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Werhlij JntflligfDffr ATLANTA, GEORGIA, Wednesday. October IQ, I860. TIip Hadlral Orator#—A Break la the Banka. Even the New York Herald does not conceal that there is a “ break in the ranks” of the Rud- iral Parly as to whether the ratification of the proposed Constitutional Amendment, by three- fourths of the States, is all that will be required to effect Southern restoration, or whether, the amendment being ratified, more shall be required of the South. In an article headed as above, that paper says : “ The recent speeches of Thad. Stevens and Bethel Fisher Butler, for instance, foreshadow a new crusade against the South.— They intimate that the adoption of the constitu tional amendment by the Southern States will not be sufficient, but that still further concessions must be made by that people and other guaran tees secured. On the other hand, such represen tative men as Senator "Wilson and Representative (joukling, in their speeches on the stump, repu diate this idea of Stevens, Butler & Company, and declare that the faith of Congress is pledged to admit the Southern representatives upon their States ratifying the constitutional amendment.— Upon this point there is as wide a difference be tween the party leaders as that which exists be tween the two political parties of the day. The success of the republican party in this contest will be the signal tor a bitter controversy between these two elements on the assembling of Con gress. Stevens will then unquestionably lead off in hLs efforts to compel the adoption of his theo ries, which he was unable to incorporate in the amendment at the last session, while those who secured the adoption of this amendment by the last Congress stand pledged before the country to insist that that, and that alone, shall be the con dition of admitting the Southern representatives. On this point the issue will be made, on this rock the party must sooner or later split” With all this, the Herald urges the South to abandon the President and accept the proposed amendment. We beg to decline its acceptance. We prefer to let the “ split ” come ; to hold off and let the Radicals fight it out among them selves ; trusting and believing that every blow bestowed by one upon the other; every assault made upon Stevens, Butler, & Company, by Sen ator Wilson, Representative Conkling, and Com pany, will give strength to the Conservative party, North, and end in the attainment of its supremacy, over both the Radical factions. The South has nothing to expect, nothing to hope for, iu giving aid and comfort to either of the Radical factions. It certainly cannot accept the proposed amendment. She must pass it by in silence, taking no action at all upon it, or reject it hy a vote of her State Legislatures. In a few more weeks the Legislature of our own State will Ire in session, when if any action at all be taken upon the amendment, it will be such, we predict, as will convince the Herald that its per suasions have no effect upon Georgia. President Johnson. A mong the many little spiteful things that rad icalism is publishing just now in regard to Pres ident Johnson, is the following, which comes lrom the direction of Chicago: Hon. W. H. Harndon, President Lincoln’s old law partner, in a speech at Springfield last eve ning, produced data proving that Andrew John son was a personal and political enemy of Mr. Lincoln during his entire administration. It is somewhat remarkable that this huge fact was not j >laced iu possession of an interested public at an earlier day. Another rather singu lar thing is, that the ve;y men who but a few months past were iu the habit of slobbering Mr. Johnson all over with gratuitous and fulsome eulogies are uow his bitterest and vilest traduc- ers, some even going far enough to charge him with complicity in the assassination of Mr. Lin coln. It is not necessary to repeat at this day that up to the hour of Mr. Lincoln’s death, the personal relations between the first and second officers of the government were of the kindliest character, and that their views upon all leading questions growing out of the war were in perfect accord. Men who have dabbled for years in the dirty waters of political strife are not apt to be over- scrupulous in the employment of instrumentali ties to effect their ends, but the course of the rad icals in their “present emergency” is certainly without prccodent or parallel in the history of this country. It will do no good of course to say so, but there are no words in the English lan guage sufficiently adequate to express the con tempt and utter detestation which every candid mind must feel for the leaders of a party who thus act while claiming to absorb all the moral ity, decency and patriotism of the land. Their system of abuse and misrepresentation in regard to the President dwarfs all previous efforts in that line, and should secure for them an “immortality of infamy,” if nothing more. The New York Independent. The Independent is the organ of the extreme radicals, and its editor is Theodore Tilton, the white mau who armed Fred Douglass through the streets of Philadelphia and into the Black and Tan Convention. We are not simple enough to suppose that the readers of the Intelligen cer, or very many of the people of any section, care anything about either the Independent or its editor, Mr. Tilton; but the following is such a correct and perfect photograph of a real repre sentative man of the religious wing of the radi cal party, so-called, that wc cannot refrain from giving it a place in our columns. We copy from the New York nerald. Premising that Mr. Til-, ton is the editor of the Independent, the Herald says: The Rev. Twaddling Tilton is a young man who lives by his notoriety and gains his notorie ty by his extravagance. His aim in life is to make a sensation, and he lias not enough sense to care how the sensation is made, lie began his public career by lettiug his hair grow until it was as long as the tail of Baruum’s wooly horse. As this long hair attracted considerable atten tion, especially among the barbers, the Rev. Tod dling Tilton imagined that it exalted him above his fellow men, forgetting that any woman could excel him in his capillary display. Then he set himself upas a second Henry Ward Beecher,and tried hard to imitate Litis divine in his speeches and writings, but lacked tlie brains to succeed. Through Mr. Bteclier's patronage he was intro duced into colored society, and soon eclipsed his great original in the violence of hia views. By and by, presuming upon his popularity with the more ignorant blacks, he undertook to instruct Mr. Beecher as to his duty ; but he received a public quietus in the lecture room at Plymouth Church, and subsided for a considerable period. Mr. Beecher’s withdrawal lrom the Independent opened the way for the Rev. Rattling Tiltou to secure the editorship, and since then he lias been tooling more outrageously than ever, lie was as full of fight during the war as an egg is full of meat until he was drafted, and then he deci ded to stay at home and wear “the white feather.” Now that the war is over he tlursts for slaughter again aud is ready to shed any ainount of other people's blood to annihilate the South. He is the person who walked arm-in arm with Fred. Douglass at the Philadelphia black and white convention, thus getting his name in all llic papers. Fred. Douglass re ward ed him by declaring that he was the finest young fellow that had lived since Jesus Christ, which is precisely the sort ot compliment that the Rev. Twiddling Tilton is silly enough to accept. The Bay (be Legislature is to Meet. The Macon Telegraph of yesterday contains the following communication: Macon, Oct. 5, 1866. Messrs. Editors: By reason of the diversity of opinion which prevails in relation to the time of meeting ot the next General Assembly of the State, I have been requested to call altcutiou of all concerned to the tollowing provision of the new Constitution: The first meeting ot the General Assembly under this Constitution shall be on the first Mon day in December next, after which it shall meet annually on the first Thursday in November, or on such other day as the General Assembly may prescribe.” No other day having been prescribed, the first Thursday in November is the day of meeting. Very respectfully, Jno. B. Weems,'’ Secretary of Senate. Spirit or tke New York Press. TIIE PENALTIES OF REBELLION. The World, in referring to an argument of the Tribune, says that it is manifest, then, that the method adopted by the Republican party for “determining the penalties of rebellion,” is in plain violation of every established principle of criminal justice. The law decreeing .he penal ty is ex post facto ; the chief prosecutor is made the judge; and the accused, being excluded from Congress, arc not permitted to be heard in their own defense. To be tried under an ex post facto law, judged by the accusers, and denied a liear- in defense, is a combination of all the tyranny which it is possible to practice under the forms ot penal justice. Congress, the 1 ribune main tains, is to be regarded in the light of a j ury engag ed in trying the South for the crime of rebellion. But when before did a jury ever assume to di rect a change in the law, and dictate a penalty which the law had not established ? This “jury” insolently presumes to judge the law, and con demn the law, aud to domineer over the law as it does over the accused. Or if we consider Con gress in its proper light ot a legislature, instead of a jury, it is itself in daring rebellion against the Constitution. The Constitution, in positive terms, forbids Congress to pass any ex post facto law, that is, any law prescribing a different or greater punishment for any crime than was in force at the time it was committed. But the present Congress not only defies and violates this prohibition, but insist on a penalty which is so extremely ex post facto that the Constitution itself must be altered before it can be inflicted. WALL STREET. In its financial article the World states that fall speculation for a rise in the stock market which has been so long expected, fairly set in this week, with a strength and vigor which has taken even the bulls by surprise. For some weeks the num ber of outside buyers Las been increasing, and at no time since the spring of 1864 have stock ope rations been more widely scattered throughout the community in this and neighboring cities, as well as the country, than at the present time. A variety of causes have tended to drive capital from legitimate trading and productive enterpri ses by rendering their profits small aud uncer tain ever since the advent of peace, aud most notably within the last six months. Manufactu rers, merchants, and dealers everywhere com plain of small profits; and, in many cases, con tinuous losses. The result is a heavy accumula tion of unemployed funds in the great money centre of New York, where the idle capital can be employed in speculative operations which promise and, hitherto, have realized those speed}’ and large profits not obtainable in legitimate trading under the present unsettled condition of affairs. Hence the number of business men, bank presidents, cashiers and directors, all over the country, who are more or less interested in Wall street stock speculations. Hence the steady advancing tendency of prices in all the leading stocks dealt in on the New York Stock Ex change, and the rapidity with which one stock after another jumps upwards under the stimulus of an increased demand. The quantity of the leading railway shares floating in Wall street is much less than it used to be before the rebellion, and prices are not yet high enough to induce holders for investment to sell, while the leading rates for money range from 3 to 5 per cent. THE NATIONAL DEBT. The Times, referring to its statement of the actual and approximate figures of the income and expenditures of the government for the first quarter of the current fiscal year, which ended on Saturday last, says that the main fact, that more than one-lialf the enormous income of the quarter—amounting to one hundred and sixty millions—has been devoted to the reduction of the principal of the public debt, is emphatically the subject of rejoicing. At this rate, say one per cent, per month or 12 per cent, a year of the entire public indebtedness, including the Treas ury circulation free of interest, the problem ol final extinguishment in eight or ten years will soon afford its own solution. And we feel quite sure that the popular sentiment in lavor of the rapid reduction of the total, especially so far as it is made to bear a heavy interest charge per annum, is a growing one at the North, as we be lieve it will be a universal one in the Southern States as their representation is gradually re stored to Congress. The limes adds that the administration of the finances by Mr. Secretary McCulloch is best measured by its success, and its success best il lustrated by the practical figures before us. He is paying off the principal of the public debt at the rate of twenty-five millions per month, and fund ing, in a consolidated gold-bearing shape, from thirty to fifty millions per month additional.— The rate of interest in the later operation is not as cheap as he could have desired, nor as low as the credit and resources of the government should make it, but the fault is not his own, nor has he suffered the mischief of six in place of five per cent to be permanently fastened upon the coun try. By the year 1870 four-fifths ol the funded debt, or so much thereof as may not then be ex tinguished, will be within the control of the Treasury, to be paid off in gold (or the interest reduced by consent of the holder) by the negotia tion of new loans at a cheaper rate. While the interest-bearing debt is being thus rapidly paid off and funded, tlic circulation of the Treasury and its legal-tender credit, upon which the cir culation of the National Banks will have to re ly, on the final resumption of payments in gold, has been gradually reduced, and its integrity for tified. The gold itself, it is now certain, will not be wanting whenever it is deemed proper and timely to restore the old standard. The present gold interest charge on the public debt is less than $80,000,000 a year. The present revenues in gold are at the rate of $180,000,000 a year.— Before the former reaches its maximum by the funding process, say of one hundred and twenty millions, the later will have gone up to two hun dred and twenty millions, so that the Treasury can command the annual surplus of oue hundred millions in gold or its equivalent iu its own legal- tenders, for the work of resumption, whenever that and higher considerations than the mere pride of discussing and anticipating the event, shall seem to render it reasonable. THE FRENCH MANIFESTO, The Express considers this paper, though sign ed “ Lavalette,” as beariug upon its face un doubted evidence of Imperial authorship. In the course of its article, the Express says that it may be taken for granted that while the “ man of destiny ” deems it good policy to talk peace, he deems it equally sound policy, to be prepared, if need be, to act war. He accepts the situation, but he stands by his guns, ready so take advan tage of whatever new complications may from time to time grow out of the new combinations, new alliances and new treaties, resulting from the recent conflict in Germany. We do not mean to be understood as implying that the Em peror is occupying this position, is unwise, as re gards France, or is going to betray Europe into another Avar; we but desire to place in bold re lief the call of the nation to arms, which consti tutes his peroration as it were, with the paeans he siugs to peace, all through his prologue. He must be an adept iu the mysteries of moral and political economy, who would venture to recon cile these curious but very characteristic antithe ses, and the rationale of the whole matter, in our judgment is just this—that while it is for the in terest of Louis Napoleon and France to keep on terms of friendship with their neighbors at pre sent, there is no telling how soon the time may come when that interest, whatever it is, may be best served by a different line ol policy; in other words, keep the peace until \v t are t etter pre pared for war. Prussia at this moment, it is pro bable, could bring into the field, at short notice more fighting men than France. Her artillery also embodies more of the modem improve ments, and hence, until France has more needle guns aud a better army organization, the Conti nent may calculate upon peace—but just as soon as these wants are supplied, the chances are ten Prospects Brlsfcfcnloc. The great Radical groundswell that for a few weeks past, according to some of the Northern journals, threatened to overrun the whole coun try, appears recently to have ceased swelling, and our friehds North, whoyielded to its pressure for A tim^ begin again to entertain hopes, and will bravely contend for success at the elections which will come off to-day. God speed them in their efforts! Says a correspondent of the Augusta Constitutionalist: “ The firmness of President Johnson iu resist ing the efforts to turn him from the pursuit of his policy, has had a reassuring effect upon the Democracy; and in this State they enter upon the canvass with renewed energy and zeal. Un trammeled by the timid counsels of those Con servative Republicans with whom the}’ have been endeavoring to co-operate, they assert cor rect principles with more freedom, and are call ing around them men of principle to whom the word “fusion,” as applied to party tactics, is hateful. And while the Democracy have thus been consolidated and strengthened the Radicals are already in great trouble from the return ol Mr. Weed and his friends to them. In this city there are already two “general committees,” and a division is threatened on Congress and all their local candidates. In Kings count}’ (Brooklyn) the Conservative Republicans went in and car ried all the party conventions—nominated two Conservatives for Congress; and the Radicals threaten to bolt How soon are made good the temporary misfortunes that follow an assertion of principle ? The occurrences I have narrated promise to save New York State from the Radi cals.” The elections in Indiana, Ohio, and Pennsyl vania, take place to-day. The Radicals claim that they will carry these States by an immense majority. We not only doubt this assertion, but entertain hopes of partial success iu each. It is idle, however, to speculate upon results so near at hand. To-morrow’s telegraphic dispatches will tell the tale. Be it for Aveal or for woe, let the South stand firm by the President and trust in his wisdom and patriotism ! Above all, let it maintain its honor! The Patent Question. The following letter from the Secretary of the Interior to the Commissioner of Patents settles the question as to whether Southern people are entitled to patents, and shows that the Depart ment of the Interior is presided over by a spirit of* true nationality which looks only to the pub lic welfare and narional advancement and pros perity : Department of the Interior, I Washinoton, D. C., September 28, 1866. ) Sir—Your letter of the 24th instant in regard to applications for patents by persons residing Avithin the States lately in insurrection lias been duly considered. The duty of this Department is to execute, not make laws. The legislative power of the Gov- ernment designates the persons to whom, and prescribes the conditions under which, patents shall be issued. I can neither add to nor dispense Avith the rules prescribed by Congress, by which the grant ing of patents is to be governed. It is of public interest that as few restraints as possible shall be imposed upon the inventive genius and produc tive capacity of the people. The public is not so much interested in who shall invent and produce as that invention and production shall continue. In whatever portion of our common country an inventor may reside, the community will be equally benefited by his discovery. His local habitation can have no in ttuince upon the value of his contribution to the industrial arts. I am not aware that any portion of the coun try or the people are now in insurrection against the authority ol the General Government. You will, therefore, in all cases of applications lor patents, be governed by the law. Every appli cant who brings himself Avithin the provisions of the law, and complies with its requirements is entitled to have his application granted. In ail cases you will follow the law, neither adding to its requirements nor relaxing its re strictions aud limitations. I am, sir, very re spectfully, your obedient servant, O. H. Broavning, Secretary. Hon. Thos. C. Theaker, Commissioner ot Patents Carrington A Co’s Express and Purchas ing Agency, New York. The tide ot events has drifted to the Coinmcr cial Emporium of the United States, many old citizens of Georgia, who have gone thither to em bark in various enterprises, mostly commercial, to better their fortuues, and from that point, to do a Southern trade. Among them, we notice one long connected with the Georgia press, who for veiy many years, exercised with his pen a powerful influence over the minds of the people of this State, and Avbose fame, as a political writer, was not confined to its limits, but was na tional. We allude to our old and able confrere James Gardner, Esq., late of the Augusta Con stitutionalist. This gentleman, we notice, has re cently connected himself with “Carrington & Co’s Express and Purchasing Agency,” New York. The Company will purchase to order any article wanted, singly or in quantity, from New York or lrom Europe, for consumers or dealers, for use or wear, comfort or luxury, and at prices guaranteed as low as could be obtained by the customer in person. Mr. Gardner’s connection with it will be satisfactorily received in Georgia, as an endorsement of its entire relia. bility and promptness iu the execution of all orders transmitted to it. The press of Georgia, with which Mr. G. has been connected for over twenty years, as Publisher and Editor of one of its most influential and popular journals, Avhile regretting the loss to it ot so able an adjunct, we fed satisfied, will not hesitate to lend its influ ence in furthering the enterprise of its late dis tinguished compeer—a gentleman with unblem ished record and highest reliability. Especially AVili. it not overlook the fact, that connected with the other business of Carrington & Co., Mr. Gardner will have filled, at half commissions, by his firm, all orders of Southern Publishers for Presses and other Machinery, Type, Stationery, &c., that may be addressed to him, or the com pany with which be has formed this business connection. Letters and orders on business should be ad dressed to Carrington & Co., 30 Broadway, New York. Caution Them, We have been requested to caution our coun try friends who visit the city for trade purposes, against any faith in political tracts and pam phlets, which, it is said, are being freely distri buted among them by an individual in this city. We hardly think the caution necessary. The most illiterate Southern man in the vicinity of Atlanta, we feel satisfied, cannot be deceived by the party who distributes the radical documents referred to; and besides, the documents themselves so plainly indicate their origin and design; so plainly demonstrate that they are prepared by the negro suffrage party, and circulated in this vicinity by one who affiliates with that party,— that they cannot but fail to exercise the desired influence, or any influence, save indignation, on the part of Southern men. But as it is request ed, we caution our country friends againsFthe reception of any such documents, or if received, against placing any faith in the representations embraced therein. The Last Alternative.—As a last resort for intimidating the Southern people into an ac- ceptatimi of the constitutional amendment, a Avriter in a Northern paper suggests the follow ing, under the head of “ Danger to the South. ” He is speaking of the schemes of the radicals: We already see that their candidate for the succession is Ben. Butler, who has been digDified by Southerners with the soubriquet of “The Beast.” Should the South neglect its present opportunity, and reject the terms now offered, it is not probable that they will re-gain their proper position in the government until after the next Presidential election. They will then find Butler or Chase in the field as the radical candidate, with McClellan, or come other demo crat, in opposition, withobt a chance of success. What then would be their hopes for the luture ? Radical Fal#e Pretense*. Under the foregoing heading, the Washington City national Intelligencer of the 6th instant, says:. “One fact ought to be kept prominently before the people. It is this: that there is no assu rance that if the pending constitutional amend ment is adopted the Southern States will be admitted. On the contrarv, we have assurances from the most influential quarters that this will not be sufficient.” “The New York Tribune urges universal suf frage.” “The Independent says, plainly, that some thing more must be done besides' the constitu tional amendment.” “Mr. Stevens, the leader of the dominant party in the House of Representatives, the mas ter branch of the Government, does not hesitate to proclaim that the constitutional amendment docs not go far enough. In the famous Pittsburg Convention, over which General Butler towered as the inspiring genius, this point is left untouched in the plat form adopted, and General Butler, in his speech to the convention, says, that until every man can walk in peace, conveying the flag of the United States, if he pleases, with devotion to the Union on his Ups, and not be molested, in every revolted State, for one I do not Avant to see that State in the Union.” “So that it is a misnomer to call the constitu tional amendment a plan to restore the Southern States to the Union. It should rather be called a plan to tie over the shoals of the fall elections. It it accomplishes this purpose, it will have dis charged its mission.” “When the constitutional amendment is made a part of the Constitution, it it is so made, the matter of reconstruction will still be an open question in the hands of the controlling party in Congress. Doubtless, Avhen they can see a chance of gaining an accession to their political power by admitting a slate which, like Ten nessee, is in the bands of their politicians, they will do it; otherwise their action will depend on circumstances. The Radical leaders are, therefore, guilty of false pretenses when they insist that the question before the people is, whether the Union shall be restored under the President’s plan, or under the plan of the con stitutional amendment.” “This should be brought home to the miuds of the American people. Without doubt the great mass of the peopleJdesire an early restor ation of the Union, aud the end of the present anomalous and unrepublican state of things. It will be their own fault if they are deceived by tlic pretense that the constitutional amendment being adopted, the gates of the Capitol are to fly open to admit the loyal representatives from the Southern State. That question, if the Rad icals triumph in the approaching elections, is destined to be kept open for party purpose.” “The Radical leaders concern themselves very little about restoration ot the seceded States. Their anxiety, first and last, and all the time, is how to preserve their hold on office and the spoils.” The foregoing is every word true. Especially should it be brought home to the minds of the Southern people, upon Avhom the effort lias recent ly been made, by the New York Herald and other Northern papers, to persuade an acceptance or ratification of the proposed constitutional ained- ment. As the "Washington Intelligencer says, “it will be their own fault if they are deceived by the pretense that the constitutional amendment being adopted, the gates of the Capitol are to fly open to admit the loyal representatives from the Southern States.” Wiiat Boos It mean ? The New Orleans Times, of the 2d, says: We have some rather startling intelligence from the seat of government, aud from a source which leaves not a doubt of its authenticity. When the First United States Colored Iufantry were mustered out ot service, a large number of them remained in and around Washington. These ex-soldiers have kept up their organization un der tlie name of “Lincoln Reserve Corps,” of which one Capt. Daniel K. Jenkins is comman der of the 1st battalion. On the evening of Sep tember 4tli, a secret meeting w’as held, at which about one hundred of these men signed a resolu tion offering their services to Governor Wells, of Louisiana, to aid in his struggle for liberty and justice.” Capt. Jenkins was instructed to Avrite Governor Wells to this effect, stating that the “Lincoln Reserves” Avere “well armed aud dis ciplined, and would serdlfcvithout remuneration” —excepting, we suppose, what they could confis cate, a la Butler. What does this proposition indicate? Do the Radical politicians intend getting up another riot iu New Orleans ? Are the “loyal Louisianians” and Northern political leaders not satisfied Avith the blood they have caused to be spilled in our streets ? Do they wish to add to the unfortunate calamity they brought upon our people by fur ther tumult and disorder ? Certainly this looks as if there was some foul plot hatching. The New York. Tribune. The following is from a Washington corres pondent of the New York Tribune. As a speci men of tall lying it is hard to beat: Some important disclosures will soon be of ficially made public in reference to secret rebel societies, which permeate the entire South. These organizations have branch circles in New York city and the West. That in New York issaid to number 50,000, pricipally composed of men who served in the rebel army. Each circle has a differ ent name. Some are known as the “ True Sons of the South,” others as “The Knights of Ara bia,” and all are well armed with the most im proved weapons, ready at a moment’s notice, should a favorable opportunity arise, to reneiv ths struggle for the lost cause. One of the chief members of this organization, now in prison, is said to have made important disclosures. Gen. Sheridan is concentrating troops in this city (N. O.) for important purposes, which will soon be made apparent. Nine cases ot whipping negroes have been re cently officially reported in the parish of Bien ville. One old woman, seventy years of age, re ceived four hundred lashes. Shakespeare describes a good many kind of lies and liars—but this is original. By all means send him the bat. South Carolina. In the Charleston News of the Gth instant ap pears a military order from Gen. Sickles, which is noticed by the editor as follows: Our readers will notice in another column, an important ordei just issued by Major-General Sickles, commanding this department. This or der remits all cases cognizable in the United States and State courts to those courts respect ively, and orders the discontinuance of the pro vost courts as soon as the District Courts shall lie erganizized, except at Hilton Head and on the Sea Islands, and also commands the restoration of tlie jails to the civil authorities. Notwith standing all this appearance, in the first four paragraphs of the order of transfer of power from the military to the civil authorities, the con tinued supremacy of tlie former is boldly asserted in the remaining' paragraphs—which forbid the infliction of corporal punishment, limit the ap- lication of the vagrant laws, prevent suits against soldiers and loyal citizens for certain offenses, and give a kind of general supervision to the subordinate military officials over the civil.au- thorities. This order will be welcomed as a loosening of the rein of military control, bnt cannot be re garded as fnlfilling either the letter or the spirit of President Johnson’s late proclamation. A Confederate General** Address to a Grand Jury. We do not believe we can do a better thing this morning than present the readers of the In telligencer with the remarks below, made by Judge D. H. Clayton, in his charge to the grand jury of Pike county, Alabama, at the Sep tember term of the court. They are not only replete Avith sound sense and patriotic sentiment, but breathe the true spirit of charity and Chris tianity : There is a class of population clothed Avith certain civil rights and privileges, which they did not possess until recently; and in dealing with which you may experience some embarrass ment. I, of course, allude to the negroes. Among Llie terms upon which the Confederate States terminated their heroic struggle for an independent nationality, Avas one which guaran teed freedom to this race. Although we deplore the result as alike injurious to the country, and fatal to the negroes, the law has been placed upou our statute books in solemn form by us, through our delegates. The laws for their gov ernment have been repealed, and others substi tuted adapted to their new condition. We are in honor bound to observe these laws. For my self, I do not hesitate tosay,iu public and in pri vate, officially and unofficially, that after having done all I could to avert it, Avlien I took off my sword in surrender, I determined to observe tbe terms of that surrender with the same earnest ness and fidelity ivith Avhich I first shouldered my musket. True manhood requires no decep tion, bnt that as we say with our lips, Ave shall feel in our heart, and do with our hands. There is nothing in the history of the past of which Ave need be ashamed. W hilst we cherish its glorious memories, and that ot our martyred dead, Ave pause here and there to drop a tear over their consecrated ashes, but remember there is still Avork for tlie living, and set ourselves about the task of re-establisliing society and rebuilding our ruined homes. Others, unwilling to submit to this condition of things, may seek their homes abroad ; you and I are bound to this soil for life, for better or for worse, aud it must, at last, cover our remains. What then, is our duty ?-— To pine at our lot ? To sit down night and day, cursing and gnawing our chains ? That is not the part of manliness; but to rise up and go for ward performing our high mission as men. “He that does the best his circumstances allow, does Avell, acts nobly—angels could n o more.” Is it not enough that the blood of the best and bravest has been shed in every valley throughout the land ? Is it not enough that the bones of our fathers and brothers aud sons lie whitening on every hill top ? Is it not enough that tlie voice ot lamentation has been heard at every fireside ? Is it not enough that the Availings of the widow aud the orphan still sound in our ears ? Have Ave not suffered enough ? Have we not done all that was iu the power of human nature ? In our oAvn bosoms let us wear this consciousness as a jeAvel above price! Now let us deal with the facts before us as they are. The ne^ro has been made free. It is no work of his. He did not seek freedom, and nominally free as he is, he is helpless beyond expression—helpless by his want of habits of self-reliance; and doubly helpless by his want of comprehension to understand and appreciate his condition. From the very nature of his sur roundings, so far as promoting his welfare, and adapting him to his new relation to society is concerned, all agencies from abroad must prove inadequate. They may restrain in individual in stances, hut we are the only people ip the w’orld who understand his character, and hence tlie only people in the world capable of managing him. To remedy the evils growing out of tlie aboli tion of slavery, it seems two things are necessary, First, a recognition of the freedom of the race, as a fact, and the willing enforcement of them. Secondly, by treating them with perfect fairness, and justice in our contracts, and in every way in which we may be brought in contact Avith them. By the first, we convince the world of our good faith, and get rid of this system ot espionage, by removing the pretext of its necessity; and by the second we secure the services of the negroes, learn them their places and how to keep them, and convince them, at last, that we are their best friends. When we do this let us hope that our society will revive lrom its present shock, and our lands be crowned with abundant harvests.— W e need the labor of the negro all over the country, aud it is worth the effort to secure it.— If it would not be extendending this charge be yond what I conceive to be a proper limit of time for its delivery, I might enlarge upon this subject by showing the depressing efiect upon the country which would be produced by the sudden removal of so much of its productive la bor. Its first efiect Avould be the decreasing value of the lands—decreased agricultural pro ducts—decreased revenue to the State and coun try, arising from these sources Avith their thou sand abundant results. Besides all this, which appeals to our interests, gentlemen, do Ave owe the negro any grudge? What has he, himself, done to provoke our hos tility? Shall we be angry with him because freedom has been forced upon him ? Shall it ex cite our animosity, that he has been suddenly, and Avithout any effort on his part, torn loose from the protection of his master ? Yon may have been that master. He is proud to call you master yet. In the name of humanity, let them do so. He may be older than you, and perhaps carried you iu his arms when' you were an in fant. He may have been tlie companion of your boyhood. You may be bound to him by a thou sand ties Avliicli only a Southern man knows, and which he alone can feel, in all its force. It may be that when only a few years ago, you girded on your cartridge box and seized your trusty rifle to go forth to meet the invaders of your country, yon committed to his care your homes and your loved ones; and when you were far away upon the weary march, upon the dread ful battlefield, in the trenches and on the picket line, many and many a time you thought of that faithful old negro, ‘and your heart warmed to wards him. Did lie not raise the coni and meat that fed your wife and children ? And ivhen you returned home, did he not welcome you Avith tears of joy? Was he not faithful to the last ? I believe there was scarcely ever such a picture of fidelity in the world, as was exhibited by the negroes towards us during the war. Then let us not cherish any animosity toward them for that which we and they were unable to pre vent, and which is a deplorable catastrophe to them, more than to us. And now, gentlemen, let us lift up our heads, and press forward in the discharge of our duties If there is that buried in the past, for which it Avould have been glorious to have died, there is still enough left for which we may dare to live. When the ghost of our ruined fortunes rise i p before us, let us lay our hands upon our hearts and say: “ Thou caust not say I did it; never shake Thy gory locks at me,” and we need have no self-reproaches. But o ir duty to ourselves and our country is none the less. The foolish man who hid his talent in a napkin, was none the less to blame because he had but one. Let us each in our sphere, you in yours and I in mine, do our duty—now in a pa tient and faithful observance and enforcement of the law. May God help us! Death of an Old Citizen.—The Charles ton Courier of Saturday announces the death of Andreav McDowall, an old citizen, who died in that city on the night of the preceding Thurs day. The Cov rier says: He was bom in Scotland in 1790, and came to Charleston when only seventeen years old. He has ever since been identified with the business interests of our city, being connected successive ly with the firms of McDowall & Black, Mc Dowall, Hayne & Co., and Andrew McDowall & Co. Previous to the great fire of 1838, he was President of tlie Marine and Fire Insurance Com pany. For tAvelve years he was President of the St. Andrew’s Society. He was also a director in the People’s Bank) and a recent appointment i had given him the position ot District Sub-Treas- , ™ ™ uu '* Vlruu , 1 . 1 ^ Ulx J usl ur ,. r “ 1 terminated at Homersvilie, the question came up as to whether the statute of limitation had vital An Interesting Law Cue. The New Orleans Times contains a report ol an interesting law case, tried last week in the Parish of St. Mrtain. Jean Baptiste AIHsod, a freedmen, was indict ed for committing a murder on the loth of July 1865. The defense moved to quash the indict ment, on the ground that, at the time the de fondant is charged to have committed the mur der, he was a slave, subject to the laws ot Louisi ana relative to slaves, and amenable to a special tribunal created for their trial; that the effect of the amendment of the Constitution of the Uni ted States was to set him free and abrogate all laws enacted for the punishment of crimes com mitted by slaves. The prosecution held that, under the Louisi ana Constitution of 1864, the defendant had be come a freedm-an, and was therefore amenable to the laws for freedmen. Judge Fred Gates held that the Constitution of 1864 was illegal, and that slavery was not abolished in the Parish of St Martin until De cember 6th, 1865, when the General Assembly of the State ratified the Constitutional Amend ment prohibiting slavery; that the defendant was therefore a slave at the time he is alleged to have committed tlie murder, and that the motion to qush must prevail. The validity of Presiden Lincoln’s proclama tion was not decided upon, as St. Martin was one of the parishes excepted from its operation. Mississippi.—the Homersvilie Independent contains the following: At the term of Pike county Circuit Court just He Takes the Papers.—“ Sonny, does your father take a paper?” “ Yes, sir, two of them. One of them belongs to Mr. Smith, and the other to one, some convenient pretext for re-opening I to Mr. Thompson. I hook them both off the the temple of Janus will be discovered. t steps as regular as cap be. ’ Death of a Printer.—The Richmond En quirer notices the death of Mr. H. Lee Wells, a compositor in that office. He died on the eve ning of the 4th. The Enquirer speaks ot him as an exemplary man in all the relations of life, and says he was a member of the Fifteenth Virginia Regiment, and served till the close of the war.— It adds: “ His death has left a void here, around Avhich hover the clouds of sorrow, but hope il luminates their darkness with the light which beams from above and in which lie now basks, and is blessed by the smiles of his Maker. With him ‘ Life’s fitful fever is over,’ and ‘ he sleeps well.’” existence in that State from 1862, when it was suspended by the Legislature, (after session,) un til the meeting of the Convention under the Fed eral provisional government in 1865. The ques tion was argued by those able jurists, Hon. Hi ram Cassidy and John T. Lampkin, in a manner, : as the court remarked, “not excelled in any court in the district,” and Judge McNair held that the statute was so suspended during that period. Judge Smiley and Watts, of the other two South Mississippi Circuits have also held tlie same doc trine. Terrible.—Phillips threatens the block and axe; Brownlow, the torch and turpentine; For ney, impeachment; Sherwood, murder; Stevens, the penitentiary ot hell. [COMMtntICATBO.] Dr. Gaston’s Lecture on Brazil* As I had the pleasure on last Saturday even ing of hearing this gentleman deliver his lecture on Brazil, I will endeavor briefly to review it, as an account may be interesting to some of your readers who were not able to attend. Dr. Gaston commenced with a description of the Government of the country, Avhich, he re marked, corresponded very much with that of Great Britain—though iu Brazil the Senators are elected for life. The empire is divided into Pro vinces, and is governed very much like our f'tatct<_ His next topic Avas a description of the inhabi tants. The upper class lie described as being very similar to our Southern ladies and gentle men before the Avar—well educated and gener ally wealthy. Then came the middle class who are entirely Avithout culture, but for the most part living comfortably. And lastly the lower class, Avho live in filth and idleness. This class, however, is small. Into these three parts he di vides the Avliite population of the country. The free negro there holds about the same po sition that lie did in the South before the war he is officially and socially ignored. The negro troops in the army generally had white officers commanding them. The slave population occu pies the same position it formerly held in the South. The Brazilian mules the Doctor represented as being superior to those of America, while on tlie other hand the horses are decidedly inferior. The coffee tree yields from five to thirty pounds an nually, the Brazilians drink coffee on all occa sions. He remarked that tlie American mer chants did not purchase tlie best coffee on ac count of its higher price. The boaconstrictors, anacondas, and other venomous reptiles which an American is likely to expect in a Brazilian forest, are only to be found upon the banks ot the Amazon. In the in terior snakes do not abound. Good forest land may be purchased at twenty- two cents per acre. For tlie benefit of the ladies the Doctor mentioned that there were no bed bugs in Brazil. The Doctor makes no pretentions to oratory, delivering liis lectures in a colloquial tone. * * * Tlie Bally Newspaper—The Stereotyping Process—The Bullock Printing Press. We are indebted to tlie Nashville Union & American for the interesting and instructive ar ticle below, to which the attention of readers regular and transient is invited: The most wonderful of all modern institutions is the daily newspaper. It is a photograph of the shifting scenes of tlie world taken fresh every day. It is the grand reservoir into which are poured the events, great and small, which go to make up the sum of the Avorld’s history. It is the cheapest of all saleable articles. The man who flings it down Avitli “Pooh! there’s nothing in it,” if he does not find the record of a par ticularly startling event, is guilty of a piece of absurdity that cannot be surpassed. Let him re flect for a moment upon the enormous amount of labor necessary to prepare one single issue of the paper he so contemptuously casts aside—of the outlay of money requisite to lay those bits of informatoin before him—more, perhaps, than he will expend in purchasing papers in all his life. Let him reflect that all the appliances of art and science—the telegraph, the steam engine, and the the printing press—are brought into play to give him information; that editors, reporters and cor respondents, all cudgel their brains for his bene fit ; that forty or fifty men have worked long and hard in order to give him his ten cents worth, and if he be not convinced, lie deserves to be deprived of the sight of a newspaper during the period of his natural existence. A great many of the Northern and Eastern dailies, require from one hundred to two hundred persons, in the various departments. The circulation ot a number of them has be come so large as to necessitate the stereotyping of the forms, and bringing into requisition presses that print 20,000 in an hour, and turn out six papers at a time. The forms are stereotyped for the purpose of saving the type, and in order to curve the plate to fit the revolving cylinder of tlie press. The process of stereotyping is simply this: The forms are laid upon a table aud covered Avith a thick sheet of papier muche, which is beaten and pressed upon the type until a full and correct impression of it is left upon the mould. This is then baked until the heat of the type hardens the paper pulp, when it is removed.— This is called the matrix, and is placed in a con cave mould with a close fitting lid, and melted type metal is poured in upon it, receiving the impression, and becoming an exact duplicate of the type, but in one hard block, and in convex form to fit the press cylinder. The curve, of course varies with the kind of press used. The curve required for the celebrated Bullock Press is a perfect cylinder. This press is a marvel of mechanical ingenuity and skill. It is a little ma chine, about one-fourth the size of the Hoe Press, yet it prints 16,000 papers (on both sides,) an hour, and does away entirely Avith manual labor. Both the “inside” and “outside” cylinder plates are placed in it at the same time, with a blanket above each for tlie type to press the paper against. The paper to be printed is on a continuous roll. It is “ivet down” by being unwound from one roller and rapidly Avound upon another by ma chinery, while a thin spray of water plays upon it, moistening the whole mass. Then one end is placed in the Bullock Press, the crank is turned, and the machinery begins its work—printing both sides of the paper at once, cutting each off" at exactly the right length, and turning the print ed sheets out Avitli lightning rapidity upon the platform. The sheets for all other presses have to be cut at the mill before they are brought to the press room. There Is no Beaih. There is no death : The stars go down To rise upon some fairer shore; And bright in Heaven’s jeweled crown They shine forevermore. There is no death : The dust we tread Shall change beneath the Summer shower To trolden grain or mellow fruit. Or rainbow-tinted flowers. The granite rocks disorganize To' feed the hungry moss rhev bear; The forest leaves drink daily life From ont the viewless air. There is no death : The leaves may fall, The flower., may fade and pass a wav They only wait, through wintry hours The coming of tlie May. There is no death : An angel form Walks o’er the earth with silent tread, He bears our best loved things away, And then we call them “ dead.” He leaves our hearts all dcsoh te - He plucks our fairest, sweetest flowers— Transplanted into lili-e, they now Adorn immortal bowers. The bird-like voice, whose joyous tones Made glad tlie scene of s',n and strife, Sings now an everlasting song Amid the tree of life. Aud where he sees a smile too bright. Or hearts too pure for taint and vice. He bears it to that world of light To dwell in Paradise. Born uuto that undying life, They leave us but to come again ; With joy we welcome them—the same, Except iu sin aud pain. And ever near us; though unseen. The dear immortal spirits tread ; For all the boundless universe Is life—there is no dead. Butler vs. Grant. It is known to the country that Bethel Butler made an attack on General Grant in liis speecli at the late Pittsburg Convention. It attracted little attention at the time, but the motive under lying the assault has subsequently been pretty thoroughly canvassed, even by the Republican party. A late correspondence of the New York Herald refers to it, and says: Taking advantage of his accidental promi nence, Butler directed all liis efforts towards the accomplishment of the object nearest to his heart—the destruction of General Grant’s popu larity, and bis removal from the field of the next Presidential contest. It Avas to this end that he advocated the hanging of Lee, painting in the most vivid colors his treason to the government, and branding him as a far worse rebel and traitor than Davis, in order to prepare the public mind tor tlie censure of General Grant for having treated him as an honorable enemy. It Avas to this end that he strove to cast a slur upon the of ficers of the regular army, and sneeringly de clared that tour years’ active service in the field should be considered as good a title to advance ment as a West Point education. But while Butler shrewdly confined his own share in the systemized assault upon General Grant to hints and inuendoes, liis followers had permission to be less delicate in ‘the attempt to assail the reputation of that distinguished leader. Daring the convention they were busily engaged in whispering tales of alleged excesses on the part of the Lieutenant General, ending with tlie expression that “Grant is a much overrated man;” that he “was made by good luck,” and that “there is really nothing of him.” This side abuse culminated at a late hour of the last night of the convention in a speech by Colonel Rush C. Hawkins, of New York, delivered to a large crowd at the Monongahela House, in which that officer publicly and severely assailed General Grant by name, designating his letter to General Lee on the subject of the parole and pardon of the Confederate commander as a worse act than was ever committed by “the traitor Johnson.”— It is due to the audience to say that this assault was received with a silence that conveyed a more significant abuse than hisses, although an attempt at applause was made by a few radical politicians. From tlie fact that tlie assault on General Grant by the wandering miscegens was made al most simultaneously with that of Butler and his followers in the Pittsburg Convention, there seems to be little doubt that it Avas preconcerted, rod that Jack Hamilton, Sherwood and Brown- low received their cue from Butler, and were in structed to lead off in Cleveland, in order to pre pare the public mind for the attack, followed up so fiercely in Pittsburg, and to be continued du ring the residue of the campaign. Of course tlie object of this assault upon the vanquisher of the rebel armies is tlie contempla ted elevation of Ben Butler, on a radical plat form, to the next Presidency. The policy of ig noring the finality of tlie constitutional amend ment, and extorting other conditions from the South in case of its adoption, prior to their re admission to a share in the government, looks to the same result If the next Presidential elec tion can be confined to the loyal States, with Grant out of the way, there will be a clear field for Butler as the candidate of the radical politi cians and ultra fanatics of the North, to contest the nomination Avith Chase and to measure | swords with the giant of the national banks. Simlpiclty of Truth.. I witnessed a short time ago, in one of our high courts, a beautiful illustration of the sim plicity and power of truth : A little girl nine years of age, was offered as a Avitness against a prisoner who was on trial for felony committed in her father’s house. “Now, Emily,” said tlie counsel for the (iris- oner, upon her beiug offered as a witness, “1 desire to understand if you know the nature of an oatli ?” “I don’t know what you mean,” was the sim ple answer. “There, your honor,” said the counsel, address ing the court, “is anything farther necessary to demonstrate the validity of my objections? This Avitness should be rejected. 8he does not comprehend tlie nature of an oath.” “Let us see,” said the Judge, “come here, my daughter.” Assured by the kind tone and manner of the Judge, the child stepped towards him and look ed confidently up in Iris faceAvitli a calm, dear eye, and in a manner so artless and frank il went straight to her heart. “Did you ever take an oath?” inquired the Judge. Tlie little girl stepped back with a look of hor ror, and the red blood mantled in a blush all over her face and neck, as she answered. “No sir.” She thought be intended to inquire if she had ever blasphemed. “I do not mean that,” said the Judge, who saw lier mistake. “1 mean were you ever a Avitness before ?” He handed her the Bible open. “Do you know that book, my daughter ?’, Slie looked at it and answered: “Yes, sir, ii is the Bible.” “Do you ever read it?” he asked. “Yes, sir—every evening.” “Can you tell me what tbe Bible is ?” “It is tlie Word of the Great God,” she an swered. “Well, place vour hand upon this Bible and listen to what I say,” and he repeated slowly and solemnly the oath usually administered to witnesses. “Noav,” said tlic Judge, “you have been sworn as a witness—will you tell me what will befall you if you do not tell the truth ?” “I shall be shut up in the State prison,” an- SAVered the child. “Anything else ?” asked the Judge. “I shall never go to Heaven.” “How do you know?” asked the Judge again. The child took the Bible, and turning rapidly to the chapter containing the commandments, pointed to the injunction, “Thou shalt not beat- false witness against thy neighbor.” “I learned that,” she said, “before I could read.” “Has any one talked with you about your being a witness in court here against this man ?" inquired the Judge. “Yes, sir,” she replied; “my mother heard they wanted me to he a witness, and last night she called me into her room and asked me to tell her the ten commandments, and then we kneeled down together, and she prayed that 1 might understand hotv wicked it was to hear false witness against my neighbor, and that God would help me, a little child, to tell the truth as it was before Him. And when I came here with father, she kissed me and told me to remember the ninth commandment, and that God would hear every Avord I said.” “Do you believe this ?” asked the Judge, wiib a tear glistening in his eye and liis lips quiver ing with emotion. “Yes, sir,” said the child, with a voice and manner that showed her conviction of the truth was perfect. “God bless you, my child,” said the Judge, “you have a good mother. This witness is com petent,” he continued. “Were I on trial for my life, and innocent of the charges against me, 1 would pray God for such a Avitness as this. Let lier be examined.” She told her story with the simplicity of a child as she was, but there Avas i directness about it which carried convictiun of its truth to every heart. She Avas rigidly cross-examined. The counsel plied her with infinite and ingenious questioning, but she varied from her first state ment in nothiug. The truth as spoken by that child was sublime. Falsehood and perjury had preceded her testimony. The prisoner had en trenched himself in lies, until he deemed him self impregnable. Witnesses had falsified (acts in his favor, and villainy had manufactured a sham defense, but before her testimony falsehood was scattered like chaff. The little child, for whom a mother had prayed for strength to be given lier to speak the truth as it was before God, broke the cunning devices of matured vil lainy in pieces like a potter’s vessel. The strength that the mother had prayed for was given her, the sublime and terrible simplicity (terrible, I mean, to the prisoner and his perjued associates) with ivhich she spoke was like a revelation from God himself. Blgnlty vs. mirth. Should the author of the following, vvlifoli appeared originally in the New Orleans Commer cial, ever visit Atlanta, and will pleasure the “scissors man” of the Intelligencer ivith a call, he pledges liimself to stand the outlay for the “ cakes and ale: ” What’s the use of that long face ? Why not let the joyous laugh wrinkle, for a moment, the stolid countenance, that looks like a piece of sheepskin stretched over a drum head; not a wrinkle or a sign of emotion in it? How really repulsive is diguity. Who enjoys himself iu the company ot such ? Why, such a fellow looks as though he ivere a standing mon ument, hired by grim despair to grieve over the few pleasures of life that are left us. Some people consider a long face and frown ing brow as marks of importance, and indica tions of superior w isdom. How sadly mistaken. Dignity and self-importance are always inverse! v in proportion to brains. Tlie man who lias to undergo the penance of a lifetime to make folks think him smart, is certainly conscious ol his own inferiority. His assumption is sheer pre sumption. We always feel a pity, bordering on contempt, for such characters. They are the counterfeits of intellectual and moral coin. There is not the ring of the true metal about them. We would not undergo this severe penance for the reputa tion of a Solomon. Cousin Sallte.—A few days ago, wc saw- a box at the landing, which was marked “Wm. Potts, Medical Purveyor, C. S. A., Montgomery, Ala., C. S. A.” We had not seen it long, before an individual more than two sheets in the wind, came hiccupping and staggering among the bar rels, bags and boxes on the levee. He was not long in gyrating up to the box ive have men tioned. He saw’ the address and gave two or three jarring hiccups In speedv‘succession, be fore he could get out a Punch-like laugh. He finally straightened liimself up with the gravity of a Punchinello and exclaimed, “how are you. Cousin Sallie ?” “Well old C. S. A.,” he con tinued, “I thought you ivere dead, Cousin Sail, your initials must now read, Confidence Si rengt li ens Afflictions. You’ve lmd a hard road old gal, and the Radicals intend to send yon across Jor dan, but keep a stiff upper-lip, and you’ll come out right after all.” He took liis leave by giving some half dozen hiccups, and saying, “old S. A., I have fought, bled and died for you, but hang me if ever I shoulder a musket again for anybody.”—Memphis Appeal. Good Joke on the Police.—A citizen of South Bend stepped into the Mayor’s office and stated that the night previous a fellow came stalking into his house stark naked, and that lie ivas unable to put him out aud that he was there yet. Three policemen at once started on tlie run to oust the intruder. When they got into the house they asked to see the fellow that had come in there the night before. The nurse brought out the baby, ivhic-li the citizen’s wife had presented him with the night before. The policemen suddenly disappeared and it is sup posed have had to stand a good many extra treats since.