Weekly Atlanta intelligencer. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1865-18??, January 30, 1867, Image 1

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Newspaper Page TextLk 6 — — ‘•ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT."—Jefferson. VOLUME XIX. ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 30,1867. NUMBER 5. tPerklQ Jntflliflrnrrr. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, Wednesday, January 30, 1866. Gelling Alarmed. The Raleigh Standard, (iovemor Holden’s pa- ‘ per, is getting alarmed at the unpromising pros- pect. To its view the political heavens look ominous and frowning. It scents another civil storm in the distance, sees the liery cross burn ing upon a thousand hill tops, and calls upon the loyal leaguers and radical henchmen to look to their arms and keep their powder dry. We copy the Stamlard'* remarks: The “times are sadly out of joint’’ We ap prehend, unless the Congress should act prompt ly and firmly, our troubles will increase, and we may lie involved in another civil war. We shall look closely into public movements, whether the result of secret conclaves or open meetings, and keep our readers fully posted in relation to them. We advise our Union friends to organize them selves in every neightiorliood as rapidly as pos sible, and to Ik: prepared for any emergency that may arise. The appeal to Congress to act “ promptly and firmly ” is well and timely made, and we trust will be heeded. Let the dominant party in that iKKly at once lay aside its prejudices and take a calm and sober view of the situation. Let the members east out trom their minds, it possible, the evil passions engendered by the taste ot power and the hunger for spoils. Lay aside every consideration hut country, and consume the short time left them in legislating solely for the promotion and advancement of the real in tcrests of the nation, instead, as they have been and now are doing, lor party and class measures. If they will do this, the dangers that our North Carolina coteinporary, and his compeers, think they see approaching will vanish, and the storm- beaten vessel soon lx; moored in calm and placid waters. But they will not do it. It is not in them, and they will goon in their reckless career of legislation, wiping out and obliterating all the old landmarks and destroying all the better and preservative features of the Government, until the people, thoroughly aroused and alarmed, take the matter into their own hands and fill their places with men of larger and more patri otic views and instincts. Meanwhile, if the storm should burst upon the land—and we are not badly scared—let the consequences rest with those who had the power, knew their duty, aud did it not. ‘•The New <’oin»plraey.” Under this head, Forney discusses the pro- coedings of the recent New Orleans banquet, in ■which lie reads tlie plans of President Johnson to overthrow the Radical Congress by a coup <Vrtat. Forney’s object is, obviously, to stimu late the work of impeachment. He says: The rebel banquet, held in Washington on the 8(li instant, ostensibly to celebrate the anni versary ot New Orleans, was availed of to dis close the programme of the new conspiracy for the overthrow of the government down to the point of another civil war. That the war Ls de termined upon by the President and his friends ; that it is essential to the accomplishment of his ulterior purpose of establishing a dictatorship, and is the most popular of all the methods sug gested lor the perpetuation of his power, aud through him, of Southern domination, was made apparent by the vociferous applause which greet ed Jack Rogers’ declarations. He said, “ that if the electoral votes of the Southern Slates and the conservatives of the North should constitute a majority at the next regular Presidential dec lion, and should the Radicals dispute the right of their President to control the country, he, for one, was-for calling on the army of the country. | Tremendous cheering ] The issue would come, and tiie brave would meet it. No one should dose his eyes to the fact that this issue would have to be met." It was at a banquet to celebrate Jetlerson’s birth-day, in 1880, that the programme ot South Carolina nullification \v:is disclosed, and the prin ciples which terminated in rebellion were enun ciated. Jackson, the then President, saw through the purposes of Calhoun and his co-conspirators, and met them upon the threshold with his fa mous opposition toast, “The Federal Union—it must Ik* preserved " But, in the present instance, the President ol the United States is the head ot the conspiracy, and expects himself to be the chief beneficiary of tlic revolution now inaugu rated. The Blairs, well known as unscrupulous schemers for power, figure as major-domos, while the President appears in the character ot a guest; yet who can doubt that the whole array ol toasts were duly known and considered beforehand by the chief actors in this banquet ? It is the launch ing ot a new revolutionary programme, and, as Rogers truly says, “must be met.” Sifted ot all surplusage, the toasts at this inaugural movement of a new revolution, iutended to make Johnson dielator, mean this: That Andrew Johnson is tlu* defender of the Union from the assaults of its enemies; that Congress is opposed to the Union ; that the Supreme Court is a sup porter of the President’s views; that the laws passed by Congress to reeonstruct the Union will not be executed by the President, and that his non-execution of them will be justified by the Supreme Court, ou the ground of their unconsti tutionality ; that the rights ot the States are inde structible, and the right of representation un questionable. What is perfectly plain is this; That the Southern conspiracy is tally re-inaugurated, with the President at its head; that his declaration of principles is final, aud as sure to guide bisection as an official proclamation ; and that, under ioyei ot devotion to the Federal Union, lie means to organize war against the plan of reconstruction adopted by the representatives ot the people.— This it is not desirable should be precipitated be fore the Presidential election, but they feel seqtire. if, with Johnson in possession of the government, its vast patronage, its army, navy aud treasury at his disposal, the Southern electoral vote should not l*e counted. The only question for Congress to consider is, whether they will precipitate this issue now, with the people on their side, or com plicate it with the burdens and issues of the next two years It is quite transparent that the recent terrible rebuke Forney reotfcved at the hands of the Penn sylvania Legislature has had uo other effect than t<> increase his vindictiveness against the Presi dent, and to multiply his proclivitiea*for false hood and misrepresentation. There is no foun dation tor the charges above about a coup d'tiai to overthrow the Radical Congress. They art simply preposterous, but made to distract atten tion from the reckless and iniquitous legislation of the party of which Forney is a representative man. Nor is there any thore ground for the statement that a Southern conspiracy is fully in augurated. The only conspirators in the country at this time are to Ik* found in the ranks of the Radical party, and should the land again be con vulsed with civil commotion and war, it will mainly be owing to their efforts—and theirs onlv. I»r»ctejr'« Lecture*. Horace Greeley lectured in Washington City last Thursday night. A reporter states that in the course of his lecture he said that he thought that Washington, Jefferson, Adams, and the early founders of the government, were respon sible for the late war. It they had, with a sense «>t justice, been as keen to limit the duration of slavery as they were to alxdish the slave trade, the late war would have been avoided. On the subject of reconstruction he said, “this was a republic, and a true republic can have no subjects, any more tliau a tine Republican cat: have slaves. If you ask what tlieeouditiou must Ik* tor the admission of the late Confederate States, I would say that w hen a black man. wearing the Federal blue, with a black skin, can travel through tlu* South with as much impunity as rebels iu gray cau though the North, I shall believe they are truly fit tor reconstruction." Internal Revenue Definlon*. The notices below have been handed us lor publication. As they may prove of interest to at least a few of <>ur readers, we of course give them a place. The government, however, taxes print ing offices, newspapers, and everything else we believe, except the sunlight that streams down from Ileavcn, and the flowers and blooms that the spring time brings to our gardens, and we don’t well sec why it should not pay lor these advertisements, as well as for the publication of the laws, post routes, and so forth. But it is not a very large matter, and we only refer to it in passing. The attentiou of whisky makers aud bog-brokers is invited : CATTLE AND HOC BROKERS. Treasury Department. 1 Office of Internal Revenue, V Wasuinoton. D. Dec. 21, 1S6S. ) I reply to yours of the 17th instant, that the Jaw regards any person whose business it is to buy or sell or deal in cattle, hogs or sheep, as a cattle broker. Slaughterers, making it. a business to pur chase their cattle, bogs, Ac., would be liable as above. By a late fuliug of this office, slaughterers are held exempt from tax as dealers on account of selling the meat slaughtered by them. But if a person purchase cattle, hogs, &<*., by the carcass, and then cut the same, aud sell after the manner of a dealer, iie would be liable as such. A ]ar son purchasing meat by the carcass would not, of course, he liable as a cattle broker. Very re spectfully, Thomas Harlant>, Deputy Commissioner. Letter trout Kir, Vallaudigliaui. Dayton, Ohio, Jan. 3,1807. DISTILLED SPIRITS. Treasury Department, 1 Office of Internal Revenue, *■ Washington, December 27, I860. ) Sm—Iii reply r to yours of the 17th instant, 1 have to say that ii is the duty* of general Inspec tors to guage and inspect all spirits in rectifying establishments that have been changed in char acter by rectifying, re-distilling, or otherwise, or that have been put up in other packages than those in which originally inspected, whether changed in character or not. A failure ou the part of the rectifier to have this inspection properly performed will subject him to all the penalties provided by law. Re- specthilly, Thomas Harland, Deputy Commissioner. C. Case, Esq., Special Solicitor .Treasury, New Orleans, Louisiana. 1 branding empty casks prohibited. Treasury Department. Office of Internal Revenue, Washington, December 18l1i, 1 hi ill. | Sir—This office having reason lor believing that there are inspectors of distilled spirits who are falling into the practice of marking empty casks upon the statements of dealers ihat they are going to put spirits into them out ot their “standing casks," anu sometimes even in the ab sence of such anticipated occasion, notice is hereby given that these violations of law will be visited by the immediate dismissal of the offend ing officers, and have the infliction, through the courts, of all the penalties provided by law for siii’li offenses. Collectors will give their special attention to this matter, and promptly report all cases, past and present, coming within their knowledge, to this office ; and also, at the same time, without waiting for lurther instructions, to the United States District Attorney, for prosecutio’n under the penal provisions of the sixteenth section of the act of July 13, 18(5(1. The second aud third sections of the act provides that: “ Any person who shall * * * stamp, brand or mark the same (box, barrel, bag, &c.,) as hereinbefore re cited, i. e., being empty or containing anything else than the contents which were therein when said articles had been so lawfully stamped, &c., shall, upon conviction thereof, be liable to penal ty as before provided in this section, (of not less than $50 nor more than $500,) and any person who shall violate the foregoing provisions of this section with intent to defraud the revenue, or to defraud any person, shall, uj ou conviction there of, be liable to a line ot not less than $1,000 nor more than $5,000, or imprisonment for not less than six mouths nor more than five years, or both ; such fiue and imprisonment at the discre tion ot the court.” Very respectfully, E. A. Rollins, Commissioner. M. M. Strickler, Esq., Collector Ninth District, Lancaster, Penn. Trouble Among tbe Negroes on the Island Plantations. Sea TnK NEGROES ON BACK RIVER ARMED AND OR GANIZED. We copy Hie following from the Savannah Daily News and Herald of Monday : A rumoi was prevalent in this city yesterday that a collision had occurred between a de tachment of United States soldiers aud the freed- mon on Mr. Cbeves’ plantation, by which seve ral lives had been lost, but from what we could learn, there really was no conflict between them. We found the officers very reticent, but from what we could learn, the facts are these : An or der has been issued to Captain H. C. Brandt, Com missioner of the Freedtuen’s Bureau, who has charge of the negroes on Back river, to the effect that the lands are to be turned over to the own ers and t he freedmen to make contracts. A por tion ot the Cheves’property has been leased by Mr. Smith Barnwell, who was desirous ot mak ing agreements with the negroes, but they posi tively refuse and threatened to take Mr. Barn well’s life. Application was then made to Captaiu Brandt, who furnished Mr. Barnwell with a corporal and six men, with whom he proceeded to tlu* place, but soon found that the negroes were determined to resist. He then came back and made appli cation for a detachment of fifty men. They were furnished from Fort Pulaski, and Lieutenant Miller, of the Sixteenth Infantry, detailed to command them. Captain Brandt then proceeded across tlie river aud left twenty-five men at the mill. With the balance be went to Mr. Barn well’s place, and at first saw nothing but a few women and children. He read his orders to them, and Said th It he came to them ns a friend and uoi to ngui them. Soon thereafter the detach ment was surrounded by three or four hundred armed negro men aud women, the men keeping to the rear of the women and children. They were armed with clubs, hooks and nms- kets. Tlu* Captaiu stated that lie wanted them to appoiut one or two men to talk the matter over with him, and advised them that he did not want to drive them off the place, but merely to induce them to make contracts with Mr. Barnwell This they refused, and said the lauds belonged to them; they had paid taxes to the Government, and that they would not leave. While the parley was progressing, some ot the uegi oes hail got in the rear of the soldiers and be hind a fence, and when discovered they had their guns'pointed through the holes in the fence, and be&riug directly on the soldiers. Discovering this, the Captain judiciously determined to with draw his tneu. not wishing* to shed blood, espe cially as the women and children would probably have been sufferers. He retired to the hill where ae had left the balance ot the soldiers, and came to town for further orders from General Scott, commanding the District. We have been informed that- tbe negroes have been thoroughly drilled and armed, and that an officer with sash aud sword was in command.— We aj^ learn that the negro lawyer, Bradley, who applied to be admitted to practice in the Su perior Court last week, is at the bottom of tbe whole thing: that he has informed the negroes that they cajgpot be removed ; that Congress has passe-d a law giving them the right to hold the lauds; and that he has recommended them to resist the officers of the Bureau. Some of the negroes presented what they said was their war rant. and which had been given them by Brad- lev lor the sum ot' one dollar a head. -if. M. Pomeroy, Esq., 1m Crosse, liV.v .• Dear Sir—Yours of the 31st ultimo, with the card enclosed, I have just received, ami will an swer it impromptu. As to your first inquiry: Congress, in my opin ion, has no more Constitutional power to “terri torialize” the “seceded S.tates" (so called) than to make territories of Ohio or Wisconsin. Neither has any other department of the Federal Gov ernment. nor all three departments combined.— The Slates made the Federal Government in the beginning, but now 1 lie table of Saturn is re versed, aud the child devours the parent. As to yoursecond inquiry—the probable “result it the radical scheme be carried out or attempted” —pardon me a little Latin: "Tie Carthagine sa- linx rxt xilcre gaum fax non dice re." (July gener al results, at the most, can lx; foreseen by the wisest of mortals, and in these dark times when every lesson of history, and every law of God, of man, of political economy and of finance, seems to be broken with impunity, and when every tolly or. treachery, or cowardice, or all three to gether, t.liwart the wisest, most honest, most pa triotic plans for the public good, I have ceased even to speculate as to the future ; much less do I venture to prophesy. Yet, 1 think that had the programme lor the political campaign of 1SG<J as agreed upon formally at Washington in April and May last, been honestly, courageously and vigorously carried out, instead of being set aside lor that combination of procured abortion and accidental miscarriage, the Philadelphia Conven tion of August 14 th, we should have had as great a victory in the tall elections as we suffered de cisive defeat. ■* As it is, I tear that the last hope of the reac tion perished then, and that Ike “Great American Revolution of 18(51" must now goon unchecked till either it shall have overturned totally in form os already substantially in fact, that grand old Federal Republic which our fathers set up—suli- stituting, in its stead, imperialistic despotism under the shadow of the name and form and the cant ot free institutions—or have precipitated a counter revolution, through which, by the expiation of fire and blood, and suffering it may be, the American people shall recover that light, free, cheap system of government which tliej 7 so eagerly and recklessly have thrown away. All this, indeed, was implied by tbe lute civil war—“for the Union”—when it com menced ; and 1, lor one, have uo new quarrel with radicalism and its exponents, for striving to attain the natural, legitimate, and inevitable results of changing our system from a govern ment of consent to a government of coercion, of force. At the same time I am not prepared to compete with them in the race ot radicalism; aud if 1 were, I should aim at that which alone could command success; “out Herod,” and go at one round, so lar beyond its present demands, that even Republican radicalism would stand aghast. I should cut under so deep that no' “ lower deep ” could be found or fathomed ; for, in good sooth, l am not one of those who delude themselves with the vain notion that, by yield ing one half, the other can be made secure. Such “ sops to Cerberus ” never silence the triple headed dog of fanaticism. And there is but one way to deal with a revolution : either to go with it totally, and ahead ot it, or fight it every inch and crush it. We. hitherto have not so fought the battle, and by consequence, we have gone down belore the bold, dashing charge of the Black. Kuiglit with his visor up. And so it has ever been, aud so it will ever be, world without end. I cannot add Amen; it “sticks in my throat.” For still I would remember the sublime old Roman maxim, and never despair of the Republic; for even now, with more than eight hundred millions of paper money, having no other basis than credit upon credit, four-ply, and a taxation, State and Federal, (or Imperial,) quite equal in amount; 1 am not sure that.a “ blessed stranding,” iu the way of finance, might not at auy moment prove the salvation of the ship in her last lurch. For,-as M. Guizot, in his History of Cromwell, profoundly observes: “It is by exhaustion and necessity that God imposes jus tice and good sense upon nations.” Meantime, however, deriving such satisfaction —and it is both great and sweet—as springs from the recent decisions of the Supreme Court ot the United States, convicting Abraham Lincoln and his administration of high crime against the Constitution aud public and private liberty, I coniine myself now chiefly—having no cabbage garden to cultivate, especially during the present cold snap—to the studies and labors of my pro fession, and am content just now to look on in politics, and await, with faith aud patience, the work of “Time, the corrector and avenger.” Two suggestions only, I would make, most re- spec.ttully: 1st. Ought we not forthwith to begin 'to agi tate tor a convention of all the States, to meet and adjust upon the basis of the fundamental principles of the old Constitution and the Union, the new and momentous questions and the alter ed condition of things, growing out of the late , war? and it the “bargain," which our fathers made for the sake of securing a Union and Fed eral Government to all, is to be set aside under pretense of establishing exact justice and equity, and tlic States are to be dealt with as the mere creatures of the Federal will and pleasure, and divided, consolidated and moulded to suit the fashion of the hour aud the interests of those who can secure and hold the power, is it not a good time now to demand that the gross iniquity of the present senatorial representation should give way to “equality before the law,” and that in resettling the great question ot suffrage upon the theory of “impartiality,” three millions of “Yanke. s’ shall uo longer be permitted to vote twelve Senators, while three millions of “Buck eyes” are graciously allowed to vote but two!— Would New England, think you, see the point! 3d. Without a single representative man to whom all defer, in any department, or any State Government in the North or West, aud without even a general committee always in session, and tracing the confidence of the part}’, and there fore without any nleans to give uniformity, con cert and prompitude to the opinions aud actions of the Democratic party, upon the sudden and very grave questions which, in the midst of a revolution, every day brings forth to perplex aud divide, what that party needs most now, is it not a first-class daily newspaper, say at Washington —like the old Washington Globe—secure ou its pecuniary foundation, totally democratic iu its politics, controlled by uo clique, dependent only on the democratic masses for support, the reflex of their sentiments, devoted heartily to their in terests, and edited by some oue or more of the statesmen of the country having au established reputation, and iu whose ability and integrity alike the people have full confidence? Cutoff by fanaticism aud revolutionary hate from every other public employment, what, but want of cap ital, cau forbid tbe representative public men of the Democratic party from connecting themselves with the “Fourth Estate;’’ a department in politics quite as honorable aud as full of dignity, more potential too, and far more lucrative often times, tkau any official station, even when fairly gained, and, as to the last especially, when hon estly filled. Very truly, Ac., C. L. Y ALAN DIG HAM. Mexico. * The Washington correspondent of the Charleston Courier writes; The Senate is disposed to stir up the Mexican muddle, at least so far as to inquire into the action of the Executive in regard to it. It is avowed that President Lincoln and Mr. Seward had intended to recognize the Government of Maximilian immediately after the inauguration, in March, 1865. It is even intimated by the op ponents of Mr. Seward that the Executive has been remiss in not driving Maximilian and the French out of Mexico ere this, and that he is re sponsible for the continuation of the chaotic dis turbance in Mexico. The Senate will not be able to obtain all the in- . formation it is proposed to ask as to the internal working of the “muddle." Mr. Seward is as ig- 1 norant in regard to that as the Senate is. The of ! Sherman-Campbell mission was got up with the y ‘“ l ' ‘ express view to obtain information as to the Major-General Palmer, late Tycoon of Kentucky, military and political conditon of Mexico, and it at the following rate; | proved a total and ridiculous failure. All parties Trcmbulll Elected.—Yes, Trumbull is i am 1 factious iu Mexico were found to be opposed elected. We heartily thank this legislature.— j 10 an .v interference in the affairs of the country Fhat unscrupulous scamp. General Palmer, is < the l ailed States. , . defeated. We were for Trumbull all the time, i The House Committee on Foreign Relations He is half democrat. lie will be a full blown h*'e this subject under consideration, and democrat the moment tlial is popular. i/t sus- merely determined to do nothing about it at taius the Supre me Court lie opposed the sup- ! present. They have no intention to propose any oression of the Chicago Turns. He opposed Mr. i that will tend to interfere in the internal Lincoln's second election, and only compromised concerns of Mexico. Alter the French troops dv forcing the nomination of a territorial Gov- ilIive withdrawn, and Maximilian abdicates, eruor on Javne, his brother-in-law He is ages*- i ^xico will be rent with tactions, and a dozen etuau, w itb all liis demagoguery He is Senator aspirants to power will appear m opposition to The Labor of Freedmen. Slave labor haring passed away, to the labor of the freedman we have looked with but little hope we must coufess, but with much anxiety for the production of those important articles, cotton and rice, which have hitherto been so pro lific iu the South and have made her so prosper ous. A year’s experiment has proved a failure, aiul weseriously apprehend that the present year’s trial will prove more damaging in its results than the one that has just passed away. From a most reliable source—a gentleman well known iu this city, who has planting interests in Southwestern Georgia—we learn that very many plantations will not be cultivated this year in that section ot our State and in Alabama, that were cultivated last year, for the want of labor, the producers in that section refusing to enter into contracts for labor. Among many instances of this sort, the gentleman referred to related to us one which we shall here present as being illustrative of others. A planter, owning some of the finest lands near the C'-?.*.ttalioocliee, has been actively engaged for some time past in the effort to secure the labor of two hundred hands for the present year. Up to within a few days past he had se cured only two, out of the two hundred, aud he has, consequently, been driven to the necessity of selling his mules, stock, and so forth, and has abandoned the idea of cultivating his lauds at all the present year; and so, we are advised, many others have done,to such an extent too, as to make mules lower in price now in that section than they are in Upper Georgia. We have similar reports from other sections of the cotton growing regions, all of which confirm us in the belief that there can be placed no dependence in the labor of the freedntan for the production of that great staple, and but little indeed for the production of anything else, during the present year, and per haps not until a great change shall come over his inclinations for idleness and self-indulgence, by the sufferings to which his race in the South will be reduced by their disregard of that maxim which teaches man, that, by the sweat of his brow he must earn his daily bread. This is a lament able picture, but we think it is truly drawn. The freedman will not labor as a general rule, and the production of cotton must decrease for years to come. The white man will turn his attention to other pursuits than the growing of that staple with what labor he can procure from the recent ly liberated slave, for it will not pay, aud, as it has done the past year, will only involve find em barrass hint in the future. It will require time to cure the evil, and ere that time shall arrive, front four millions of bales of cotton grown in the South, the production, we predict, will be less than a million of bales all told* This will be hailed at Lowell especially, as glad tidings, and its benevolent population must make the most of it they can! Tlie Condition of Traile. The New York Times, iu noticing the remarks of a Western journal, that “the entire Northwest is overrun by drummers for Eastern houses, whose only desire seems to be to get orders and fill them, regardless of the ability of those who order to pay their bills at maturity,” remarks, that “twelve months 'ago a similar warning came from the South. Eastern houses that sought op portunity for expansion sold freely on credit, and large proportion of the goods remain unpaid for to this day. Weak traders suffer in conse quence, aud other inconveniences are aggravated by the unpromising aspect of Southern indebted ness.” It cautions against crediting the West any more titan- the South, alleging that reports from the West prove the necessity of extreme caution, and. quotes the Chicago Tribune as a witness. That paper says : “From every quarter ttihre is but one response—‘dull.’ In the country business is very slow. The interior dealers are selling little; the farmers are not paying up, and in numerous parts of the country we hear of fail ures. Merchants in arrears and unable to pay are making assignments, and in some instances fraudulent transfers of property have been made.” On which tlie Times remarks: “What more ominous state of things could we have? The farmers not settling their store accounts, tlie store keepers selling little aud paying something near to nothing, are the incipient symptoms of the trickery and trail ' which in the West presage the coining of tight times. Surely these are cir cumstances not favorable to the future ot the Eastern merchants who now open Western credits.” Of the South it observes: “Tlie general con dition of affairs there precludes the possibility of remittances for goods supplied from tlie North, or the growth of a demand for further supplies. Westward and Southward everything points to the necessity of more than common prudence on the part of Eastern merchants and manufactu rers. The times are dull here undoubtedly.— The flush usually incident to the seasou has not shown itself this year. Manufacturers discover that the demand on which they calculated has suddenly subsided, and that the enormous profits to which they have become accustomed will not be realized during tbe passing period. Tlie pre sence in our cities of a large amount of unem ployed, or only partially employed labor, must tell upon general business as certainly as it re veals stagnation in certain branches ot industry Turn which way you will, then, facts exist which establish the paramount importance of avoiding risky ventures, and refusing absolutely to extend the credit system." The New York Journal of Commerce re marks : “ The market is less re-assured than was expected, and advices from the interior are less favorable than anticipated. The West has not sold its products as largely as usual, or at as satis factory prices, and country merchants are mak ing very poor returns upon the credits granted them, while many who bought for cash have a large portion of their stock on hand unsold.” A Flret-Clas* Notice of General Palmer. The Cairo. Illinois, Denote and will not disgrace Illinois, as would Palmer —the man that indulges iu bar-room fights. Hurrah for Trumbull! A shoulder-strapped demagotrue and soulless politician has been wiped out. ~ Juarez. That the Government can then inter pose tietween the tactions with any beneficial effect is doubted. It must either remain neutral, and adhere to its principles of non-intervention,or conquer the country, and undertake to govern it Progress. It is stated that a proposition is before the Kan sas Legislature to give all persons over eighteen years of age, regardless of sex or color, the elec tive franchise. The Baltimore Transcript says: This is carry ing out the radical theory with thoroughness and consistency. If negroes are allowed to vote, why not women ? The female sex has as much intelli gence and more virtue than the male. How would the radicals like the Southern States to a ’.opt the system ? We observe that a Progres sive in New Jersey advises them to do so as a matter of expediency. He says that the eight millions of white men and white women in the Southern States, voting together, as they would, would vote down the four millions of black men and black women, and thus render negro suffrage practically worthless. There is no probability that the Southern States will follow his advice; but if they should, the radical engineers would be hoisted with their own petard. However, let us have progress if we have noth ing else. We confess our anxiety for progress. We want to get to the end of our journey, and rest from our travels. State of New York.—Tbe population of New York State by tbe new census is 3,827,818, an increase of 301,002 from 1805, which is almost wholly in the commercial and manufacturing districts, the agricultural counties remaining nearly stationary, and seven of them showing an actual diminution. Congress and the Supreme Court. Foruey is vehemently urging Congress to over ride aud provide for setting aside the decisions of the Supreme Court. In his letter to tlie Phil adelphia Press of the 19th, he indulges a tirade of abuse of the Judges of that tribunal, and then says: The public mind has beeu sufficiently excited by the outrageous decrees of such State Judges as Magruder of Maryland, and Ruffin of North Carolina—both of them made under the inspri- ration or expectation of the example of the Su preme Court—and on Monday last Judge Wylie of the Supreme Court of the District of Colum bia, deliberately ruled against the civil rights bill, and in favor of tbtflalack code of Maryland, by ordering two colored children who had es caped from their former master or owner, back into the practical slavety in which they had en dured inconceivable sufferings. Before further action could be taken the master carried off his “propertydoubtless rejoicing that while a rad ical Congress was in session its most important measure could be set at naught by a Judge ap pointed by the lamented Abraham Lincoln. 1 learn that the matter will be taken before the court in banc, where the merits will be examined into by the patriotic Judges Carlter, Fisher and Olin, and no doubt is entertained that the extra- ordinaty decree of their colleague will be prompt ly overruled. Whether a majority of the court in the last resort is ready to sustain Judge Wylie and to nullify the civil rights bill, remains to be seen. Such is the consternation in the South produced by these revolutionary proceedings, that two intelligent men from North Carolina have this morning informed me that hundreds of the Union people are leaving there in search of safer homes. In regard to the pretended information from North Carolina, the facts are just and truly these Many persons are leaving tlAit, and other South ern States, and seeking habitations elsewhere.— But they are not induced to this course by the decisions of the Supreme Court. They have hope and faith in the judiciary, and would cling to it as the last refuge for the protection of life, liberty and property; but they cannot avoid see ing where Radical legislation tends—they are un able to shut their eyes to the fact that daily stares them in the face of an unalterable determination on the part of Congress to break down every constitutional barrier which stands between tlie Radical leaders and the consummation of their schemes and plans for the utter ruin and desolation of the Southern States. To destroy the integrity and efficiency of the highest judi- dicial tribunal in the land, arid make it the “ least estate ” in the government, a mere instrument in the hands of a jacobinical party, which has nev er yet given evidence of its capacity to rise above party, or to look to any higher or better object than the ways and means by which its hold on power and place may be retained. This it is, and not what Forney states, that induces hun dreds of good and valuable citizens to break up their households, abandon their ancestral oaks, and seek for homes and a livelihood in other lands and other sections. And no one knows the truth of this better than the editor of the Press. Yet .he has neither the grace to admit the truth or to keep silence on the subject,-but deliberately falsifies tbe entire fact, as appears in the extract above. Such monstrous perversion of the truth needs no comment or exposure, but carries with it its own antidote and condemnation. Kadlcal vs. Republican. We are not advised as to what truth there is iu tlie reports coming from Washington to the effect that a split in the dominant party in Con gress is imminent, and have not to this time at tached auy special importance to them. There may be some foundation for such rumors, now almost ot daily occurrence, but we are afraid they will not amount to anything tangible or substantial, as we notice that whenever auy question affecting the future of the South is on the tapis, the majority invariably rallies for a solid vote. The “cohesive power of public plun der” is as strong now as ever, and from tlie some what peculiar character of the material of which the party is composed, it will lie no little matter that will induce them so to divide as to threaten the existence of tlie organization. We copy the paragraph below, from the cor respondence of the Charleston Mercury, with tlie remark that the writer is generally cautious, and we trust that his speculations in regard to a break in the radical ranks may be speedily real ized. The recent action of the House of Repre sentatives in regard to the Supreme Court of the United States is tlie most revolutionary and rad ical step yet ventured upon by the reckless ma jority, and is certainly calculated to excite feel ings of the gravest alarm iu the minds of all thinking men. It is conclusive ol the fact, fre quently charged of late upon the radical leaders, of a distinct and coolly planned design to sub vert the co-ordinate branches, aud make Congress supreme, the sole and only controlling power in the government. There can no Ipnger be any doubt on this point, and unless the people take the alarm and arouse to an active sense of the danger, it will not be long until tlie interests of tbe whole country, East, West, North, as well as South, will he at the disposal and in the hands of a set of wicked and unscrupulous politicians. Tlie following is tlie paragraph referred to: While I am unable to add any additional fact u proof of the assertions made in recent letters, I am, nevertheless, strengthened in the convic tion that measures looking to tlic formation of a Republican (distinct from a Radical) party iu the South, are quietly but actively progressing here. Doubtless the distinguished gentlemen trom your State, who are now sojourning in this city, but with whom I have uot beeu fortunate enough to meet, will, On their return, furnish more specific information than I have beeu able to obtain. Certain it is that something lias occurred to alarm and excite the Radicals iu an unusual de gree. Evidence of this is found, not in Sum ner’s excessively bitter assault on the President yesterday—for that is Sumner’s regular style— but in ominous sentences from Radicals, which have been dropped in the hearing of Conserva tives.. These outgivings breathe quick and com plete destruction, of every obstacle which stands in the way of Radical designs. Expectation is fixed on a certain Senator, front New York (if I mistake not,) whose advent on the floor of Con gress will be the signal of an attack more deter mined than any which has yet been made. l ’ I LINA, J- *7- I The Disorders on die Delta Plantation. The Savannah News & Herald, of the 22d, al ludes to the difficulties on one of the Sea Island plantations, an account of which we published yesterday morning, and says: We consider our community fortunate, in our disorganized and helpless condition, that the offi cers and soldiers of the government.in our midst have manifested a determination to enforce the laws and maintain order. They have, under the circumstances, a delicate duty to perform, and it is the duty of all good citizens to leave them un embarrassed in the discharge of that duty, and to give them all the moral support in their power, avoiding all interference in a matter exclusively between the military and the freedmen. That our readers may the better understand the attitude of the military authorities of the South Carolina Department in reference to the negro insurgents on the plantations, we give, in addition to our previous statement of what has already transpired, the following circular from Assistant Commissioner Major General R. K. Scott: Headquarters Assistant Commissioner, Bureau R., F. and A. L., South Carolina Charleston, S. C„ Jan. 9,186’ Circular No. 2. The Assistant Commissioner learns, with re gret, that many freed people throughout the State, and particularly on the Sea Islands and Santee river, manifest an unwillingness to make contracts for labor during the coming season. It must be distinctly understood by those la borers who refuse to contract with their employ ers ot the past season, that they must at once leave tlie plantations and give up the quarters which they now occupy to such persons as are willing to contract with their late employers for another year. If they refuse quietly to leave, military force will be used to remove them. Laborers who neglect to contract at once for the coming season, and who, through idleness, come to want, will not receive assistance or sup port from the government in any manner what ever. The freed people on tbe Sea Islands who hold laud on possessory certificates are hereby noti fied that such certificates will not give them pos session of the land for another year, and that they must be at once taken fit Brevet Major D. T. Corbin, Acting Assistant Commissioner, at Rockville, South Carolina, who will exchange them tor warrants, good for twenty acres of land, ou Port Royal, St. Helena, or Hilton Head Is lands, South Carolina; also, Captain H. C. Brandt, Sub-Assistant Commissioner for the South Carolina side of the Savannah river. Captain H. H. Poe, at Beaufort, South Caro lina, will assist all who obtain such warrants in locating their claims. By order of’Brevet Major General R. K. Scott, Assistant Commissioner. Edward L. Deane, Brevet Major and A. A. General. The News & Herald adds: We learned no fur ther particulars yesterday of the position of af fairs at the Delta plantation. We understand that the troops sent there by Captain Brandt are still on the place, and that rations for five days was sent to them yesterday. Wliat Does It Mean ? We find the extract below under a New York date of the 19th : The President’s Washington evening organ of yesterday says of the administation : If ne cessary, its strong and iron hands will be invoked to stay tbe course and prevent the consummation of radical treason. The great oath of the Pres ident to protect and defend the Constitution will not be forgotten, and the people who sustain him with their five hundred thousand majority of the voting population, North and South, will not forget him. Events have already brought the Government to the very verge of another revolution. It the Radical majority in Congress pursues its coarse much longer the Government, in order to sustain itself, will have to arm its supporters, North and South, and the army and navy will respond. In such a contest the issue cannot be doubtful. Congressmen may be valiant fighters on the floor ot Congress, but when they come to lead their cohorts into the field it will be another thing. The real army and great soldier of the Republic will be found fighting under the flag we adore. Notwithstand ing the opposition of the Radicals, it is a deter mined faci that Andrew Johnson will serve out his constitutional term of office. The Spirit <w the Press.—The editor of th Shelbyviffe Republican must be spiritually inclin ed. In bis paper of Friday, he breaks forth into the following rhapsody : “Will some one send us a bottle; the vintage of ’36 ? Something rich and generous like tlie sacred folding ot the lair young bride to the heart and home of her future life—or sparkling and bright like guileless affection of childhood —in short, something that will stimulate with out prostration and not be termed an intoxica ting beverage. Au Important Law. We publish below an act passed at the last ses sion of tlie Legislature, making provision for the thorough education of all the indigent youths of the State under thirty years of age who were maimed during tbe war. Our cotemporary of the Chronicle & Sentinel expresses the opinion that the amount provided for the board, clothing, and support of the beneficiaries while they are being educated is too small, aud doubts whether the sum specified will be accepted by either of the colleges as a fair equivalent for their services and expenditures. It, however, urges that al the institutions included in the act, should take action in the matter at once, and let the public know upon wliat these poor boys must depend. Tbe following is the law : An Act to educate tlie indigent maimed soldiers of Georgia, and to provide the necessary means lor the same. Whereas, It is a matter of primary impor tance that Georgia should have native educated teachers for the instruction of the children of the State; and whereas, there are many indigent maimed soldiers in the State, under thirty years, who, by reason of the loss ot limbs, are deprived of tbe ability to perforin physical labor; and whereas, it is a holy and patriotic duty to pro vide, in the best manner possible, for those un fortunate patriots; for remedy whereof, Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of Georgia, That all indigent maimed soldiers ot the State of Georgia, under the age of thirty years, be educated at the University of the State ot Georgia, at the Mercer University, at Emory College, at Oglethorpe University, and at Bowdon Coliege, free of charge for tuition, books, board and clothing, until the completion of their collegiate term. Sec. II. Be it farther enacted, That upon the application, accompanied with proper vouchers, of any indigent maimed soldier, that he is of the class above specified, to the Trustees of said Universities and Colleges, they shall forthwith receive him into said Institution, and give him all the benefits of the same upon the applicant entering into a written obligation upon his honor to teach when lie shall have completed his colle giate course, the same number of years in Geor gia he may have been in said Universities or Colleges. Sec. III. Be it further enacted, That for the purpose of effectually carrying into efficient ope ration tbe provisions ot this Act, that His Ex cellency the Governor be, and .he is hereby authorized, should there not be funds provided for the same in the Treasury, to issue to the Trus tees of said Universities and Colleges the bonds of the State, paj’able at such times and in such manner fts be may deem best, to an amount suffi cient to accomplish and carry into effectual ope ration the provisions ot this Act\ provided, the State will not pay more than three hundred dol lars pier annum for each beneficiary under this Act. Approved 18th December, 1808. Little Delaware. On Tuesday last Governor Salisbury, of Del aware, was inaugurated at Dover. Of bis inau gural address the Delaware Gazette says : He expresses a becoming pride in tbe position of this old commonwealth, and reminds his fel low-citizens that tbe remark that “Delaware, the first to adopt, will be the last to abandon the Constitution,” is still inviolate. The wrongsand oppressions which many of her people have en dured from tbe mailed bands of Federal officers and soldiers, ii cannot be expected will be re dressed through tbe power of so small a State as Delaware. But it is hoped that the sternness with which these innovations of the Constitution have been opposed, will be beneficial to future generations, and as an example tor our sons, val ued above all price. The day, however, may yet come when those who have set the laws of the State at defiance, and imprisoned without a hearing, and without cause, a large number ot our people, will view tbeir course as a precedent for the greatest evils and worse tyranny. Then it may be those who have suffered will find re dress. Until then they must remain content with the consolation ot innocence, and the sympathy cf thousands of friends who felt deeply the wrongs that were imposed. The Robbery at Duvall’s Bluff.—A dis patch dated Washington the 18th says : Dis patches were received here a few days ago, announcing that Deputy Collector of Internal Revenue Brown had been assaulted at Duvall’s Bluff, Arkansas, and robbed of $15,000 belong- ; ng to the Government. An investigation proved that the party had purloined the money for his own purposes. This morning the Commis sioner was apprised by telegraph of the arrest of Brown and accomplice and their confinement in jail ia Arkansas. The stolen funds were all recovered. A Yankee Portrait of Daniel Webster. A late number of tlie North American Review contains an article ou Daniel Webster, from the pen of Mr. Parton, the biographer of Aaron Burr, a portion of which we copy below’. It will be seen the Reriewer is not very complimen tary to tlie “ groat expounder,” and that, with characteristic prejudice and littleness, makes an effort to blacken the memory of the man whose mind and genius form the brightest redeeming feature in the history of New England : . Webster’s leading trait, Mr. Parton asserts, was his enormous physical magnetism. His presence overwhelmed criticism. Ills intimacy fascinated it. Fidgety men were quieted by liis majestic calm. Women were spell-bound by it. It gave tbe public a sense of repose. When he passed up or down State street, with an arm be- hind’liis back, business was brought to a stand still. Webster was-never a student. He absorbed knowledge, but did not work for it. In Latin, he was excelled by some ot bis own class. Greek, he never enjoyed. For mathematics, lie had not the slightest taste. At college, lie was only an omnivorous reader. He barely passed muster in the recitation room as a student. Ilis whole col lege life shows that lie was formed to use tbe product of other men’s toil, uot to add to the common fnnd. At the same time, he was an innocent young man. His wild oats were not sown in the days of his youth, lie was always under the influence of others. Nature made him not to lead, but to follow. In the early flush and vigor of his life, he gave a thousand evi dences.of a good heart and of virtuous habits, but not one of a superior understanding. The total absence of the skeptical spirit betrayed bis want of boldness and originality. In a period of transition, no young man of a truly eminent intellect accepts bis father’s creeds without first calling them in question. But no new light ever illumined* the mind of Daniel Webster.— As soon as lie came of age, he joined the Con gregational Church. The candor of his judg ment was impaired by religious prejudice.— In this respect, he never lost liis narrowness and ignorance. In the time of liis celebrity he preferred the Episcopal, as the most genteel re ligion. His political prejudices wen* equally strong He was of slow growth. His powers did not reach their full development till he was nearly fifty years of age. He had no practical wisdom. Front the year 1832 to the end of liis life, lie was suffering tlic process of moral and mental deterioration. His material part gained upon his spiritual. He had an enormous capaci ty lor physical enjoyment, aud lie became a great hunter, fisherman, aud farmer, a lover of good wine and good dinners, and a most jovial com panion. But his mind was fed chiefly upon past acquisitions. There is nothing in his later efforts which shows any intellectual advance.— He never browsed in forests before untrodden, or fed in pastures new for tlie last ten years of bis life, though be spent many thousand dollars on his library, he had almost ceased to be au intel lectual being. His pecuniary habits demoralized him. “He was uot one of those who find in the happiness and prosperity of their country, and in the esteem of their fellow-citizens, their own sufficient and abundant reward for serving her. He pined for something lower, smaller—some thing personal aud vulgar. He had no religion —not the least tincture of it; and he seemed at last, in his dealings with individuals, to have no conscience. 'What he called his religion hail no effect whatever upon the conduct of his life;’ it made him go to church, ialk piously, puff tlic clergy, and “patronize Providence—no more.”— He was one of those who fell before the seduc tions pf his place. “He would accept retainiug fees, and never look into the bundles of papers which accompanied them, in whicn were inclos ed the hopes and the fortune ol anxious house holds. He would receive gifts ol money, and tos3 into liis waste paper basket the list ol tlie givers, without having glanced at its contents thus defrauding them of the only recompense in liis power to grant, and the only one they wished.” In surveying the life and works of this emi nent and gifted man, we are continually struck with the evidences of his magnitude. He was, as we have said, a very large man. Ills brain was within a little of being one-third larger than the average, and it was one of the largest three on record. His bodily frame, in all its parts, was on a majestic scale, and liis presence was im mense. He liked large things—mountains, elms, great oaks, mighty bulls and oxen, wide fields, the ocean, the Union, and all things of magni tude. He liked great Rome far better than re fined Greece, and reveled in tlie immense things of literature, such as Paradise Lost and the Book of Job, Burke, Dr. Johnson, and the Sixth Book of zEneid. Homer lie never cared much for— uor, indeed, anything Greek. He hated, he loathed the act of writing. Billiards, ten pius, chess, draughts, whist, lie never relished, though fond to excess of out-door pleasures, like hunt ing, fishing, yachting. He liked to be alone with great Nature—alone in the giant woods or ou the shores of the surrounding sea—alone all day with his gun, his dog, and his thoughts—alone in the morning before any one was astir but him self, looking out upon the glorious sunrise. What a delicious picture of this large, healthy son of earth, Mr.Lanman gives us,where he describes bis coming into his bedroom at sunrise, and starting him out of a deep sleep by shouting, “Awake, sluggard! and look upon tills glorious scene, for the sky and tlic ocean are enveloped in flames 1" He was akin to all large, slow tilings in nature. A beril of fine cattle gave him a keen, an inex haustible enjoyment; but he never “tasted”.a horse; he had no itorse enthusiam. In England he chiefly enjoyed these five things, the Tower of London, Westminster Abbey, Smithfield, Cattle Market, English farming, and Sir Robert Peel.— Sir Robert Peel he thought was “head and shoul ders above any other man,” he had ever met. He greatly excelled, too, in describing things. In speaking of the Pyramids, once he asked, “Who can inform us by what now unknown ma chines mass was aggregated to mass, and quarry piled on quarry, till solid granite seemed to cover the earth and reach the skies?” His peculiar love of the Union ot these States was partly due, perhaps, to this habit of his mind of dwelling with complacency on vastness. He felt that be wanted and required a continent to live in ; his mind would have gasped for breath in New Hampshire. Terrible Jfragedy iu Kentucky. The Louisville Ccatvior- ot tLoOJot ooutuino llio following account of a terrible tragedy that oc curred in Marion county, Kentucky, a few days previous: The little town of Lynchburg, on the Lexing ton and Nashville turnpike, in Marion county, was the theater of a bloody tragedy on last Fri day niglit, in which a most estimable young man lost his life and another mortally wounded, and in all probability dead ere this. Lynchburg is the home of a notorious desperado, by the name of Wm. Brown, who has recently been arrested for various offenses, but has always managed to be released on bail. Some weeks ago he com mitted a daring robbery in the vicinity of Brom- field Station, on tbe extension of the Lebanon Branch Railroad, and the crime having been fastened upon him, and learning that the officers of the law were on his track, he went to his home in Lynchburg, about three weeks ago, and barricaded his lioo3e and defied the officers to arrest him. On Friday, James Murphy, a con stable, summoned a young man named Sarnuei Bromfield, a son of James Bromfield, who re sides near tlie station to assist him to arrest Brown. The two proceeded to Lynchburg, and as they were approaching Brown’s house, were fired upon with a rifle trom the house. One shot passed through young Bromfield’s breast, killing him instantly; another shot took effect in tlie breast of Murphy, inflicting a mortal wound. At the time our informant left Murphy was sinking rapidly. No further attempt has been made to arrest Brown, and he still held possession of the house which was strongly barri caded. The affair created considerable excite ment and our informant was of the opinion that a desperate attempt would be made to captuie Brown. ^ Cotton vs. White People.—“White people cannot raise cottoD, especially on alluvial land I” Nevertheless, the Baton Rouge Advocate, of the 16th. says : _ . A friend in this parish, not being able to pro cure Irffedmen last spring, set to work with his own boys and one white man, and tbe result was a crop ot thirty bales of cotton. •We would like to know where negro' labor has done better. And we know hundreds, if not A Labor of Love.—The Raleigh Standard is i thousands of white men who have labored half reproducing extracts from Confederate papers | tl.eir lives in the swamps at farm or other labor, 1 = . , i. • : • it. 1 li-ive .mlv ceased tiecause thev sot too rich, published before the close ot tbe war. Its object of course Ls to do away with the prejudices and enmities engendered by the conflict, and re-estab lish the “era of good feeliDg.” a ad have only ceased because they got too rich, to wish to work. Sickly men, perhaps, cannot, especially such as have laziness in their bones.— For the fatter class we would prescribe an impar tial tread-mill.

Georgia Historic Newspapers

Weekly Atlanta intelligencer. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1865-18??, January 30, 1867, Image 1