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HJffhlD Jnttlligfucrr ATLANTA, GEORGIA, Wednesday, October 17, 1866. Our Couereulonul District. Governor Jenkins, as will la* seen in our advertising columns, lias issued a proclamation directing the Justices ot tlie Inferior Courts of this Congressional District, to hold an election on the 28th day of November next, for a mem ber to Congress, to fill the vacancy created by the resignation of the Hon. W. T. Wofford. While it may be true that the individual who may l>c elected to fill this vacancy, will not be permitted—like his predecessor—by the Radical Congress, to take his scat, in that body, still it is important that the vacancy shall l>e filled by a good and true, a law-abiding, representative man of the District—one who supports the pol icy of the President in his work of reconstruc tion ; who eschews everything in the Radical programme, and every one in the Radical i>ar- ty, from Senator Sumner down to “ Reast Rut- ler.” We say, it is important to do this, for what ever may be tlie political situation, there must be a change in it; and lie the change tor better or for worse, still tlie people of this District should de monstrate in said election their confidence in, and determination to stand by “ Andy Johnson,” in the war waged against him by the enemies of civil, of Constitutional liberty—the libelers and enemies of tlie white race in the South. In fur therance of these views, the columns of tlie In telligencer arc open to any suggestions that may be made by friends in any county in tlie District, whether they relate to individuals who uiaj' be put in nomination to fill the existing va cancy, or to other matter pertaining to the forth coming election. Our County Court. It will lie seen from the Presentments of the Grand Jury of this county, which wc publish to-day, that they have recommended the abol ishment ot our County Court, and for reasons which they assign. We, to use parliamentary phrase, 41 second tlie motion,” and trust that the Senator from this district, and our immediate County Representatives, will move early in this matter at the coming session of the Legisla ture, and relieve our people from the operations of the County Court system enacted at the last session. It has proved to he an incubus upon the body politic of this county, and our people desire to be rid of it with a unanimity we have rarely ever witnessed displayed on any other question before them. Fulton county desires to be one other exception to tlie operations of the 44 system ”—like; Muscogee, she begs now' to be excused the infliction. Experience teaches her that the benefits, if any, conferred by the “ sys tem,” are lost in the aisodvantages that follow in their train. The Claims of Periodical literature lu tlie South. The article on our first page headed 44 The Claimsot Periodical Literature in the South,” from the pen of Rev. Dr. A. Means, will doubtless at tract the attention of our readers. -Science, Liter ature and Religion have had in the Doctor, for many long years, a most zealous and able champ ion ; nor does he flag in his labors, now that his ‘‘head is silvered o'er with age” as many do when Time stamps similar signs upon them. As lectur er and writ er this gentleman is eminently popular in the South. During his long, well-spent life, he lias manifested great interest in the promo tion of Southern Literature, and will long live, we trust, to witness fruit springing from liis la bors, that will tend to develope, and cause it to assume that position in the world of letters, to which it is entitled, but from which it lias been excluded by (lie waywardness of our own peo ple, and of their most eminent writers. Doubt less the Doctor’s article which we publish to day, will at tract the attention, especially, of those who make literature a profession, or who publish literary 44 weeklies” or 44 monthlies.” At any rate wc commend its perusal to them, as well as to our readers generally. Pennsylvania, The 44 Keystone of the Arch,” as it is some times called, voted for the Radicals a few days ago—that is, voted to carry out the programme of Thaddeus Stevens. No great number of peo ple in this direction expected Pennsylvania to do auythiug else, though it was hoped by some of our friends that the Conservatives might gain two or three members in the more closely con tested districts. But the Keystone, like tire great leader, Thaddeus, is joined to its black idol, and the result is au increased Radical re presentation lrom that State to the new Congress. The following paragraph, copied from a Wash ington City paper, throws a little light, like emissions from a dark lantern, on the condition of things among the party of which Mr. Stevens is the representative man: “The good citizens of West Chester, Pa, were terribly shocked the other dav in witness ing a number of young ladies linked arm in arm with the same number of negroes, and in this plight attending a Radical demonstration. There were between twenty and thirty couples thus linked. Chester county always takes the lead in anything that is misty.” The Result. Tlie Republican papers are somewhat hilarious over the result of the elections in Ohio, Pennsyl vania and Indiana last Tuesday, and claim that it is an endorsement of the radical programme throughout, and, per consequence, the 44 Con servative Coalition” is broken to pieces. We don’t quite view it that way yet, and shall await further developments before recognizing the fact that 44 all is lost.” We subjoin a short paragraph on the subject from tlie Cincinnati Commercial, oueof the more moderate of the radical journals -. The momentous elections of yesterday in the great Central States ot Pennsylvania, Ohio ami Indiana, have resulted most auspiciously. The bitterly contested j>olitical campaign of 1866 has closet! in a glorious victory for the Republican Union men of the nation. The Democratic and Andy Johnson Coalition is broken in pieces. It is settled that the great Northern States, that poured out the armies that saved.the country front the triumph of rebellion and the inaugura tion of anarehy, will steadfastly maintain the principles that were victorious in the war. The ]>olicy of the Thirty-ninth Congress defined in the constitutional amendment, is triumphantly sustained by the people. New York and the c-tuer Slates iu which elections are to be held this fall will inevitably continue and confirm the course of events developed yesterday. IWore Coiiutcri'eits. The Montgomery Mail announces the arrest of two counterfeiters at that place on the 10th.— They had registered at the hotel as S. Doane, of Lou<sviUe, Kentucky, and S. E. Hall, New York. On searching Doane, the officers found upon his person $1,300 in $100 counterfeit bills.— His baggage was subsequently searched, but nothing further discovered. Hail, who, from his appearance, is evidently an old hand at the busi ness, had no baggage. Both were locked up.— The counterfeit is a very ingenious oue, and it is said there is a large amount of it in circulation. The only way for the public to protect themselves will, perhaps, be to refuse lor the present all $100 National Bank notes except they are received from sources of well kuowu respectability. Oue of the peculiarities of tlie counterfeit we have re- The Gold Keeton of Georgia. We yesterday saw tlie result ot the washing of about one pound of dirt from a lot of land in Lumpkin county, No. 97, adjoining White coun ty, the yield from which is the most astonishing we have yet witnessed. We are not much of an adept in the art of washing or saving gold, and rely upon tlie opinion of our townsman, Judge C. II. Strong, who exhibited to us the result of the 44 panning operation,” and wbo thinks that this ore or dirt will yield, at the least, five hun dred dollars per ton. The sample tested was part of a larger quantity taken promiscuously from a vein averaging six feet in breadth, and it is believed that tlie whole extent of the vein will yield a per ccntage equally large. We under stand that this property is now owned by a Mr. Jordan, of New York, who lias lately purchased it, and who will at once commence operations with the most approved machinery. Tlie above is only another illustration oi the vast wealth hidden in the mountains of our State. Northern capital is beginning to wake up on tlie subject, aud the day is not distant when all that region will echo with the sound of busy ma chinery extracting the precious metal. Truly money is power; had our poor depleted people the means to operate these valuable mines, for eign capital would have to pay high for the pri vilege ; as it is, our people are selling such pro perty for a mere tithe of its real value. We heard a well informed gentleman say, a few days ago, that when Col. Pride’s mills were put in motion, and the results made known, it would add $10,- 000,000 to the present value of such property al ready discovered and being opened. And yet the field of discovery is but touched. When we con sider that the gold belt stretches more than one hundred rniies across our State, from Northeast to Southwest, we believe that it is destined to become the El Dorado of the Atlantic slopes. Gloomy. Some of our brethren North of us take a gloomy view of the future, and confess to no lit tle disappointment iu the result of the recent Congressional elections. Among these we find the Louisville Courier, from which the remarks following are extracted: “ It would be uncandid in us to say that we are not somewhat disap pointed at this result, for while we did not have great hopes of carrying these States, we did ex pect heavier gains in members ot Congress, which was by far the most important considera tion. But it lias been ruled otherwise, and we are compelled to submit. That we apprehend the worst consequences from the continuance of the Jacobins in power our readers are well aware. Nothing but evil can flow from their reckless schemes, and the adoption of their poli cy will be the ruin of the country both North and South. Discord, and national and indivi dual bankruptcy stare us in the face in tlie imme diate future. The further persecution of the Southern people is a fixed fact; the restoration of tlie States is indefinitely postponed, and in jury which can not be repaired in a quarter of century will be iuflicted upon the country with in tlie next two j’ears, unless God in his infinite mercy provides some means for our deliverance from tlie evils which now impend.” A Word or Caution. We have been advised that individuals repre seating themselves as Agents—but what kind of Agents we know not—are traversing tlie Counties of Upper Georgia, taking testimony in regard to claims of so-called Union men wbo represent themselves as having been loyal to the United States during the war, in order to prose cute them before the Court of Claims or Depar ments in Washington. These Agents, we are informed, deal in politics—are Radicals—aDd represent that, il tlie policy of the President for Southern restoration prevails, no loyal Union man during the war will recover damages for his property destroyed by either army; but, the Radicals succeed, all will recover the same. This is simply a Radical humbug, and we warn our people against it. The loyal Union man during the war is as likely to get pay for iiis property destroyed by either the Federal or Con federate army from the Conservative as from tlie Radical party; no matter which party may be in power, the result to him will be the same But the loyedty of the claimant, in either event must be established beyond a doubt. Testimony pro and con will be taken, before any claim will be determined. Mere ex parte proceedings will not determine the claimant’s right to compcnsa tion for destroyed property. The government will see to this, no matter who directs it, the re presentations of the so-called Radical Agents to the contrary not withstanding. Tlie Authorities at Washington will be advised of these wholesale proceedings in our State. Sooth Carolina.—The Anderson InteUigen eer learns that on Thursday night last, in tlie neighborhood of Salubrity, in Pickens District, a young man named Joseph Williams was killed by a freedinan. It seems that the young man in company with others, visited the house of tlie freedman, Cato Calhoun, for the purpose of re covering a pistol belonging to tlie deceased, and which was in the possession of Cato. Explain ing the object of their mission, the party de manded entrance, when the door was opened and the freedman fired upon the party, the ball taking effect in the breast of Williams, who died in a few hours thereafter. The murderer made his escape, in tlie confusion which ensued, and has not been apprehended up to this writinj Florida News.—The Savaunah News <fc Herald learns from a reliable source that a serious difficulty was apprehended at Fernandina, on Wednesday last, in consequence of a threatened attempt by the Sheriff to eject several persons from houses which they had purchased from the Government, about three years ago—the right of redemption having expired. The owners con tended that their property was exclusively their own, not recognizing the authority of the Sher iff to eject them. The military were ordered to hold themselves in readiness to prevent any breach of tlie peace. We shall probably learn further in a few days. Going.—The Newuan Herald objects to the heavy emigration of the negroes from that coun ty. It says: It is generally known that large numbers of negroes are leaving this country”ostensibly for Teuuessee, Arkansas and Mississippi. Strangers have come into our midst, and hi' tempting of fers of fifteen, twenty or thirty dollars per mouth as wages, have induced about two hundred men, women and children to leave Coweta in the last six weeks, for homes in the States mentioned. Many of our citizens have thought Tennessee meant Cuba. That, however, is not the point that interests us. If the blacks continue to Heave in such numbers until Christmas, our farmers will not be able to employ laborers for tlie next year, and without labor there is no produc tion, and, of course, no prosperity. ferred to is that "T" in the word maintain, on the right hand of lire bill, is defective, aud looks like the letter “L” Tlie counterfeiter, however, can soon remedy this defect. Xbc Opinion Abroad. The importance of Tuesday’s elections was understood in England. The London Times had an eiauorate leader a fortnight since, attempting to -tale tlie political situation of the United States, opening as follows: lu a few weeks the political crisis in America will be- decided by a great popular vote, aud the unexampled exertions made* by tire, contending parties show the sitrual importance which is at tached u> the result.” The whole domestic policy of the United States will be determined by the autumn elections, and iu this policy on the pre sent occasion is involved the destiny of the L nion itself. A Picture of Chicago.—The Chicago Post, edited by Hon. David Blakely, formerly Secreta ry of the State of Minnesota, draws a picture of Chicago that is not flattering: If any living rational, reasoning creature, is a disbeliever iu the total depravity of man, a six months' residence in Chicago, will cure him of the infatuation. Few cities on the continent of America are infested by a race of more unmiti gated villains. Murder, rapine, outrage and every other offense in the catalogue of crime, ate daily perpetrated. Virtue is made the sport of every designing Lothario, and, boldly entering the sacred precincts of tlie domestic circle, they snatch their vietims from homes |of happiness and virtue and consign them to disgrace and in famy. Meteoric Showers.—The promised meloric shower, it will be remembered, has been fixed for the 14tli of November. A writer in the Charles ton Courier suggests arrangements by which the whole population of that city may be aroused from their slumbers when the grand phenome na shall come off. Louisville.—The Courier, of the 10th, con tains accounts of two horrible outrages in that city—oue a case of rape on a little girl four years of age—the other a case of incest, the parties being lather and daughter. Result* of the Recent Elections—Impeach ment of the President—Spirit of the Southern Press. The smoke of the political battle in the States of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Iowa, hav ing cleared away, we are prepared now to lay be fore onr readers the results. In them, we have not been disappointed. Radicalism still remains in the ascendant; fanaticism still maintains its sway over the puritan mind of the North and West; patriotism as well as statesmanship—that statesmanship which should look only to the peace and prosperity of the country, the whole coun try—is dead. We sum up the results of the elections thus: As compared with the elections of 1863 and ’64, the Radical majority in Pennsylvania has been reduced, but according to tlie most authen tic accounts, not materially. The Radicals claim in this State a gain of one in the Congressional delegation. In the next Congress, therefore, it will stand sixteen Radicals to eight Conserva tives—in the present, it is fifteen to nine. The Radical majority on the State ticket in Ohio, is increased by several thousand, while in the Congressional delegation the Conservatives gain one. At present the Congressional repre sentation stands seventeen to two; in the next Congress, it will be sixteen to three—that is, six teen Radicals to three Conservatives. In Indiana, the Radical majority on the gener al ticket is reduced by several thousand. The Conservatives gain one in the Congressional del egation. Now, Indiana is represented in Con gress by nine Radicals to two Conservatives. In the next Congress, it will stand as eight to three. In Iowa, no change as to members has been made in the Congressional delegation—tlie Rad ical majority on the State ticket being as hereto fore iu 1863 and 1864. The six Congressmen elected, like the six in <lie present Congress, are all Radicals. Such are the results of the recent October elections in the Stales of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Iowa. Over these results, the Rad icals are exultant. Upon them, they will pre sume to go any lengths, in order to circumvent the President’s policy of Southern Restoration ; and should New York, in November, give a Radical majority, we have no doubt that an at tempt to impeach and depose the President will be made. IIow this may be done, the pub lic have recently been advised by that modern 44 BombastesButler, The Beast. Iu one of his recent speeches, this redoubtable hero says: 44 We have been asked tlie question, How can the President be impeached V He is commander- in-chief of the army and navy, and the Consti tution of tlie United States says nothing what ever about who shall hold the office while he is being impeached; therefore, if yon begin tlie impeachment, be will order the army and navy to disperse Congress, and be will seize tlie reins of government. Where is the remedy ? Here it is: The House of Representatives, under the Constitution, is the grand inquest of the nation —perhaps I might say, for illustration, the grand jury of the nation. It prepares the bill of im peachment against the President, if it sees cause, and it presents the bill ot impeachment to the Senate of the United States, which then becomes a high court of impeachment; and the Chief Justice of the United States sits in that court, as its presiding officer. It is thus no longer, for that purpose, tlie Senate of the United States, but it is the court of impeachment of the United States. Wliat shall they do? When the im peachment is ready, the Senate sends out its messenger or sergeant-at-arms to bring in the criminal, be lie high or low. [Applause.] They set him at the bar, and read the bill to him. If lie pleads guilty, then they proceed to sentence him, which sentence is a deposition and pri vation of office. When he is brought be fore tlie bar, the Senate of the United States may order him to be imprisoned, or to find bail, or any other proper order that a court may adopt in a criminal case, and when the Constitution provided this mode of trial, did its framers mean that a man who is before the Court of Impeachment as a criminal shall be at the same time chief executive officer ot the gov ernmeut ? By no means. From that moment be ceases to be able to exercise the duties of that office until lie is acquitted. And then comes tlie case of inability of the President of the United States to exercise the office of President, so tlie Vice-President must take the office, and there being no Vice-President, it must devolve on the President of the Senate for the time being. [Applause.] If in any of these steps, so taken, according to the Constitution, the President does not obey as a good citizen the behests of the High Court of Impeachment, then that court, like any other court in tlie land, can call upon tlie whole body of the people to aid it in enforc ing its rightful authority. [Applause.] And now I serve a notice on Andy Johnson that when a rightful court of the Senate of tlie United States calls for aid in their behalf, and the people of the Uuited States, 4 the boys in blue’ will answer. We are told that if Congress shall proceed to exercise their rightful authority, then there will be tried the strength of the Government, that the President will call upon the army and navy, and the army and navy will obey him. Let there be no fear about that, because the army and the navy of the United States are not those few men that are in the regular service. [Applause.] I have no desire to disparage either the patriotism or the integrity of the army of the United States, but if the army, as such, or it any portion of it. or if any officer of it, shall so far forget the duties he owes to his flag and to his profession as a soldier, as to answer any but the legal call of his country, that small body of men shall be swept from the face of the earth as mist is swept away before the rising of the morniug sun.” [Pro longed elieers.l And “Whoever dare these boots displace. Shall meet Bombastes face to face.” But Butler is not the only leader of the radi cal party that threatens the President’s im peachment. Forney is loud for it—the 44 Dead Duck" hankers after it; Wendell Phillips demands it; Stevens, Sumner, and all the lesser lights of the same party, in tlie madness of. their fanaticism, hail it 44 as a measure of deliverance and liberty”—deliverance from all constitutional restraints, and liberty to plunder tlie South of the little that is left to her people. The “ Spirit of tlie Southern Press,” indica tive as it is of the spirit of our people, may be gleaued trom tlie following: The Augusta Constitutionalist says : 44 It has pleased Heaven to continue our wretch edness and prolong our trial. Blind, besotted and reckless would we be, if manliness failed us in this supreme hour, when to be craven is to de serve misery; to be dignified to merit a better fate. Despair under such circumstances is not proper: firmness, however, will sustain us iu the present and prove an earnest of the future. We deprecate panic of any sort, especially tlie panic of entire communities' If ever fortitude becomes indispensable to man or nation it is when injury is inflicted and contumely launched. Liberty is not a gift; it is a prize. We can deserve it or not; as we are brave or cowardly, so may we hope to survive or perish. Let us, then, iu this loomy hour of destiny, gaze, with unvanquished eyes, full into the face ot fate. Butler is great, oecause corruption has full swing these days; Stevens is powerful lie cause fanaticism holds do main now—but Time is miglhier than Butler, more puissant than Stevens. To Time, the Aven ger, we will raise our hands and crave the gift which. -* Never yet of hnman wrong Lost the unbalanced scale." The Constitutionalist then gives a selection from the speeches and writings of representative men of the Radical party, and closes its remarks with this thought: A less gloomy view might be taken. It is plausible that the Radicals bate Sir. Johnson in finitely more than they hate the South, and having won the field, will be gracious euough to hoist a flag of truce. They coalesced against the President in order to reap the honor of recon struction themselves. Success is sometimes an appeaser of vindictiveness. The coalition may not obtain in Congress. Many men who worked against the President, through the canvass, will support him more or less fervently, against the agitators and disorganizes of their own party. Then must appear Conservative Radicals, so to peak, who will prove breakers against the en croachment of the Jacobinical element.” Taking up the same subject, the Richmond, Examiner, remarks: In the event the elections held disclose Radi cal majorities, an attempt will at once be made to play a bluff game, and to intimidate the intn t !»*-» Niinnliull lliP Pfincti- ment, the Southern States, simply by a policy of “masterly inactivity,” can defeat the amendment until the balance of the Northern States shall, like Oregon, expunge the ratifications hastily given under passion and excitement. In anoth er issne we shall take np this subject and de monstrate how easy it is to defeat the adoption of this scheme.” The Whig, of Richmond, says: “ Very few in the South had ventured to hope for any other result than that which has attended the elections in the North, and so very few are disappointed. The fever has not yet burned itself-out in the body politic, and nothing is left us but still to await in patience the return of that saner temper and bet ter disposition which we have so long looked for in vain. Certaiu it is, there isno room at present in the field ot national polincs for the people aud States of the South, and they will act wise ly if, not stopping to lament their exclusion, they devote themselves with all possible zeal and energy to those practical concerns on which their social and industrial resuscitation depends. Let us do this, and ten to one it will prove a blessing that we have not had an opportunity of becoming engaged in general politics.” The Nashville Union tt- American has a long article upon tlie moral effect of the elections, in tlie course of which it says: “We do not underrate the significance of ex pressions of the popular sentiment, but as a peo ple we are prone to magnify the effects of elec tions. In the first flush of a triumph atthe ballot- box, the successful party exults, and exaggerates the importance of their achievement; while the defeated party suffers a corresponding depression, and, being in the mood to concede all that its opponent claims, gives way to gloomy vaticina tions, and commences to conjure up horrifying images of, the future. There is “something too much of this,” and we can perceive no reason in the result of the recent elections to indulge the fears that some express, of further and extreme action by the Radicals, either looking to impeach ment of the President, or more direct revolution ary assaults uj>on the Constitution, or greater oppressions upon the Southern people. In it there is no ground to justify a dismissal of all hope that the Northern pqgple are not utterly insensible to justice and magnanimity, and that they have cast their constitutional obligations entirely to the winds. It digs not show that the masses of tlie North are prepared to support the more reckless of their leaders In the bold schemes of revolution which they Ijave promulgated.— We think that any one wIklso interprets the re sult, is yielding too readily to the first feelings of gloom that follow a political defeat, and that they will soon see cause to revise such an opinion.” The same Nashville paper also commends the Conservatives in this season of depression to look to the example of the President : “He stands firm and undismayed on the ram parts of the Constitution, and is confident that the judgment of his countrymen will, when brought to know the danger, yet rescue the na tion.” Let the people of Georgia also stand firm and undismayed under the trying ordeal through which they must pass! Thus far they have yielded to every demand made upon them, iu or der to demonstrate their desire for peace and law-abiding nature. They accepted amnesty, and forthwith emancipated, their slaves; repudi ated their State debt contracted for war pur poses, and did all that was required of them by the President to further the policy of restora tion or reconstruction. With them, the Presi dent has kept his faith. By him then our peo ple will stand; stand truly, stand firmly. The few who may abandon—who have abandoned him, are but as a speck, a black speck upon the white sands of the seashore. W hatever may betide, Andrew Johnson, in his conflict with the Rad icals, may rely upon the South. God grant him deliverance from his Radical foes! God save the couutry trom tlie fury of fanaticism ! Speed* of Santa Anna at the Penlan Picnic on Staten Island. General Santa Anna was repeatedly cheered by the crowd, and after order was restored, Col onel William R. Roberts stepped forward and made a few introductory remarks, in which lie compared the condition, of Ireland to that of Mexico, and hoped that equal sympathy might be extended to both countries. He then intro duced General Santa Anna to the audience. The General delivered tbefSlfil^ip^^ldress in the Spanish language: Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Fenian Brotherhood: If ever I regretted the want of knowledge of the English language, it is at the present moment, when I would wish to express to you in your own tongue the heartfelt grati tude that I now feel. Various were the honors that have been bestowed npon me during my life by my own countrymen as well as by tbe foreign Powers of Europe, yet it always hap pened when I was in power,' and men that are in power always receive honors, and often are surrounded by flatterers, adulators, but very sel dom friends. To-day an exile from my native soil, a strauger in a foreign land, the smallest attention shown to me, the smallest considera tion in my favor, is most highly appreciated, for now I am not in power, and my thanks are therefore unbounded. It would be presump tuous on my part to accept this demonstration as a matter personal to myself No! I accept this demonstration on behalf of my native land of Mexico—[three cheers for Mexico and three tor Ireland]—and let me confess it, it is no sur prise to me. I may say, I almost expected it, tor the Irish are tbe people most apt to sympa tlii/.e with Mexico. Is not their religion that of my country ? Do we not worship at the same altar? Are not the Mexicans, like your own people, striving to free their native land from a foreign yoke ? Why then, should tlie world lie astonished that the Fenians should be willing to assist Mexico in becoming once more free from foreign tyrany? It is not the first time that your people have extended to me their friendly help. When Mexico was invaded by tbe noble enemy, on whose hospitable soil I am now liv iug, when I bad arrayed against me the powerful armies of the United States, under that immortal hero General Scott—[three cheers for General Scott aud three for Santa Anna]—the flower of my army then were two coinpaies composed of men from the Green Isle, with the image of their Patron Saint on, the flag. Why wonder then that they now come forward to my aid ? Am I not as I was then, one of the soldiers who fought for Mexico's independence? Why should you not aid the last surviving soldier ot my country’s independence, who wishes to seal the history of liis life by the same act by which he commenced it, namely—to secure the independence of his country ? Yes, gentlemen, this is my ambition— this is wbat I strive to accomplish in the few and last days that are yet spared to me. ’ Death has spared me on many battle fields. From amul the storm of balls and fire I have come out unharmed. May I not say this was not without cause ? I feel assured that I will, that I must, that I shall, secure once more to my na tive land its independence. It is not a false or vain ambition that makes me thus; for the few days that are yet allotted to me I have all that a man can need to render his days pleasant and peaceful. I do not desire to become once more the ruler of Mexico. There are no honors that a nation can bestow on its most favored one that have not been showered upon me by Mex ico. Why then suppose for a moment that my desire is to again rule over the destinies of my county ? For twelve years I have lived retired from public life on foreign soil, deploring the disturbances in my country, yet not mingling in its domestic quarrels. Yet I could not remain silent now at the last fatal blow for my coun try's independence, and that old sword—the old companion that helped me to fight the Spaniards—was unsheathed again and offered to the supreme chief of lay country; but they thought it rusted, they thought the old soldier woriTout; and they tried to brand him with infa my, calling me a French spy. And would I even like the rest that becomes my years and advanced age? These imputations and slan ders give new vigor to the old soldier. My deeds will defend me. ” My voice is yet of some pres tige among my countrymen, and my arm strong enough tolead an army. “To gain or to perish” is my motto. With help or without it I shall soon again stand on Anahuc’s soil, bearing aloft that banner that I planted on the walls of Yera Cruz when I drove the French from my land in ’39; and my voice shall now, as then, be strong enough to raise even the dead, my former companions, from their graves. They will help me to free Mexico again, or will drag me down to deplore with me the ruin of my country. [Loud cheers.] From Washington—The Trial of Mr. Davis—Letter l'rom the President—Reply of the Attorney General. Washington, Oct. 13—The President has addressed the following letter to the Attorney General in regard to the trial of Jefferson Davis; Executive Mansion, ) W'ashington, D. C., Oct. 6,1866. ) Sir: A special term of the Circuit- Court of the United States was appointed for the first Tuesdav of October, 1866, at Richmond, V a., for the trial of Mr. Davis on the charge of treason. It now appears that there will be no session of that Court at Richmond during the present month, and doubts are expressed whether tbe regular term, which by law should commence on the 4tli Monday of November next, will be held. In view of this obstruction, and tlie consequent delay, in proceeding with the trial of Jefferson Davis, tinder the prosecution for treason now 1 lending in that court, and there being, so far as the President is informed, no good reason why the civil courts ot the United States are not com petent to exercise adequate jurisdiction within the District or Circuit in which the State ofVir. ginia is included, 1 deem it proper to request your opinion as to what further steps, if any, should be taken by the Executive with a view to a speedy, public and impartial trial ot the accus ed, according to the Constitution and laws of the United States. 1 am, sir, very respectfully, yours, Andrew Johnson. To Hou. Henry Stanburv, Attorney General In response to the above, the Attorney General, under date of the 12tli instant, states: “I am clearly of opinion that there is nothing in tlie present condition of Virginia to prevent tlie lull exercise of the jurisdiction of the civil courts. Tlie ‘actual state of things, and from several proclamations of peace, and of the restoration, of civil order, guarantee to the civil authorities, Federal and State, immunity against military control or interference. It seems to me that in this particular, there is no necessity lor further action on the part of the Executive in the way of proclamation, especially as Congress, at tlie late session, required the Circuit Courts of the United States to be held at Richmond, on the first Monday of May, and the fourth Monday of November, of each year, and authorized spe cial or adjourned terms of that court to be order ed by tbe Chief Justice of the Supreme Court at such time and on such not ice as lie might pre scribe, with the same power and jurisdiction as at the regular terms. This is an explicit recog nition by Congress that the state ot things in Virginia admits the holding the United States courts in that State. He also states: “Mr. Davis remains in custody at Fortress Monroe precisely as he was held in January last, when iu answer to a resolution of Congress, you reported communications from the Secretary of War and the Attorney General, showing that he was held to await trial in the civil courts. No action was then taken by Con gress in reference to the place of custody; no demand has since been made for transfer into civil custody. The District Attorney of the United States for the District of Virginia where Mr. Davis stands indicted for treason; has been notified that tlie prisoner would be surren dered to the United States Marshal upon a capi as under the indictment, but the District Attor ney, declines to have the capias issued because there is no other place within the district where the prisoner could lie kept, or where his personal comfort or health could be so well provided for. No application lias been made within my knowl edge by the counsel for Mr. Davis for a transfer of the prisoner to civil custody. Recently an application was made by bis counsel lor liis transfer from Fortress Monroe to Fort Lafayette, on the ground chiefly of sanitary considerations. A reference was promptly made to a Board of Surgeons whose report was decidedly adverse to the change, on tlie score of health and personal comfort. I am unable to see what further action can be taken on tlie part of the Executive to bring the prisoner to trial. Mr. Davis must, for the present, remain where he is, until the court which has jurisdiction to try him, shall be ready to act, or until liis custody is demanded under lawful process of the Federal courts.” The Attorney General suggests that to avoid any misunderstanding on the subject, an order issued to the commandant of Fortress Monroe to surrender the prisoner to custody whenever demanded by the United States Marshal, under process from tlie Federal courts.” Mr. Stanbury endorses a letter of the United States District Attorney for Virginia, who states in answer to the question why no demand had been made upon the military authorities for the surrender of Mr. Davis, in order that he might be tried upon t.be indictment found against him in the United States Circuit Court, at the term held in Norfolk in May last, that two reasons had influenced him in not recovering him from their custody—tlie one relates to the safe keeping of the prisoner, and the other to his personal com fort and health. I have, he further says, never had any doubt but that he would be deliverd to tbe United States Marshal ot tlie District when ever lie should have demanded him on a capias, or any other civil process. Tbe Subject of Impeachment—Ren. But ter. The Cincinnati Commercial, radical, lias the following article on impeachment and BeD. But ler: There are few persons in this country so want ing in intelligence as to be unaware that the im peachment of the President would at any time be a very serious business, and that in these dis turbed times it would be a hazardous experi ment. It would be, therefore, most imprudent to undertake it unless there was actualfy a clear case of high crime and misdemeanor, as content plated by the Constitution. We should remem ber that tlie President’s unfaithfulness to his par ty is a different thing from treason to the coun try, as legally defined. We must have other than a partisan indictment upon which to im peach him, or it would be judioious to let him alone, and try very hard to elect a better man next time. Let tlie President dare, as lias been promised in bis behalf by some of the more tu rious ot his latter-day friends, to refuse to recog nize the validity of Congress—let him act upon the presumption that it is a hotly banging on the verge of tbe Government, and tbe time to im peach liim will have come, and the people will sustain Congress to tbe bitter, and, if need be, tbe bloody end. But an impeachment, upon such an indictment as General Butler lias presented would be at the imminent hazard of civil war; and of one thing all agitators may be assured and we desire to serve notice upon them to that effect, that tlie overbearing weight of tbe fight ing power of tlie people of this country will be against those wbo begin the fight. The flippancy with which Gen. Butler talks o civil war is unpleasant; and his eagerness to dis play his animosity toward the regular army is painfully suggestive of the unfortunate incom pleteness of iiis military career. Gen. Butler has an intense hatred of General Grant, and re gards him as a rival for the Presidency; hence the talk of the Boys in Blue aud the incidental destruction ot the regular army. We have only to say of this that Gen. Grant has the confidence of tlie country; that there is an assurance of safety iu his position at the head of the army and the public recognition of his sound discre tion. If we should lie drifting into another civil war, we wish the Boys in Blue far better luck than to be commanded in the field by Benjamin F. Butler, unless lie should show a wonderful improvement upon any exploits thus far recorded of him. Southern States into the adoption ot the consti tutional amendment. Self-styled friends will whisper that it is better to yield this one time, as il all the concessions we made last year had not taught their own lessons. To all this bluster ami the suggestions of the tempter, let us oppose a good conscience, a quiet discharge of the du ties of lile and a firm, unwavering resolve to do nothing that is mean, cowardly and disgraceful. There need be no fear ot tlie adoption ot this amendment If all the Northern States were to be temporarily led astray by passion and excite- Confederates in Mexico.—The editor of the San Antonio (Texas) Herald, who is at the City of Mexico, thus speaks of the Confederates in that country: Some of them are doing veiy well, while oth ers are only making a bare subsistence. Others are discouraged, and are making arrangements to return to the United Stales. Most of these gentlemen came to this country' without money, and without a knowledge of the language, and i; is no wonder that a number of them are sadly disappointed in their hopes. Those who have applied themselves to learn the language, and who have also hunted up some occupation, will certainly do w ell in time, if the Empire succeeds. A Great Future. Tlie population of the United States was, in round numbers, in 1860, 31,000,000. Tbe statistics of seven decennial censuses show that the popu lation increases at the rate of thirty-five per cen tum every ten years. At this rate of progress, our population in 1883 will reach 60,000,000, and in 1900 will exceed 100,000,000. Napoleon in his recent circular estimated that it would reach that figure within a century, or by the year I960, but by that time it will be nearer 200,000,000, for if there is the wisdom and patriotism among the people to keep the Union undivided, we shall have acquired Mexico and Canada, and probably tbe Central Americau States. The Great Repub lic, the colossus of empires, will then occupy a commanding figure among the nations ot the earth such as was never attained by any nation known to history. To all this vast population and stretch of territory is to be added such wealth, such material and intellectual greatness, as shall surpass the imagination of the poet and confound the speculations ot the philosopher. Tlie Claims of Periodical Literature In tlie South. Mr. Editor—Permit me, for once, to occupy a place in your columns, that I may address my self to tlie readeis of your excellent and widely circulated journal, upon a topic which I suppose suited to the condition of the times, and the best interests of a civilized, cultivated, and aspiring people, just emerging from the general chaos, in to which themselves, their once flourishing in stitutions, and their promising enterprises, have been thrown, by the disruptive forces of a politi cal earthquake, that have unsettled the very foun dations of society and left its disintegrated frag ments to be reorganized, and—by the provi dence of God, I trust—commissioned fora bold er and brighter career. We would not agitate the public mind by painful reminiscences of the disastrous past. Nor would we officiously in trude our gratuitous services to guide the storm- beaten galley, freighted with Southern destiny, through the perils of tlie seas, which yet strain its timbers to the keel. Perhaps too many hands now grasp the oars, unless they were directed with more skill and harmony than now seem to characterize their movements. Our more peace ful proclivities and pursuits have ever led iis as tar as prudence and a sense ot duty would justi fy our action—to shun the sharp collisions of the hustings, and the 44 wordy warfare” of Senate chambers and Legislative halls, however others of different mould, and different missions, may, with correct motives and patriotic purposes, con sent to mingle in the strife. But when the cul tivation of the human mind—tlie acquisition of knowledge—the advancement of literature the progress of science, or the loftier claims of reli gion, are iuvolved ; nay, when the laudable en terprises of tlie age—promotion of the interests oi agriculture, or of commerce; or likely to fa cilitate mccliauical improvements, or, the culti vation of the fine arts—challenge our considera tion, we would gladly be enrolled upon tbe catalogue of earnest advocates, and even of zeal ous propagandists. Regarding, as we do then, popular intelligence and sound morals as the unfailing precursors and sure guarantees of success in every department of life, and the elementary forces which build up the prosperity ol a nation, it is gratifying to be hold some of the strongest intellects of the land we love, devoting their energies to tlie spread of knowledge and tlie maintenance of virtue. We rejoice to see your own city taking an honorable position in the field of periodical literature, and that almost every number that issues from the sev eral presses, is adorned with lofty thoughts, pure sentiments, or valuable truths, which vindicate the dignity of their paternity, and illustrate tlie vigilant supervision of tbe editorial chair. Nearly every attempt made before the war to establish a respectable Monthly in the South met with an early collapse, and a premature death for the want of that vital pabulum which an appre ciating and patronizing public can alone supply. And yet, much depends upon tlie fecundity and power of tbe active center from which intellectu al light emanates. It must be a luminiferous, light-generating, self-sustaining orb; not a mere reflector of the rays of others. It should radiate unpolarized beams which have never been dif fracted, nor appropriated, by intervening bodies. This sort of native, independent originality, does much to win and retain enlightened and availa ble patronage. Such is the type of Blackwood's Magazine, the Edinburg Review, the Lorthon Quar terly, and other kindred European publications. If we are in the order of sequence, and from the action ol embarrassing causes, which arc insep arable from the formative stages of nutional de velopment, somewhat in the rear of these greater lights of journalism, where the genius is fostered under government auspices, the habits of tbe reading world crystalized, and learned profes sors, established writers, and pensioned school men are raised above the clamor for bread, which daily come up from the crowded firesides of our laboring literati; it is but a brief interval, which in the march of Time shall soon be over-past.' And when those burning orbs, which now illu mine the literary heavens, shall have sunk below the horizon, darkness shall not reign in their rear; for others of brighter luster shall follow in their wake, and stars of the first magnitude garnish our Southern skies. Far North ot us, too, in that portion of the American continent just settled—where large cities, open ports, and extensive commerce, have furnished ample stimuli for the employment of heavy capital—where intelligence and wealth have been assigned high places in the common wealth, and older institutions with liberal en dowments and compensating salaries have cher ished the views, and carried out ths plans of the opulent and influential, within their favored pre cincts—periodical literature of a maturer caste, might be expected at an earlier day. Priority of time establishes no claim to supe riority of intellect. Nay, the very opposite may be legitimately assumed, for human progress is onward and upward. The attainments of the present are superadded to the accommodations of the past. Pythagoras of Samos, Apollonius of Perga, Copernicus of Germany, and Tycho Brahe, the Dane—all preceded by many centu ries Newton and Herscliell of England, and La Place of France. But these last named princes of Astronomy, had to improve, remodel, or ex punge many of the crude and incongruous dog mas of their predecessors, and by tlieir higher knowledge, won a deathless name. Thus do similar facts sustain our postulate from every de partment of human research. Like the stalacti- cal columns in the Grotto of Antiparos, which have been formed through successive centuries, by tbe dripping solution of carbonate of lime from the arch above, falling and solidifying upon the stalagmite below; while by constant evapo ration, new accretions every year swell the rising mass, until after the lapse of ages it unites with the pendent stalactite, and a brilliant column, proof against the ravages of time, supports the rocky vault. Such are the acquisitions of hnman knowledge. Century after century leaves its new mental deposit, until, in the distant future, the crystaline columnar strength of Jachin and Boaz shall ornament aud sustain the gorgeous portico of the holier Temple. The past success, then, of Sillin.an’s Journal,” and the present justly recognized claims of the popular “Eclectic, should never repress the aspirations of genius, but contrawise, should encourage its outlay, and st imulate its activity, to enrich the stock of advan cing literature. The crushed and rebounding spirit of our elastic people, has already began to manifests it3 recuperative energy; has survived the hurricane of war; emerged from its ruins and entered once more upon the sea of distinc tion. An ardent desire for the establishment of a high order of literary journalism in the South has been the leading incentive to a display ot its powers, and your city has been selected as the goal of its departure. But how apparently inauspicious the time, how gloomy the surroundings, when “Scott's Magazine ” was inaugurated, and launched upon the world! But enlightened energy is resilient, expansive, and self-reliant, and like the antlered monarch of the mountains, who leaps trom liis lair among the barren rocks, when the morning first streaks the East; shakes the night dews from his brow, and boldly bounds o’er crags and i chasms, to revel and pasture upon the grassy plains below ; it is moved to activity by the first promising beams of light; plies its conscious strength; surmounts opposing barriers, and, as the reward of its exertions, luxuriates at mid-day in the triumphs of success. Scarcely, then, had the roar of artillery ceased to reverberate among the cliffs and gorges of the lonely Allatoonas; scarcely had tbe smoke from the smouldering piles ot the doomed and dismantled city drifted from the sky, and packs of predatory dogs that howled at midnight through its deserted streets, been disbanded by the rush of returning refugees, anxious to rebuild their desolated homes, when the indefatigable editor threw his banner to the winds, and invoked the friends of literature to ^nsume our habitations—yet Southern mind i, proof against the ravages of fire. Still, amid the busy hum of industrious and indomitable thou sands ; the ring of hammers, and the whirl of machinery, he unceasingly pressed the claims of his Phoenix-like journal. Pertinent and polish ed contributions began to flow in apace, and the reading public were attracted by tbe varied and valuable contents, aud the mechanical execution of the work. His patience and zeal never tired. He hastened by tlie speed of rail, to visit sur rounding cities, towns ami villages—bearing with liim specimen copies, and enlarging his remuner ating patronage, until al this early day, it has as sumed the first position among the monthly pe riodicals ot the South, and is destined still to a wider sphere of circulation among the best circles in tbe land. Nor are its claims ephemeral and unwarranted. The “hut ensemble" of its interior presents arrangement in accordance with the suggestion of good taste ami sound judgment. There is a freedom from poverty as well us puerility of style, and an absence of all nauseating twaddy, and stupid platitudes, while licentious garbage finds no place in its columns. A fair analysis of its attractive pages will discover, as well in the editorial department, as iu many ol the articles, furnished by contributors, an elaborate exegesis of many of the subjects discussed, with a mani fest strength and clearness of detail, an ample supply of historical and literary information, brief but interesting, and reliable treatises upon scientific themes, a grateful sprinkling of polite literature, aud above all a%fty standard of Chris tian morals. To say that it has reachcd^W^ultima Thule ’ of its merit would be doing iiq^Mee to its edi tor. Nor should its claims be if^pTewiated be cause a medium, or even immature article from a young, but promising composer may occasion ally appear under its cover. Imperfection marked tbe early productions of. a Michael An gelo, and a Phidias, which the experience of after years, however, abundantly corrected. Its indulgent patrons, then, already the . guests of such monthly banquets, may comfortably wait and confidently expect the introduction of new viands to the feasts. Indeed its publication lias already aided iu tlie development of much native mind, and has stirred the practiced pens of some of our best male, as well as female writers. The sketches of 44 Byron, liis character and his works,” which appeared in the September number, an emanation from the generous heart and cultivated mind of Mrs. M. J. W., one of your most gifted a id accomplished ladies, indi cate a facile pen, and exhibit a^jjf#Rcal acfluien, and flue powers ol analysis, creditable to the source from which they come. Other rivals are in tlie field, and the patrons of the journal are to be the fortunate recipients of the best effu sions of talent and genius tvliicli the South so abundantly furnishes. The mind of her advan cing people must culminate, as well in the re gions of fancy as in the loftier expanse of more substantial human learning. Her mountains, her waterfalls, her flowery landscapes, aud her Italian sunsets cannot but evoke tlie true spirit of poesy, from her impassioned sons and daugh ters ; while the tomes of antiquity are at their control, and the practical demands of the age, must lead to more profound research in the de partment ol general literature, science, and tlie arts. But I become dittusc, and must retrench.— Your Ladies' Home, too, lias acquired an envia ble fame, and female writers ot a representative type, through the length and breadth of the land, are pledged to its columns and interested in its success. Its weekly issues are now greeted by thousands of distant patrons, and its chaste col- lumns make it a safe and a welcome visitor to the homes of the sex; while the newspaper press challenges high encomium for its general ability —its sober and right-minded patriotism—and its universal defense of the claims of Education and Religion. Nor will your aspiring city, alone, wear all the- laurels to be won in these intellectual tourna ments. The spirit of improvement and honora ble education is abroad; and your sister cities— and, perhaps, less pretentious places—will pro duce their Knights, who shall assume the plume, the casque, and the spear, and plunge out for adventure in tlie noble strife. Talent, we rejoice to say, is not indigenous to higher latitudes, nor to older commonwealths, and “ tlie discoveries aud improvements of ge nius are no longer hoarded in the archives of the schools, but spread abroad aud made tlie property of all.” Knowledge is not conveyed by hereditary descent; nor does antiquity of ori gin, as we have already said, guarantee superi ority of attainments. While, therefore, we would scorn to pluck one leaflet from the well- earned laurels which encincture the brow of either cis or trans-Atlantic genius, and would cheerfully award the meed ol distinction to whom it is due, we must yet be pardoned for demurring to the claim of exclusive and unat tainable authorship, on the part of favored aspi rants, either North, East or West of our geo graphical home. Let our people, then, with no invidious spirit,, but under the loftiest impulses of a magnani mous nature, build up the land that cradled them ;■ cherish their prominent periodicals, their edu cational institutions, and their church economy ;, and when our political struggles are ended, and. our land is at rest, Intelligence and Virtue shall! encircle, as with a wall of fire, her redeemedi Constitution and restored liberties. A. Means.. Oxford, Georgia, October 12th, 1866. Disappeared. Tlie cholera, which had been so fatal at Sbel- byville, Tennessee, we learn from the Nashville papers, has entirely disappeared fr om the town, and tlie panic-stricken citizens, who fled from the place at the approach ot the scourge, are generally returning to their homes. It is also stated that the disease lias disappeared from Fayetteville. Tlie Observer says of the ap pearance of the disease at that place: On the report of the first case, a panic, wide spread and general, immediately followed, con tinuing through Saturday and the day following; vehicles of all kinds were pressed into service, and, by Sunday evening, one-lialf or two-thirds of the people of Fayetteville were miles nway, seeking safety in flight. The disease lias disappeared, and the people have generally returned. A private letter from . one of the fugitives says: “Nearly everybody left town the morning it became known that tlie King of Asia had arrived. I do not think there- were two hundred persons left in town, and these • starved themselves into lean skeletons. It is said that Mr. , who had left Nashville to escape the epidemic, left our town on foot the moment he heard of its presence, and never thought of' his wife till he had gone five or six miles. A lady.- went off and foreot her children.” Abolished.—The Cavaliv Bureau in the War rall y to its standard, and let the world know Department has been abolished. J that though the flames of relentless war may Words of Truth and Soberness. An old citizen of West Tennessee, upon whose head are tlie frosts and storms of many winters, publishes a letter in the Cincinnati Enquirer, contradicting the statements that Union men and Northern men are not safe at the South. In the following paragraph, which occurs in his communication, lie iiut says what every man in this part of the country who has eyes to see and ears to hear, knows to he true: That portion of the Southern people who took np arms did so to defend Constitutional govern ment, and failing to do so alone, they are equally willing to secure the same thing, to-wit, Consti tutional government, now in connection with others. They had no desire then, show none now, to have a government to themselves. All they ask is a stable Constitutional government, administered in accordance with the organic law as framed by our forefathers. And so far as our people are concerned, there is not a spot on earth where a man would be safer in person or property than in the South, so long as he does tlie duty of a gx>d citizen and minds his own business. I suppose it would he the case here as elsewhere, if a man l>eeonies meddlesome and offensive lie would be apt to meet with some one who would chastise him, or at least try it. Prince Earl, the oldest man in Erie county, Pennsylvania, died in the town of Wales on Wednesday, aged 102 years.