasjust- ly the idol of the Northwest; I knew his great ability, his firmness, his courage and tried friend ship for the South. I knew that we could trust him, however we might differ from him upon some points of theoretic politics. I believed that, through him, if the Union should stand, the alli ance, to which I have referred could he consolida ted. Hence, I consented to share his fortune, knowing at the time, as well as I knew after the event, that his election was impossible. Thus looking for a defeat, I still hoped that a fragment of the National Democracy, North and South, might be preserved in a state of organization, around which that glorious old party might again rally, and preserve the Union and the rights of the South in the Union. Nothing, however, could stay the tendency to secession, after Mr. Lincoln’s election by a strictly sectional vote.— We have passed through the conflict and been overpowered. We came out of it with slavery abolished, our labor deranged aud prostrated, our fields desolated, and our homes draped in mourn ing for our noble gallant and dead. We have accepted these results in good faith. We are ready to resume our place in tlie Union, endeav or to recover from our reverses, and promote the harmony and welfare of our common country.— And now that slavery is abolished, and conse quently must cease to be an apple of discord, my mind returns with strengthened conviction of the policy of renewing the ties which, in other days, bound us to the agricultural States of the Northwest. Once restored to representation in Congress nothing can prevent such an alliance. Whilst all our revenue was raised by a tariff upon imports, the agricultural class did not ap preciate tlie amount of tlieir taxes, nor the ine quality with which they were imposed. It is quite different now. The tax gatherer goes to every man’s door and levies tribute upon the products of liis labor. Let existing passions sub side; let harmony be restored; "let fanaticism starve to death, because the carcase ot slavery, on which it fed, has been forever removed, and we shall soon see and hear the masses, who till the soil, inquiring into the operations of the tax- laws, and tlie expenditure of revenue, and hold ing tlieir representatives to a strict accountability. Labor will assert its right to just and equal treat ment at the bauds ot tlie government with asso ciated and incorporated capital. Heretofore the country has been liarrassed about slavery: fanat ics using tlie question as tlie means of obtaining power—obtaining power in order that they might levy tribute upon agriculture to pamper and pro tect manufacturers. The issue will be a naked one—shall agricultural labor be taxed to uphold and sustain incorporated capital ? The result is not to be feared. Agriculture does uot shrink from a just share of tlie burden, which the ini niense national debt must impose upon every in terest. But it will demand economy, the lowest taxation that will meet the emergency', and equality in its imposition. This is all the'South asks, and in demanding it, she must and will re ceive tlie co-operation of agriculturists in all sec tions, but especially of the Northwestern States. This is my hope for the future of the country.— It is founded upon the potent affinities of inter est, which, when left free to act, will as certainly bind together the tillers of the soil as gravitation does the works of the universe. Nor will the alliance, to which I refer, be im potent, in asserting the principles of constilu tional interpretation, essential to the healthful working of our governmental machinery. The doctrines of ’98 and ’99 may vet he re-asserted by the Congress ot the United States. They are as valuable now as ever they were—as true and sound as ey-er. They survive tlis yvar, however ignored and forgotten, amidst the thunder and smoke of battle, because they are endued with the immortality of truth. Our rights under the constitution, slavery excepted, are precisely the same that they were before the war; and what soever else may be objectionable in tjie Address of the Philadelphia Convention to the people of the United States, it is both gratifying and'en- couraging that, this truth is billy recognized in that document. It declares : “ The Government of the United States main tained by force of arms tlie supreme authority over all the territory an<f over all the States and people within its jurisdiction which the consti tution confers upon it, but it acquired thereby no neyy power, no enlarged jurisdiction, no rights, either of territorial possession or of civil author ity, which it did not possess befyre the rebellion broke out. All the rightful power it can ever possess is that which is conferred upon it in ex press terms, or by fair and necessary implication, by the Constitution of the United States.” * * * * * “ Neither war nor the victory by which it was ended changed in any way the Constitution of the United states.” Jr -jf “ And to-day, also, precisely as before the war, all the powers not conferred by tlie constitution upon the General Government, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to tlie several States or to the people thereof.” These are announcements of that “ Address.” They are significant. They are the principles which underlie the doctrines of 1798 and 1799. They show liow truth will crop out. The South ern States, by tlie act of secession, put in issue two questions: first, the right to secede; and, secondly, the perpetuation of slavery. Both have been decided against us; and we have ac cepted, in good faith, the award of the sword. With this exception, our constitutional rights are just what they were before flie war; for it is cer tain that if, iu the language of that “ Address,” the “government acquired no new power by tlie war,” the Southern States lost none. It were i bootless to discuss these princinles now. It is a ! great point gained that, amid 'the fiery play of Irequentiv coin the passions, a party has been organized that an- 1 1 - y - nounces them. We can discuss, when the right of representation shall be accorded to us, with hope ot success.. For the ordeal through which the government is now passing, will satisfy right minded men, in all sections, that constitutional action, dwell upon, and express, in tlie light ot severe critic is pi, all that is distasteful in language and objectionable in pffoc'qiTe, without, aflso hold ing up for commendation and support what is eminently acceptable to the Southern people. This is wrong. It*enn do no good.at the South; it is calculated to weaken those at the North who are engaged in tlie struggle to restore the Union upon the plan of the administration. But while I thus comitrent. ou this cdtfrsc of the opponents of the proceedings ot the convention, it affords me pleasure to award lo them holiest and patri otic purposes. They-are not more wrong than those who would assign them the position ot al liance with the Radicals. We must tolerate among ourselves honest differences of opinion. Sharing common calamities, we all have a com mon desire to be relieved from an unfortunate condition. Our differences of opinion upon these topics, do not destroy the unanimity with which the entire people of the South ear nestly wish tlie triumph of the Conservative party. Whatsoever may be objectionable in them, both the resolutions and the address contain much that is true and encouraging, but little in sub stance to condemn. They are sound upon the vital, practical, living issues of the crisis. They assert the equality of tlie States, the right of all to representation in Congress, their right to “pre scribe qualification for the elective franchise.”— They deny the right of the States now repre sented to propose and ratify amendments to tlie Federal Constitution. All these we can endorse, and they are all that belong strictly to the issue that more deeply than all others concerns us.— They are boldly announced, both in tlie resolu tions and address, and discussed in the latter with clearness and ability. I have already quoted a few sentences from the address. I will quote a few more, in order to bring them promi nently before the reader, as worthy his approval. See liow forcibly it puts tlie pretensions and schemes of the Radicals: “It has been proclaimed by Congress that in addition lo the powers conferred upon it by tlie constitution, the Federal Government may now proclaim over the States and the territory, and the people involved in the insurrection, the rights of war—right of conquest aud of confiscation, the right, to abrogate all existing governments, institutions, and law s, and to subject the territory conquered and its inhabitants to such terms anil regulations as the legislative department of the government may see lit to impose, under the broad and sweeping claim that the clause of the constitution which provides that no State shall, without its consent, be deprived of its equal sui- trage in the Senate of tlie United States has been annulled ; and States have been refused, and are still refused representation altogether, in both brandies of tlie Federal Congress ; and the Con gress in which only a part of the States aud of the people of the Union are represented has as serted tlie right to exclude others Irom represen tation and from all share in making tlieir own laws and choosing tlieir own rulers, unless they shall comply with such conditions and perform such acts as this Congress, thus composed, may itself prescribe. That right Las not only been asserted but it has been exercised, and is prac tically enforced at the present time.” What a graphic and vivid picture of the de signs of the Radicals, is here drawn ! And now remember, that tlie “Address” combats all these positions, with ability and eloquence. It argues that they are subversive of the government and fatal to the Union, for the preservation ot which the war was waged. It brands them as despotism and usurpation. And after pressing the argu ment with irresistable power, it concludes, that whilst it is the unquestionable right of the peo ple of the United States, to change tlie constitu tion, yet it must he done, in the mode which tlie constitution itself points out. Says tlie Address: “We deny the right of Congress to make these changes in the fundamental law without tlie concurrence of three-fourths of all the States, in cluding especially those to be most seriously affected by them, or impose them upon States or people as conditions of representation or of ad mission to any of the rights, duties or obligations which belong, under the constitution, to all the States alike; and w'th still greater emphasis do we deny the right of any portion of tlie States, excluding the rest of the States from any share in their councils, to propose or sanction changes in the constitution which are to affect perma nently their political relations, and control or coerce the legitimate action of the several mem bers ot tlie common Union. Such an exercise of power is simply a usurpation, just as unwar rantable when exercised by Northern States as it would be if exercised by Southern, and not to be fortified or palliated by anything in tlie past history either of those by whom it is attempted or of those upon whose rights and liberties it it to » ke effect. It finds no warrant in the consti- tu n. It is at war with the fundamental prin ciples of our form of government. If tolerated in one instance it becomes the precedent for future invasions of liberty and constitutional right, de pendent solely upon tlie will of the party in pos session of power, and thus leads by direct and necessary sequence to the most fatal and intoler able of all tyrannies, the tyranny of shifting and irresponsible political factions. It is against this, the most formidable of all the dangers which menace the stability of free government, that the Constitution of tlie United States was intended most carefully to provide. We demand a strict and steadfast adherence to its provisions. In this, and in this alone, can we find a basis of permanent union and peace.” Extracts similar, in spirit and sentiment might be multiplied. But these are enough to show, that we may well afford to acquiesce in silence to whatsoever may be objectionable, when the principles so essential and vital to us in the present crisis, are distinctly recognized. More than this : when sucli announcements are made and a great party organized, who are now- engaged in the struggle to make them good at tlie ballot box, does it become the Southern people to damp their zeal and weaken tlieir moral power by fastidious criticism ? I cannot do it. Wherein I differ from tlie Platfom and Address, I will differ in peace as friends, and lock shields with them against tlie common enemy. 1 say, God speed to the work which was begun in Philadelphia. Every considera tion^ of interest and patriotism calls upon us to aid in the work of restoration. We can never successfully organize our agricultural labor; capital will not flow to us for the development of our unbounded natural resources ; population will not increase rapidly, nor prosperity return to us, so long as the present political derange ment continues. We shall be the lielpiess vic tims of misrule and despotism. The domina tion of tlie Radicals must he broken down or constitutional liberty is lost and the South doomed- to the saddest fale that ever be fell a civilized people. Our duty is plain. It. involves no dishonor. It requires us to prac tice patience, forbearance, conciliation, and re signation to present evils for the sake of greater future good. We cannot expect to have things all our own way. If.we could, our situation were quite different. We would wish that we were free from debt, and that no stay law were necessary to save the people from utter ruin. But tlie war brought the one, and a sense of self-preservation, among the people, demands the other. If we could have things all our own way, the war had resulted differently, we would have taken our position as an independent pow er, among tlie family of nations. • But Provi dence ordained otherwise, and wc must obey the irrevocable decree. It is tlie part of wise aid libera] statesmanship lo tolerate what it cannot prevent, and seek, by appeal to reason and patriotism, to mitigate wliat it cannot con trol. To learn this, is one of the most valuable lessons for individual life. It is equally so for States. It brings comparative happiness to both, whilst the heart frets and chafes, under the friction of vain resistance. Respectfully, Ac., IIerschel V. Johnson. Opposed to the County Court. The Rome Courier of a recent date contains this paragraph: We hear of considerable opposition to the County Court in this section of the State. The people think it makes suing too easy. There is now about ten times as much suing as there was before the existence of this law, and the people, in their present straightened circumstances, can't stand it. The desire for its repeal seems to be rapidly on tlie increase. The Walker county Grand Jury, at tlie recent session of that court, made a presentment upon the subject, urging its repeal. It is expected that the Chattooga county Grand - Jury will do^the same thing this week ; and we hear that a 'meeting has been called at Cave Spring for the consideration of this subject. This court has taken nearly all the collecting business out of the Justice Courts, and subjects jurors and defendants to the inconvenience of to tlie county site to attend petty law suits. Mrs. Grant, of Montgomery Aalabama, the mother of five children, committed suicide Sun day evening by taking laudanum. Cause, jeal ousy.