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j§ f. 6 nr» 1 ! t '^vV •ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”—Jefferson. VOLUME XIX. ATLANTA, G A., WEDNESDAY, MARCH 27, ist>7. NUMBER 13. Ulrrkli) Jutflliflfuffr. ATLANTA, GEORGIA, Wednesday, March 27, 1866. Tbe Mew*papcr. The following appeared as a leading editorial article in the Savannah Ilf publican of the 8th instant. The picture which the article itself draws of the “ X&tJtpajier" and what is univer sally demanded by an unreasonable public of the “ Editor,” is admirable; but an interest other wise is attached to it in the fact that it appears Our Financial Situation—A !tle«kBge from the Premdeut Wanted. The New York Herald of the loth inst., uuder | the above heading, contains a lengthy leader, in which it represents the “ financial situation ” as alarming, and requiring the special care and at- I tentiou of the President, from whom it invokes ' a special message to Congress on that important theme. The question of the national finances j it says, “is looming up already above other ques- j tions, and in a short time it must become the 1 paramount and absorbing one.” Whatever may , j he the vagaries, or the unreliability of the Herald in political matterg, it must be admitted that its ■ Editor-In-Chief is skilled in finance and keeps to have been written by one of the unfortunate I weU posted in regard to lhe “situation” in that j fraternity of Editors, from his Editorial Room j reS p CC t | though he may^be delinquent or deccp- ; tive in all others. It is evident that he now ; sees a financial storm brewing, and lie does not From the New York Time.-. The Future Relations outlie White and The Southwestern Relief Commission,! How to Rcneli the Supreme Court. A flairs In Georgia. colored Waves In the Southern Slates. Louisville, Kentucky. The New York Sunday NeiCS thinks there is a Macon, Ga., Monday, March 11, 1867. ! Special attention is directed 4o the article fol- | As a matter ot interest, that our people may , constitutional wav of reaching the Military Rule With the exception of Mr. Joseph E. Brown, lowing, copied from the ChMlsston Mercury.— see what their friends in portions ol Kentucky ! bill, and points it out thus through the agenev of ke j The views and suggestions selfforth will not fail ; are doing for the indigent poor ot establishment of military la-.-, in the Southern States, have not, in one imporj-ntrespeet, chang ed the relative conditions of, i«it white and color in “ Chatham County Jail,” for the too free use, it was charged, of more than “ two prepositions and a conjunction,” to-vrit, of libelous words. The reader, therefore, in his sympathy with one so unpleasantly circumstanced, will not be sur prised at his respectfully suggesting “ the pro priety ot some grand jury presenting the English language at once, and thus, while vindicating ■ tlie virtue and integrity’ of all men, render this free Republic a healthy, virtuous asylum for the deaf and dumb ot all nations.” Badinage aside, the article is well written, correctly and forcibly presenting what is moat unreasonably demanded ot that important institution known as the “ Newspaper,” and of its Editors, in this great “ American Republic.” Says the Republican : hesitate, in the article to which we refer, with , his usual arrogance, to advise President Johnson what he ought to do. In doing so he says: “It \ we mistake not the political agitation arising j | out ot slavery, the negro, and the war, lias near- j I ]y run its course. At all events, Mr. Johnson i [ can make nothing out of that. It has passed { j beyond him. All lie has to do in this matter is | ! to faithfully execute the laws which have been | I passed in a constitutional manner, however much j he may diller with those who made them. But i on the new and great question ot our financial j affairs, upon which parties will be formed here- | : after, it is both his duty and policy to lay down “ A public iiterary urn ol a thousand brains is j p^tform of sound principles and to point out he orack-s have hitherto observed a sphyux-like \ silence on the great question now presented to the people for immediate solution, and, therefore, the Wait-and-see-ites seem still to be the most numerous of the three divisions of popular sen timent to which 1 alluded in my last from tins place. Governor Jenkins hits gone to Washing- j ton within the last few days, and a« it is said by | P fl races, for, whether the blarks be slave or free, those who profess to know that the object of his they must lie dependent on, -.nd influenced by, journey is to see “what is best to be done,” it is t| ie superior intelligence ot tqe whites amongst probable that nothing will he done until lie re- ! whom they work and live. Apprehensions have turns and announces the result of his observa- been eutertained by many incl of prudence and tions. In the meantime, however, efforts are | sagac-itv that a conflict tor supremacy between m l ie here and there to bring the people together | tlie whites and the blacks xvus imminent ; bin to consult and take action favorable to the vol- j sober consideration and qoict^reflection would untarv adoption of the course prescribed by the seem to point to but one conclusion—that the .Sherman bill; but the efforts are feeble,and only I two races have many interests-in common, and trail to demonstrate that lhe people have not j that, while the Southern negro cannot prosper yet made up their minds, partly trorn a npt tin- without the aid of Southerners, those who were natural unwillingness to precipitate what they j formerly slaveholders will find their return to it grand thing; beautiful in its hall-hidden mem ories—potential in its resurrected spirits. It is, however, of the past withal—a history, not an action—an echo in the corridors of time, not a living voice. But that ubiquitous thing that may be seen now in the by-way, caring tenderly for age and poverty, then scaling the garrets of crowded cities, and thrusting hopeful words into the heart of unrequited merit, anon throttling an Agamemnon for some damned feudal deed, and again like the column of fire in the Jewish camp, guiding the public to grander and onward j •realms of thought. Tuf. Newspaper—is the | eloquence of Now and Here—the great practical ) fact of to-day—the Philosophy of to-morrow, j It will he the Slate seal ot our time, and ages to j come will mark our century with its name.— j What the orator was to the nations of antiquity j swaying their destinies, firing their passions and \ moderating their range, stimulating to action or : restraining from rashness—guiding present gen erations along the dark, untrodden path of the future by footprints on the sands of time—that is the Xeirspa/irr to modern Europe and America. “ It is one of those rare things that project and accomplish by its o\\ n volition. That daily breath, that beggarly slip, purchased for a five- p*nce is kindlier in its might than the old solemn, sealed de6re.es of council that proved the bound- tile way of safety for the country.” The Presi dent is doubtless thankful to Mr. Bennett tor his advice; more so perhaps than he has ever been before, for all who know the proprietor of lhe Herald are aware, as we said before, that he is skilled in financial matters and doubtless dreads the storm which he sees is rapidly approaching! Commending Pbf.sident Johnson for his “strong common sense and honest purpose,” Mr. Bennett urges upon him “ earnest applica tion” that he “mat-*master the subject," and then recommends him to “lay before the people and Congress such a comprehensive and states manlike message as will arouse public attention, inspire confidence, and lead to a solution of tbe difficulties that surround us.” This is what, says the Herald, “ the country wants just now I and the opportunity is a splendid one for Mr. Johnson.” Well said, Mr. Bennett! So far so j good. But. let us see if there he not “ a cat in the nieai tub” somewhere; in other words, let j us see if llie Herald lias not “some axe to ! grind,” while he is urgiug the President to^sucli j prompt and patriotic action ! i Says I lie Herald: “ One of (lie most urgent measures in the way ot economy, as well as for the general interests of the industrious classes, would be the repeal of the National Bank act. | The national banks are draw ing twenty millions seas. “Take the Tribune, or Herald, the London Time*, the Parisian La Presse, the Belgium La Hard, and you have the lever for which Archi medes prayed. Since the days of the Church there is no miracle to compare with the press.— It is a wonder which association has stripped of its awe—a common place fertile iu prodigies.” “ Men live uo longer by bread alone, nor even with Faith therewith, but upon Bread, Faith and the Mousing Paper. But the lives of the men who turiiish this monster with food are neither pleasant nor painless." “Homer mav nod, but no editor is permitted 1 lint Homeric franchise. Beeelier may he bald and llal in to-day’s sermon ; and the glitter of last Sunday’s paradox gilds the barrenness. But no such tempering ot mercy to the editor. The dash of yesterday’s columns will not excuse the slips of this morning’s leader. Bulwer may is sue a later story inferior to ‘ My Novel,’ but the Cast on’s and Kienzi shall plead extenuation and further reverence. But there is no allowance for an editor who, in some luxurious weakness ot the flesh, a toddy or siesta, permits his pen to glide into a reputable decrepitude or an intem perate expression.” “ Even an unpleasant truth too bluntly chfon- iclcd, may cost him his liberty, eveu as too much candor to a congregation may cost a clergyman his salary—if n<’t his salvation. If, as Horne Touke sax'. he was ‘made the victim in a court oi law: ol two prepositions and n conjuclion,’ wlia’can be expected by the luckless devil, who leasts upmi the freedom of an entire sentence! n tairlv bewilders us to think how mauv indict ments there must be in a pocket dictionary. We respectfully suggest the propriety ot some grand jury presenting the English Language at once, and thus, while vindicating ‘the virtue and in tegrity’ of all men, render this tree Republic a healthy, virtuous asylum for the deaf and dumb of all Nations. Verily, the Press, like all other great powers, insists upon sacrificing iis slaves.” Tlic Operatlou of the Bill. The New York Times, alluding to the orders issued by General Schofield, commander of the First Military District, a copy of which appeared in our columns yesterday morning, says: “ The key-note to lhe execution of the law is already struck by General Schofield in Virginia. Iu as suming command ot the First District, with headquarters at Richmond, that officer notifies all civil authorities under the provisional State gov ernment to continue in their duties till he may otherw ise order. In iiiis way he wisely avoids that peril of anarchy which was feared by some statesmen as the inevitable issue ot the bill. lie proposes to exercise military power “ only so tar as necessary to accomplish the objects for which it \x is conferred.” Other commanders will take j the same ground—save, perhaps, in exceptional quarters like Texas, or at some unusual epoch like that ot a turbulent election. In this way the denied revolution in the feeling of Southern s «-irtx" x\ ill be accomplished, ami none the less < fiectuallv for being smooth and noiseless." . Imporlnnt Commercial Decision. A decision very important to Northern credi tors ot Southern debtors, has just been rendered hx Judge Duval, of the Western District of Texas. Northern creditors, in many Instances, fiml their Southern debtors willing to pay the principal of debts due before the war, but un willing to pay the interest accruing during the point at issue was, that all commer- iurse bet xven the belligerents was sus- xvar, aud the payment of ents in one belligerent sec- tlier xvas prohibited, principal being prohibited, ate the interest during the Duval decided that au un- the part of certain States of irii v ot the people compris- >f their constitutional olx- ; a separate and independent tgh it resulted in war. did not ot affairs analogus to those .veen txvo distinct nations. If prevent the collection of the lebts due to people of the ites residing in what are known a? s. then he xxas at a loss to know why iuunvsi should not be allowed. His opinion is, that the war lately existing between the two sections of the United Stales did not slop the running of interest on contracts su!*sisUng be tween ibe people ol these sections prior to the war. aries of nations and stayed fleets upon the high a ycar lroin the profitfl of Uicir circulation, all ot which the government could save and apply to t he liquidation of the debt. To accomplish this, it is only necessary to withdraw the national bank currency, and in place of that, issue legal tenders. Three hundred millions of the interest bearing bonds deposited by the banks for their circulation, could be bought up by these legal tenders and canceled. Instead of the banks re ceiving the profits on a circulating medium to which they have no right, the government and people would receive them. That is all the difference. We should, at the same time, have a better and a uniform currency. We call upon the President, therefore, to take up this impor tant matter, also, in the message we recommend him to issue.” There it is—the “cat in the meal tub!” the “ axe to grind! ” It is‘lie National Banks Me: Bennett is alter, and the “ National Bank Act" Mr. Bennett would have repealed. He wants to have a better currency than iVv give, and a more uniform one. Well, xv«-*liink the currency, as a paper one, the yffT’which, uuder the present condition of tac country, we could have, and as a unifo-iA circulating medium, even in prosper ous times, we can imagine no better. But the '‘National Banks” must beware of the Herald It. is evidently preparing for a grand onslaught upon them, and for a thorough up-setting of the whole system. A Picture Well and Trntlifully Drawn. The Washington City National Intelligencer says : “ Mr. Sumner never will get over the nerv ousness of a puritanical training. The high re sponsibilities ot a long public career in an un surpassed national convulsion ought to have libe ralized him. But he is the same Charles Sum ner that lie xvas iourteen years ago, more arro gant, perhaps, but with no more faith in ideas, save xvhen backed by coercive legislation. His professions ought to commit him to the largest toleration. But lie is constitutionally incapable of seeing aught but one side, and his education, scholarly as it is, has only confirmed the taint. As, formerly, a slaveholder was, in his eye, the embodiment of all that is vile, so now a “rebel ” is the incarnation of all that is untrustworthy.— He would ignore the Constitution and usurp legislative powers, in order to stamp liis own vagaries upon the future Commonwealths of the South. A loudly-vaunting Republican, his only idea ol libefty for others is that they shall think as “ I” think. A leveler in theory, lie is a dicta torial leader in the council. A red Republican believe will be their ruin, partly from a lingerin' hope that the courts will relieve them, and partly from despair that anything they can say or do will improve their condition. Iu all the confu sion of thought and diversity ot sentiment which the situation produces, on one subject there is an overwhelming preponderance of opinion, namely, that whatever course the State may pursue, all must quietly and scrupulously ohej- the new form of government, submit to all its regulations, bear patiently all its hardships, and endeavor by peace ful endurance to lighten the weight ol the burden Among the many evils to which, it is predict ed, the military despotism will give rise, that xvhicli seems to be the most dreaded is the de moralizing influence which the newly conferred political poxver will have upon the negroes, first in the destruction of all profitable labor, and then in the antagonism, bad feeling and strife which the attempted operation of social equality on the one hand, and its resolute denial aud resistance on the other, will almost inevitably create. Were the negroes more enlightened, more accustomed to the exercise and responsibilities of freedom, and better trained to the duties of their condi tion; and were the whites more free from the in fluence of the habits, prejudices and social opin ions in which they have been born and brought up, there would be less ground for this apprehen sion, and less reason to fear industrial or social disturbance. But to one who lives in this coun try, who knows the almost helpless ignorance, childish w eakness and reckless improvidence of the negro, and his utter unfitness for the discharge ot the simplest duties of citizenship, it does not appear to be unreasonable to fear that he will use political power unwisely, aud that its possession and exercise will unfit him tor the pursuit of that honest, continuous industry by which aloDe be can earn a livelihood and become a really useful member of society. When he feels that he is called to quit the plow to goto the meetings and exercise a right which is denied to his employer, he is not likely to return to the plow as content ed as xvhen he left it, or as docile in liis recognition of liis social inferiority to his employer, on which the employer will insist more jealously than when the lines of demarcation were more clearly drawn. But if the negro’s instinct and the white man’s sensitiveness do not produce this jealousy and social disturbance, tbe influence of had and de signing men, who for their own selfish purposes xvill seek to control the negro vote, will certainly produce them. Already in Augusta, where a municipal election is about to take place, unscru pulous agitators are working actively to array the blacks against the whites, to make the for mer believe that the latter are their deadly ene mies, and that there is no safety for them but in using the power which Congress lias given them to acquire control of the affairs of the State. A meeting of colored people has been held there, at xvhicli a Radical laxvyer xvas present and made a most inflammatory harangue, the tendency of which xvas to create a bitter antagonism between the txvo races. Here is the justification of llie fear which fills every mind that the voting negro xvill become a tool in tbe hands of bad men and a dangerous politician, a disobedient aud unpro fitable laborer, aud animated by ignorant instinct and xvicked counsel xvill endeavor violently to break down those social barriers which separate him from what lias hitherto been considered the superior race. When it is remembered that the voting negro population is fulfy equal in numbers to the whites who are now permitted to vole in Georgia, ttie apprehensions which are expressed cannot be set down as croaking, nor can those xvho are not immediately affected b}’ it look on the working of the experiment without anxiety as to the result. The Freedmen’s Bureau can by a wise firm and enlightened use ot its power to a great ex tent allay those fears by tbe impartial enforce ment of labor contracts, the suppression and punishment of agrarian tendencies, the protec tion of the white man against the negro, as xvell as the negro against the white man, and by persistent efforts to encourage and foster good feeling and good will between the races. Hitherto the bureau, as represented bv many of its agents, lias pursued an opposite policy, and lias seemed to take it for granted, in every case brought to its attention, that the negro must be right and the xvhite man must be wrong. If it can administer its duties impartially, With a view to social aud industrial conservatism, and ignor ing parties and politics, it can do vast good ; but if it cannot, aud if it assumes every white man to be a rebel and a malefactor, and every negro to be a “ suffering lox’alist,” it will do incalcula ble evil. The President’s veto message on the Military bill, now that it has been read in full, lias given enthusiasm to the gratitude xvhicli the people have long lelt toward him lor his steady efforts to shield them from the fate which has befallen them. It is regarded by those who read and re flect and know, as one ot tbe ablest expositions ot constitutional law, and of the rights and du ties ot democratic government xvhicli has ever J^?en made ; xvhile those who only see in it an earnest effort to protect their liberties, and an unflinching adherence to what the President believes to be his duty, loudly applaud their defender, even though the defense was vain, and express the warmest gratitude to their advocate, ex-en though the verdict has been advetse. No body entertains the least doubt that the Presi dent xvill faithfully execute the law, however much he may disapprove it, and the universal desire Dot to embarrass him in the execution ot iiis duty, gives strength to tiie determination to in teaching, he is a most thorough-paced sristo- - vie ] d tlie , most implicit obedience to the rules . ^ t \ and regulations winch will supersede the ludsr- crat in practice. An eloquent oratorical protest- j mcuts courts and the mandates of the statute ant against the lolly and horrors of war, he gives j book, utterance to a vindictiveness and proscription in peace utterly unbecoming a warrior, much less a non-resistant.” The picture is xvell and truthfully drawn. We have not a word to add to this correct portrai uire of one whose “puritanical training” has made him xvliat he is. General Pope. General Pope, since liis campaigns in Virginia, lias been on duty among the Indians. A co- temporary thinks this in his favor, as he xvili cotne among us with a mind comparatively tree from party*or sectional prejudices and malice. General Pope was born in Illinois about 1822, but appointed a cadet from Kentucky ; graduated The Selma Seeling. The telegraph announced a lexv days ago the j holding of a large and enthusiastic meeting at j Selina, Alabama, at which resolutions were i passed “ recognizing the right of Congress to prescribe terms tor the rea-dmission ot the sece- ’ ded Slates, and urging a prompt acceptance of . the terms offered.” The following,from the Selma i M onger, explains: The meeting xvas called by a single person, acting for himself, and in his own interest alone, j and xvas composed mainly of the recently en- | franchised freedmeu of this vicinity. It was attended by Colonel White. Judge Conolev, and j many others, gentlemen ot ability, ot integrity, I of courage, and ot character, and utterly incapa- : hie of being influenced bv any selfish or unworthy war. The dal interc. pended >1 debts due lion to re The payui the effect pr.xhibiti.il successful this Union at West Point in the corps of Topographical _ . _ . , . , ... , . . . “ , considerations, xvhose object was sole!v to pre- Ltigmccrs; breveted First Lieutenant ami Car- vent if demagogues from establishing tain lor gallant conduct at Monterey and Buena > aa influence over tbe new voters of this section Vista; Captain in 1859; Colonel in June. 1861; , which would be used to the injury ot the entire Brigadier General ot volunteers Jiiix-, 1861: com- : community. ring the rum resident ideals in tli Jml r -rt I >r a i; tug then., to get ligations aud erec government, allLo; crea’.e a condition existing iu war bet the xva* does not principal of the United Stales re>: loyal S; ite>. then i r.d tnanded in Mi ssouri in February, 1862 ; captured Nexv Madrid and aided in the capture of Island 10 ; commanded the advance at Corinth ; placed in command in Virginia; and conducted the campaign against the Indians. The Montgomery Mail says: General Pope has always borne the reputation of a clever gen- tlcman of conservative views, and we believe that liis appointment to tlie military commando! this District xvill be a source of great relief to the people. Tbe resolutions were not adopted as stated by the. dispatch, but a substitute was agreed upon, which declares that “ we accept the situation, and request the proper authorities to call a con vention of the people of the State to take action under the Military bill.” fortune impeded if, by any act of their oxvn or of others, they are deprived of the labor which the planters and farmers of the Senth require. At the time when the xvholu slave population of the South xvas suddenly erffaaeipated, and re lieved Irom the wise restrictions' xvhicli hail for merly held them in subjection* their passions had been aroused, their fancies had been excited, and they had been assured that “freedom” would, in itself, give them everything laiat is required to constitute perfect animal happiness. Disappoint ment came upon them when they found that freedom only meant that they xvere at liberty to work for and support themselves, and to receive the xvages of their own labor; and thousands for a time vegetated in idleness, or existed by pilfering and plunder. Still there was little riot and no great disorder, and the Southern negroes, although they may have refused to work, con ducted themselves, with some exceptions, in a peaceable manner. There was uo attempt at revolt or insurrection; and the world cannot shoxv another iustance in xvhicli four millions of people of an inferior race have been released from control, with so little disturbance of public order or derangement of public tranquility. The free colored men still refkined some leaven of their old condition, and they had sense enough to feel that any conflict between them and the xvhites must infallibly end in their own extinction as a people, The tree negro has learned already that he must work to live ; and he is beginning to thoroughly understand that he can better rely upon the counsel and aid of his former masters than upon those of strangers to him, aliens in birth, habit and thought. The colored people in the South have now every freedom that they cat. desire. They are protected by the laxvs, they can follow any trade lor which they are qualified; and there is for the most part a good feeling towards them. They know also that, if they are industrious, they can save money, while, also, they support their families. Any anarchy, or antagonism of races in the South would destroy the colored people. They require the white capital to establish, the intelligence to plan, and , tlie will to direct. They cannot stand alone, and, deprived of the support of the xvhites, they must either starve or relapse into a c ondition or barbarism. Many of tlie negroes bare since the close of the xvar saved considerable sums of money; others have established themselves in business. The savings of the one and the business of the other depend absolutely and entirely upon the continued peace and tranquility of the section in which they live. Trouble and political agi tation which should cause the ruin of the plant er, would deprive the negro of his employment, and. compel him to spend : his savings for the absolute necessaries of life. Trouble and politi cal agitation, which should drive trade away from our cities and cause the merchants and storekeepers to close their doors, would destroy the occupations by which the city negroes were gaining their livelihood. The Southern people require the negroes, because negro labor is that to which they are accustomed, aud because that labor can be used with advantage where white labor cannot be profitably employed. Thus, the whites and the blacks are, to a certain degree, dependent upon each other; but not iu the same degree, because, while the white can live with out the black, experience has shown that the black cannot make any progress unless be can command the experience or example of tbe xvhite to direct him in all his undertakings. Let our people bear these things carefully and constantly in mind. They must remember that every reasonable allowance must be made for the colored people. They are but children, and it is idle to expect from them the wisdom anil caution of the mau of age. That our people xvill tor the most part be just, temperate and considerate in all their dealings with the colored people, the expe rience of the past txvo years has proved; and, if the colored people require to he taught or advised, it is tar better that these things he done by oui> own people than by others xvho have different purposes to serve. The Southerners demand aud require perlecl tranquility, and the negroes must be taught that this tranquility is just as essential to them and their security. Northern men who have settled in the South will lend their support to those xvho are resolved to retain peace; and, if any attempt be made to control the negroes for party or revo lutionary purposes, every white man in the South must try to convince, as he may and can, tlie ne groes with whom lie is brought into contact that ruin to them, and nothing less, would most infal libly by sueli proceeding be caus d. While the negroes were slaves they xvere care fully watched and their every necessity provided lor. Our duties have not ceased now that our former slaves are free, and we owe it as a duty to ourselves that, while any effort of ours can avert it, the colored peopleshall not be allowed through ignorance to imperil us, and at tlie same time de stroy themselves. Specie Payments. The New York Tribune is for resuming specie payments at once. It admits that the proceed ing would not be free Irom inconvenience—but says the editor: Let us imagine the very worst that could come to pass—that everybody should take to sueiug and harassing ex'erybodj’—that all values should shrink and shrivel—that traffic should be para lyzed—that those xvho luffd national bank notes should first run the banks tor greenbacks, and then run the Treasury for gold— intact, suppose even* one to act as insanely as possible—what then? Who does not know that, in such a state ot collapse, our imports would be nearly sus pended, while our exports would be largely swelled, so that specie woul 1 soon be pouring in upon us from Europe in paxunent tor our cotton, tobacco, cheese, butter, iard, Ac. And how could we be forced again into suspension, with gold and silver flowing in upon us from Europe on the one hand, and from our oxvn mining re gion on the oilier ? At the very worst, we could but pay out our last and stop. What then? Would the premi um on gold shoot up into the thirties? No; because there would be no real demand for gold. Europe could not draw it Irom es; our oxvn market would be deluged with the $107,000,000 drawn from our Treasury, added to that daily pouring in from our mines and from Europe; the very men who drew the gold out of our poor ol the South, xve to arrest serious consideration, as being exceed- 1 copy below a list of provisions aud articles fur- ingly s.-nsible and well-timed! nished by the Southwestern Relief Commission, The close of tlie xvar, emancipation and the of Louisville, Kentucky, to March 1,1867 : Seven barrels cured mutton to Governor Pat ton, Montgomery, Alabama. Seven barrels cured mutton to Mayor Williams, of Atlanta, Georgia. One car load shelled corn to Judges of Inferior Court of Cobb county, Georgia; shipped to Ma rietta, Georgia. One car load xvhite shelled corn to Cartersville, Georgia, for the Judges of the Inferior Court of Cass county. One car load white shelled corn to Rome, Georgia, for the Judges of the Inferior Court of Floyd county. One tierce meat, 50 sacks shelled corn, 1 bar rel bacon, 3 barrels kraut, 1 barrel beans, and 1 box clothing, to the Mayor ot Chattanooga, Tennessee. One hundred sacks white shelled com to Cal houn, Georgia, for the Judges of the Inferior Court of Gordon county. Five barrels flour, 1 large box new tinware, 50 sacks shelled corn, 1 barrel mess pork, and 1 box containing tea, garden seed, 12 pairs shoes, 12 pairs socks, 12 blankets, flannel, jeans, sundries, &c., to the Mayor oi Columbus, Georgia. Two boxes meat, 50 bags corn, and box con taining coats, socks, shoes, garden seed, tea, Ac., for the Mayor of Decatur, Alabama. Two barrels kraut, 1 box meal, and box con taining linsey, yarn, socks, muslin, clothing, tea garden seed, sundries, &c., &c., to the Mayor of Milledgeville, Ga. One tierce hams, and box con taining'20 dresses for females, 10 pairs pants, 12 vests, shoes, cloth ing, socks, tea, garden seed, sundries, &c., &c., to the Mayor of LaGrange, Georgia. Fifty sacks shelled corn, 1 barrel bams and 1 barrel mess beef, to the Mayor of Huntsville, Alabama. Four barrels flour, 1 barrel sugar, 1 barrel vine gar, 1 box canned truit, and box sundries. Ten nessee Orphan Assylum at Clarksville, Tennes see. One car load shelled corn, and box containing 8 dozen hose, coats, pants, dresses, tea, garden seed, &c., &c., to Madison, Georgia, for the Judges of the Inferior Court of Morgan county, One hundred and twenty-five sacks shelled corn for the Judges of the Probate Court of Tal ladega county, Alabama. One car load shelled com to Washington, Georgia, for the Judges of the Inferior Court of Wilkes county. Seven barrels cured m*at, 8 barrels potatoes, and 100 sacks shelled com, to the Mayor of Co lumbus, Georgia. Five barrelsjttour, 166 sacks shelled com, and 1 box bacoD, to "Dalton, Georgia, ior the Judges of the Inferior Court of Whitfield county. One hundred and forty sacks shelled com for Mayor of LaGrange, Georgia. One hundred and forty sacks shelled corn for Mayor of Milledgeville, Georgia. One car load shelled corn to Franklin, Georgia, for Judges of Inferior Court ot Heard county. One hundred and txventy-five sacks com, 3 boxes boots and shoes and 1 barrel beef, to Rev. Dr. Ilornady, Atlanta, Georgia. One hundred and eighty-four sacks shelled corn and 1 barrel meat, to Trenton, Georgia, for Judge of Probate Court of DeKalb countyr Ala bama. One hundred and twenty-five sacks corn, 3 barrels flour and 3 barrels meat, to Greensboro’, Georgia, for Judges of Inferior Court of Greene county. One car load com aud 5 barrels meat, to Ring- gold, Georgia, for Judges of Inferior Court of Catoosa couuty. One hundred and sixty-five sacks corn and meat, to Rev. Mr. Ilornady, Atlanta, Georgia. One hundred and twenty-five sacks com, 5 plows and 5 poiuts, (extra,) to Mayor of Macon, Georgia. Three barrels flour, 3 barrels meat, 4 barrels potatoes, 5 ploxvs anti points, and 127 sacks corn, to Jonesboro, Georgia, for Judges Inferior. Court of Fayette county. Fix'e boxes clothing, &c., to Rev. Mr. Homadv, Atlanta, Georgia. One hundred aud fifteen sacks corn, to Cal houn, Georgia, for Judges Inferior Court of Gor don county. One hundred and thirty-six sacks shelled corn and 5 'ploxvs and points, to Palmetto, Georgia, tor Judges Inferior Court of county. One hundred and twenty-five sacks com and 5 plows and points, to Tunnel Hill Georgia, tor Judges Inferior Court of Flox’d county. One car load corn aud 5 plows and points, to Tuscunibia, Alabama, for Judge of Probate of Franklin county, Alabama. One thousand two hundred and seventeen sacks corn, 2 casks meat, 3 boxes clothing, and 5 barrels flour, &c., have been received, drayed aud lbrxvarded tor other charitable organizations. Samuel A. Miller, Gen. Ag’t. Office at Board of Trade Rooms, Main, be- txveen Fourth and Fifth. Hass neetius of Freedmen, The freedmen held a meeting at Savannah on Monday, Some three thousand are reported by the papeis of that city to have been present.— The meeting xvas addressed by several colored and white speakers. As an indication of the progressive features of the times, xve copy the resolutions, as adopted by the meeting, which is said to have been quiet and orderly: Whereas, Tlie Congress of the United States has recently passed an act called the “ Sherman Military Bill,” wherein it is enacted that all male persons above the age of twenty-one years, with out distinction of race or color, who have resided ior one j’ear in the State, except such persons as previous to the war took an oath to support the Constitution and Government ot the United States and subsequently swore allegiance to the so-called Confederate Government, or have been convict ed of felony, shall have tlie right to vote at any election of delegates to State Conventions or city, county, Stale or United States officers, which may he held at any time hereafter; and, Whereas, This act has caused a profound sensa tion throughout the country, and will result in great aud important changes in the political sta- lus of a large portion of the Southern people; therefore, we the people of Savannah in mass meeting assembled to consider the situation of the country, and being fully impressed with our duties and responsibilities at the present crisis; do, Peso lie, That we will accept the situation and do all in our power to aid in the reconstruction ot the country, iu the form and manner prescrib ed by Congress. Resolved, That while loyal men and no others shall receive our support for public offices of trust or profit, we will also endeavor as far as possible to banish fmm the minds and hearts ol the people all prejudices and animosities engen dered by the late unhappy xvar, to the end that peace, harmony and prosperity may again bless every section of our common country. Resolved, That it is the duty of the colored peo ple to receive instruction, advice and assistance from all loy r al persons who are willing to impart the same, but especially those who have proved themselves the true and tried friends of their race. And that we will, believing it to be the Treasury would be glad to put it back and take j of every good citizen, to encourage in every greenbacks in lieu ol it- We should soon have | ble manner any person or persons establish- two specie dollars comiDg into the Treasury for j U g an d conducting schools to educate, elevate every’ one running out. ! a[ld enlignten them, and we pledge to such insti- the Supreme Court: 1. By the writ of quo warranto. 2. By the xviit of prohibition. 3. By tlie xvrit of habeas corpus. 4. By the xvrit of certiorari. I. The common law xvrit of quo irarranto is in the nature ot a writ of right of the sover eign against persons who claim or usurp any office, franchise, liberty or privilege belonging to the sovereign, to inquire by xvliat authority they support their claim, or order that its right may be determined. (Selwyn’s Nisi Prius.) Noxv, as tbe people are the sovereign iu this country,-tlie proceedings under this xvrit can properly be had in the name ot the people ot the United States, by the Attorney General against the President (who, as lhe cliief executive, is required to administer the new laxv) and those acting under his authority by virtue of tlie act of Congress. Proceedings can also be commenced in the name of the people ot any one ot the affected States, by the Attorney General of such State, against any person xvho claims or at tempts to usurp the noxv existing State govern ment. II. The writ of prohibition is issued to forbid or prohibit a court or party, to xvlioin it is di- rected^ from proceedings in a suit or matter de pending before such court, upon (lie suggestion that the cognizance of such suit or matter does not belong to it. The proceeding by prohibition can be taken by^uy person whose right to life, liberty or pro perty, is beiug tried or adjudicated upon by any martial proceedings whatever. (3 Term, 382; 2 Cowper, 427 ; 3 East, 472.) III. By habeas corpus, by tbe poxvers of which aDy person who is restrained of his liberty, un der color ot martial law, can have liis case brought before aud reviexved by tlie Justices ol the Supreme Court. IV. The writ of certiorari xvould compel a military tribunal to give a certified record of any ot its proceedings, in which the life, liberty or propert3 r oF a citizen might be imperiled, to the Supreme Court, in order that the xvhole matter can be reviewed aud passed upon by that court. The proceedings under the txvo first mention cd writs are regulated in tbe United States courts by the common law practice, as it is used in the Court of King’s Bench in England; and the writs are empowered to be issued by the United States judiciary laxv of 1789, xvhicli enacts that “ all the before mentioned courts (in xvhicli is in cluded tbe Supreme Court of the United States,) shall have power to issue xvrits of scire facias, habeas corpus, aud all other writs not specially provided tor by statute, which may be necessary for the exercise of their respective jurisdictions and agreeable to tlie principles and usages ot laws.” (Brightly’s U. S. Dig., 301, aud authori ties therein cited.) The threats of the Radicals that tlie Supreme Court will be “ reconstructed ” in the event ot a decision that is unfavorable to them, should have no terrors to those xvho fill our highest judicial stations, whose imperative duty it is that they should obey their oaths of office, and shall be true to the great charter of our liberties, xvhich is their only guidance. “The Comiiis Han.’’ We are indebted to the New York correspon dent of the Charleston Courier tor the folloxving sketch of the “coming man,” xvho is to play the role ot Cffisar or Napoleon, and trample the Re public under his iron heel, and rear an Empire on its ruins: Congressman Brooks, of this city, in his recent speech in the House on the impeachment ques tion, took occasion to predict that alter the Radi cals shall have reduced our political system to chaos and anarchy, some Caesar or Napoleon will arise and trample the Republic under his iron heel. A very natural curiosity exists as to the identical individual who is to rear an Empire on the ruins of our institutions. Who is the “coming man ?” Of course he must be alive and aspiring at the present moment, and there are numerous placemen, politicians, aud “uncondi tional loyalists” who xvould like to know him, so as to attach themselves in time to the tail of his kite. Of course he must have a combination of all those rare qualities, which insured success to Caesar and the two BoDapartes. It is patent that Grant does not asxver the requirements. He is by no means a great man, though circumstances towards the close of the xvar made him a suc- cesstul soldier. Neither do Sherman, Stanton, Thad. Stevens, or Ben. Wade come up to tbe mark. Sherman is eccentric, and does not pos sess the confidence of his brother officers. Stan ton is a man of mighty power, but thoroughly hated all over the country. The others make up in violence and malignity what they lack in ability. A Western friend of mine imagines he sees the “coming man” in General John A. Lo an, now the leading Radical in the great State of Illinois. Logan has all tlie “points” for a first class American Caesar. He is politic when it suits tbe times; he is violent when fury rules the hour. He is a splendid soldier. He is the most impassioned orator in the Northwest. He has great mental strength, unflagging energy and unbounded ambition. He lias just entered Con gress as tlie Representative at large of the State ot Illinois. Before the war, when Democracy xvas in the ascendant, be was an ardent Democrat, and quite as pro-slax’ery as Dickinson, Butler,or Forney. He jumped in xvitli the tide and led a Union regiment to the xvar. Just now, he is playing the role of Jacobin. He has been mak ing speeches in Connecticut for the Radical ticket, and has been advocating the enfranchisement of negroes (in Tie South only) tlie disfranchisement of whites, the confiscation of “rebel” property, the smashing ot the Supreme Court, the impeach ment of President Johnson, and the immediate hanging ot Jefferson Davis. He is working like a beaver for the Radical nomination for the Pres idency, and lie may lie Mr. Brooks’ future Em peror. Who knows. I beg all politicians and ‘unconditional loyalists” to watcli Jack Logan, aud it possible, get on to tlie tail of Ids kite. He will have Dukes and Counts, and Knights to make, aud who but the faithful xvill be blessed ? We believe the government might salely resume to-morrow—that its reserve ot specie is sufficient—that, even should it prove otherwise, and the Treasury forced to suspend again—there would be no panic, and that the premium on gold would henceforth be nominal ouly. Mule Thieves.—A Mississippi paper states that a fexv days since tlie plantation of Colonel The Cotton Sfinxeks South.—The Rich mond Era miner, regarding manufactures in North Caorlina, says: “The State is wide awake. Fayetteville has alwa3's been a manufacturing town, and before the war there were over a dozen cotton factories there and in that vicinity. At Raleigh a factory is to be built for the manufacture of xvoolen and Breck. about fourteen miles above Canton, was cotton goods ot a fine qualitx - . At Charlotte is j flay last, visited bv a party of nude thieves, and twelve : tbe Rock IslamUIaoufacturing Company, whose - ' . . ; factory turns out the best cloths and cassimeres. nuiics and txvo horses—bis entire equine force j^ipjgh Sentinel has seen samples of these, and declares that they are superior to imported. This mill runs 2,500 spindles, turns out 2,500 yards of cloth a week, consumes 3,000 pounds of wool weekly, or from 120,000 to 160,000 a year. The old North State, too, has various factories scattered here and there throughout her terri tory.” Fatal Accident.—The Opelika Recorder of the 16th sa3’s: On Monday evening last, as Mr. T. Y. Griggs, of this place, an employee of the Montgomery and West Point Railroad, was rid ing on a hand-car, near Loachapoka, he acci dentally fell off, in front of the car, when he was run over and fatallj injured. He was brought to his residence in tins place on the 10 o'clock Ex press train at night, and after suffering most ex- crutiating pain, died on Tuesday evening last.— Several years ago, Mr. Griggs was conductor on the branch road from this place to Columbus.— The Confederate Debt. The National Republican, of 3'esterday, has an editorial to prove that, if tlie Southern States are, according to Stevens’ theory and assertion, conquered provinces,” the United States, as the conqeror, is bound, by the law ot nations, to pay the entire Confederate debt. The Re publican. sa3’s; But it has been suggested that this point lias been guarded by having the late rebels repudiate those Confederate debts. A very little reflec tion, however, will show tiiat repudiation does not remove nor cancel tlie liability, at least, for tiie deb's held in Europe. We must extend our views across the Atlantic for tiie data for resolv ing this point. Take tlie case of Admiral Wal lace and iiis associates, who hoid millions of Confederate bonds, as an example. They are subjects of Great Britain, aud by tlie laws of nations are entitled to call upon their Govern ment to protect and enforce their legal rights as agaiDSt the United States. Suppose the British Government, shall entertain their appeal and demand the payment of those bonds on the ground that they were created by a de facto Government and issued to Britirii subjects, and that the United States merely occupies tlie position of conqueror of that Government, xvliat answer can we make to the demand ? Is it not obvious that xve can make no substantial answer whatever if the Stevens’ theory be sound ? Ue xvas buried with Masonic honors, on \V ednes- • Government of the United States, and pledge tutions our hearty co-operation and support. Resolved, That xve are the friends of laxv and order, and counsel cheerful obedience to consti tuted authority. That we possess in the ballot box a constitutional and effectual remedy for op pression, unjust legislation and corrupt adminis tration, and will guard with the utmost care the sacred rights and inestimable privileges of every American citizen. Resolved, Tnat xve invite labor and capital in all parts of the world to come to our assistance in the great work of developing the immense re- j sources of our State—pledging them a cordial j tions. In view of this startling and alarroin^ welcome, and our hearty co-operation and pro- | condition of affairs, xve hail the passage of tiie lection ; condemning all legislation tending to ; Bankrupt act as a positive blessing, aud regard discourage their introduction. ; it as tbe oni3’ sensible piece of legislation enact- Resol.zed, That our faith in the future prosperi- ; ed b3’ the late Congress. Thousands xvill be tv and stabilitx’ ot this great Republic is unsha- compelled to avail themselves of its provisions, ken, and that we to-day swear anew to support and to commence tlie struggle ot iite anexv. South Carolina.—The Chester Standard, of Thursday, says: More than oue thousand writs and acceptances were served and received in this District during the last week. Ver3* few of our citizens escaped these interesting mementoes ot former transac- xvent a wax-under their care aud guardianship. Pursuit xvas made, and two of the mules found on tlie piaee of Win. Tucker. Tlie plantation of Mr. Atkinson, near Battle Springs, was also visited, and some five or six j of the quadrupeds above mentioned were taken. Stonewall Jackson.—Efforts are being made by the lacuiiy aud alumni of the Virginia Mili tary Institute to erect a memorial chapel to com memorate the services ot Stonewall Jackson, and in memory of Crutchfield, Patton aud others of the alumni, who fell during the recent struggle. Agents are now engaged in various portions of the country soliciting subscriptions for this pur pose. ourselves to maintain the honor of the dear old flag. Conservative CoNVENTlON.—The conserva tive mc-miiers of the Tennessee Legislature have issued a call for a ConveulioD, to be held in the Cit3' of Nashville, on the 16th day of April, j thousand wises were recorded by the Clerk The Greenville Mountaineer sa3*s: Last Saturday was return day fnrtiiis District, and perhaps nevei before has anything like so large a number of writs been returned as now crowd tbe docket for a hearing at this court. It | really seems as if a panic li.-ul seize-1 upon al most even' creditor in the Distiici. Over one ... ..... 1867, to nominate a candidate for Governor, j doubt, however, whether man3' of the debtors We recognize among the .signers, the names of; will suffer from the consequences of this almost some of the best men in the State. (indiscriminate and unreasonable method of suing. Graut and Leo after the Surrender.* Generals Grant, Ord aud Sheridan, with three or four staff officers each, xvent up to the court house, and of our staff there went three, a senior aid, the chief of staff and the adjutant general. Tue town consisted ot about five houses, a tavern and a court house, all on one street, and that was boarded up at one end to keep the cows out. On the right hand as xve went in xvas the principal residence, owned by Mr. McLean, and to his house General Grant was directed to meet Gene ral Lee. At the fence the xvhole party dismount ed, and walking over a. narrow grass plat to the house, noticed General Lee’s horse nibbling there, iu charge of an orderly, who was holding Iiis oxvn as xvell. General Grant entered the house with one or two of liis staff, and the rest of us sat down on the piazza and waited. Mr. McLean xvas out there, too, but so much excited by his appreciation of passing events that he did not know where his pump xvas, or whether he had an3’, or if not, couldn’t tell us whether there was a spring. In a moment Colonel Babcock came out, smiling, whirled his hat around his head once, and beckoned Generals Ord and Sher idan to come in. They walked the floor 9ilentlx r as people do who have the first peep at a bab3\ and alter awhile General Lee came out and sig naled to his orderly to bridle his horse. While this was being done he stood on the lowest step of the piazza (xve had all risen respectfully as he passed down) and looking over into the valley towards his army, smote his hands together seve ral times in an absent sort of way, utterly un conscious of the people about him, and seem ing to see nothing till his horse was led in front of him. As he stood there he appeared to be about sixty years of age, a tall, soldierly figure of a man, with a full giay beard, a new suit of gray clothes, a high, gra3 r felt hat, with a cord, long buck-skin gauntlets, high riding-boots and a beautiful sworu. He was all that our fancy had painted him, and he had the sympathy of us all as he rode away. Just as he gathered up his bridle, General Grant went down the steps, and passing in front of his horse, touched his hat to General Lee, who made a similar salute, and then left the yard and returned to his own lines with his orderly and single stall officer who had ac companied him to the interview, and who was said to have been Colonel Marshall, his chief of staff, a quiet looking man in spectacles, looking more like one of thought than action. General Grant presented something of a contrast to Gen eral Lee, in the way of uniform, not only in col or, but in style and general effect. He had on a sugar loaf hat, almost peculiar to himself, a frock coat, unbuttoned and splashed with mud, a dark vest, dark blue pantaloons, tucked into top boots, muddy also, and no sword. His countenance was not relaxed at all, and not a muscle of his face told tales of his thoughts. If he was very much pleased by the surrender of Lee, nothing iu his air or manner indicated it. The joyful occasion didn’t seem to awaken in him a respon sive echo, and he went aud mounted his horse and rode away silently, to send off a dispatch which should electrify the North, and set all the church bells ringing on this happy Sunday eve ning. * With General Sheridan iu General Lee’s last Cam paign, by a Staff Officer. Florida News. We transfer the following correspondence to our columns, from the Savannah*News and Her ald : ^ Jacksonville, Fla., March 17, 18C7. The force of tbe battle-axe has at last been felt in this toxvn. Yesterday Colonel Sprague arrived here from St. Augustine, and through Colonel Mahoney, of the Freedmen’s Bureau, in formed the citizens that the toxvn was, from this date, virtually under martial law. The Sergeant of the corporation was instructed to inform the Mayor of the fact, and also to state, at the elec tion advertised to take place the first of April for municipal officers, negroes were to be allow ed to vote. Our people are not prepared for this sudden change, but as it is the will of Sherman & Co., against the’wz populi of the Southern States, they bow an humble obedience. It is with regret that I inform your readers of the withdrawal of Dr. Steele from the editorial department of tlie Florida Union. The loss of this polished gentleman and accomplished scho lar will be seriously felt by his world of friends, who so much admired the bold and independent course be has pursued since the close of the late unhappy war, iu defense of that which he be lieved to be due from a nation of pcoplo who boast of one ot the best governments under the sun. Dr. Steels xvas educated in the school tlia- taught States’ rights principles, and for a numt her of years has been a decided advocate of Democratic doctrines. The Doctor was bitterly opposed to the Sherman Military bill, and could not consent to support a measure that brought his oxvu head to the block, and at the same time disfranchised so large a number ot his most cherished friends, consequently he withdraws from tlie Florida Union, aud wishes our common country well. The murderer of Mrs. Rushing, wife of the Rev. Mr. Rushing, of whom I made mention iu my las’, has been caught. After being captured he confessed his guilt, but the impudence he dis played about the matter was provoking. -On the way to prison he attempted to escape, when lie was shot and killed. The negro, Weaver, xvho made an assault upon Mr. Jiio. Burwell, ot Selma, Alabama, with a pair of brass knuckles aud broke his jaw in three places, was tried before our Circuit Court, found guilty and sentenced to be imprisoned for six months. C. E. 6. llow to HUk the Cows. Tlie first process in the operation of milking is, to make the cow’s acquaintance; give her to understand that the milker approaches her with none other than friendly intentions; for, if he swears, scolds, or kicks her, she will give the milker the benefit ot ber heels, which, in my opinion, he is justly entitled to. Before commencing to milk the coxv, she should be fed, or have some kind of fodder; in the en joyment of tlie mastication of the same, her attention is withdraxvn from tlie milker’s opera tions, and the milk is not “ held up,” as the say ing is, but is yielded freely. The milker should not sit off at a distance, like a coward, but his Iett arm should come iu con tact with the leg of the cow, so that she cannot kick. Before commencing to milk, the teats are to be washed in cold water iu warm weather, and warm water in winter. The best milker is a merciful man. The udder aud teats are highly organized and very sensi tive, and these tacts should be taken into con sideration, especially when milking a young cow, for the teats are sometimes excessivefy tender, and the hard tugging aud squeezing which many poor sensitive creatures have i<> endure, at the bands of some thoughtless, barri- tisted man, are really distressing to witness. A better milker than even a merciful man is a woman. Tlie principal part of the milking in private establishments, in foreign countries, is done by xvoinen ; and, in the United States, there are thousands of capable women out of employ ment, who might be advantageously emplo3 r ed iu private dair3’ establishments as milkmaids. An indolent person—slow coach—should never be suffered to touch a cow’s teat; the pr jeess, to say the least of it, is painful; there fore, the best milker is the one xvho can abstract the milk in tlie quickest time. Finally, milk the cow dr3*. Tlie last of the milk is the most valuable, yet Mr. Hurry-up cannot find time to attend to this matter, conse quently he loses the best ol the milk and actually ruins the cow as a milker.—Dr. Dadd. California.—A New York paper notices the arrival at that port of a lieav3* cargo of grain aud flour from California, and sa3's: Heretofore xve have looked for gold dust and silver bars Irom the State of California, latterly the quantity and quality ot her wines have been noticeable, but within tlie past ‘wo months she has sent us xvbeat and flour in such bulk as to attract attentiou and merit comment. By the arrival of the steamer this week 2,000 barrels, 2,016 sacks and 4,022 packages ol flour were added to tlie stock in market, while by sailing vessel which arrived on the same da}" xvere re ceived 17,405 sacks of wheat. Although this flour is not as desirable for fami ly use as some of our Eastern brands, it is excel lent iu quality aud pays a very fair piofit. Old merchants who, in 1849, paid trorn $100 to $250 a barrel in San Francisco for Eastern flour, may well open their eyes at a profit ot a dollar a bar rel on a similar article raised at the other end ot the same route. Illinois.—Tlie State of Illinois has now a laxv authorizing tiie jury xvliich convicts a cul prit of leiuuious homicide to decide whether the penalty shall be death, imprisonment for life, or imprisonment for a term of years.