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ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, April IQ, 1806.
luporUDl TflcKrapblc Intelligence.
TJic reader will find in our telegraphic reports
thin morning that Judge Sharkey, on yesterday,
before the Supreme Court of the United States,
in session at Washington, gave notice of a mo
tion for preliminary injunction against Andrew
Johnson, President, and General Ord, com
mander of the military district comprising Mis
sissippi, stating that the motion was founded on
a bill of equity which he pressed to file, brought
by the {State of Mississippi, as complainant,
against the parties named, to enjoin them from
executing the acts of Congress, recently passed,
called the Military bill and the Supplemental
bill. Upon this notice being given by Judge
Sharkey, Attorney General Stanberry suggested
that as it was n case involving the original juris
diction of the Court, the motion, in the first
place, should be for leave to file the bill. In this
Judge Sharkey acquiesced, and said the counsel
for the StAte of Mississippi would now make the
motion for leave to file the bill, and were now
ready to argue it; whereupon the Attorney Gen
eral contended that the bill, in so far as it pur
ported to make the President a party defendant,
as, in effect, a suit against the United States
would make him, he would object to leave 1 icing
given by the Court to file the bill, and that he
ajso was ready now to go into argument of that
motion. After consultation, the Chief Justice
stated that the motion for leave to file the bill
might be made and pint on the motion docket,
but in conformity with rules of the Court, would
not be beard until the next regular motion day.
The motion, therefore, will not be argued till
next Friday.
We offer no comment on the foregoing im
portant intelligence. The result of Judge
Sharkey’s motion will, in ull probability, soon be
known, and wc retrain from speculating upon it.
Tlie Order* of'General Pope.
Commenting upon the ord of issued by General
Pope, to which we referred a few days ago, the
Mobile Advertiser and Register says : “ Our read
ers and the people of the State generally, will,
wc arc sure, be gratified at the temperate spirit
of the order. It proposes to simply let things
alone nud not disturb the existing order of civil
government or its officers until such-time .as his
instructions from Army lleauquartcrs require
him to “ reconstruct the State Government under
the act of Congress.” Geueral Pope, the same
paper also says, “has started handsomely and
1ms laid the foundation lor a perfect entente cor-
dndc between himself and the people he is ap
pointed to rule for a limited period and a specific
object. It is in his power to make friends of
these people, even in the execution of the uu-
grateful trusts of his office, and it is clearly the
dictate of duty as well as of policy in that peo
ple to deal with him in a spirit of perfect respect,
and if he chooses to claim it, unstinted cordiali
ty. General Pope is a soldier aud is here to obey
orders. lie is not the author of a law which,
while we have to obey and expect to obey, we
cannot be expected, in the quoted language of
Judge Buateed’s charge, “ lo admire.” We
should throw no obstacle in the way, but rather
help the General in the discharge nl his duties.
When he say’s “ register,” let us register, when
he says “ vote for a convention,” let us vote.
And when we get into convention then letusde
termine what the principles ami the expediency
of polities demand of us lor our country’s honor
aud for our country’s good.
The Opinion* ol lYIIIKarylVIoii.
There Is in our humble opinion, something of
“assumaxy”—as old “Hilly Walker” in day
that are past used to say—on the part of that
portion of the press who see in the opinions of
Lee, Beauregard, Longstreet, and others of
“ that ilk,” and in Iheir advice to their Southern
fellow-citizens on the “ political situation,” the
opinions and advice of merely' military men
which weighed in the balance with theirs, would
tail to even counterpoise the scales. This is sheer
nonsense. Such men as Lee, Beauregard, Long
street, high as their claims are recognized to be
upon the affections ol our people, on account, of
their military services, have other claims which
eutitlc their opinions and advice to as much con
sideration, at least, as that of any’ member of the
editorial fraternity, or any political essayist—
They’ are, in the first place, each and every one
of them, men of Southern birth, ol fiuished edu
cation, ol strong native intellect, and, in the se
cond place, so deeply imbued with the spirit ol
patriotism and love to their native South, that it
were folly not to recognize their opinions aud ad
vice upou the “political situation” as impoi
ant, and as worthy’ of consideration and of being
followed as those of any’ other profession or class
of men in the South. Washington was a mili
tary man, and yet he was a statesman. K apo
lkon, thq^lirst, was a military man, anil y’et
he, too, was .a statesman. Wellington was
a military mau, and he was a statesman. So
may’ it be written of military men 'iu ancient
times—of Cacsak and of others whose names are
iuscribed upon history’s page as combining both
the characteristics of warriors and statesmen. We
confess to being one of those who pay much re
spect to the counsel and advice of such men as
Lee and his gallant compeers, especially in re
gard to the duly’of the people in the present anom
alous condition of tfie Southern States, and we
regret to see Worts being made to resist or weak
en their influence with our people. When b,ti
tle was the order of the day, they headed the
Coutederate battalions and most nobly did their
duty. If we do not now respect the opinions
and seek the counsels of such men, in the name
of God whose opinions aie we to respect, whose
counsels shall we seek ?
Equallt)’ of iheSouibfrn n lih the North
ern SI n Ion.
The Chicago Tinas says: “When Charles
Francis Adams was on the eve of his departure
for the court of St. James, in the spring of 1861,
he received from Secretary’ Seward certain in
structions for the regulation of his conduct as
minister there. The instructions were read to
President Lincoln, and were approved by lnm
before their transmission to Mr. Adams. We
append those of them declaratory of the status
of the seceded States. Said Mr. Seward and
President Lincoln: * You will all the while re
member that those States are now, as they’ al
ways heretoloie have been, and notwithstanding
their temporary sell-delusion, they must always
continue to be equal and honored members of
this Federal Union.’"
We offer no comment on the toregoiug decla
ration of Mr. Lincoln save that wore he liviug
now’, and in the Presidential chair, it is more
than probable that he would he impeached for
their utterance.
more Coru lor (lie SuHVrlns.
The Savauuah Republican, in its issue of Fri
day morning last, slates that the United States
store ship Purveyor, Acting Master James II.
Stimpsou, commanding, arrived at this port yes
terday with a cargo of corn, sent by the Southern
Relict Association of New York to the suffering
people ol the South. Her cargo consists of
21,63? bushels, half of which will be delivered
here and the remainder at Mobile.
"The Purveyor led New York on the 25lh of
March, but was detained by head winds lor four
days, othera ise site would have arrived here on
Sunday lasL
“IV e lnul the good ship to these waters as we
know thousands will hail the precious freight she
bears, and trust that her officers aud crew may
meet a joyful welcome at the hands of oar citi
zens.”
The Macon Journo! A Jfry* nger, of the Gtli,
says: “ We learn that in an altercation yester
day, at Clinton, between Dr. James Barron aud
Mr. Jesse Glawsou (both well-known citizens of
Jones county) the lattes received a mortal wound
from a knife in the handot the former. We did
Apt learn the particulars.”
The Bankrupt Law.
We yield a portion of our editorial Columns lo
the following views of a distinguished legal gen
tleman of this State on the bankrupt law, as pre
sented in the LaGrange Rc}>orUr. Debtors and
creditors, we trust, will alike profit by tiiem:
Mu. Editor—Tbe following reflections have
been suggested by numerous consultations which
I have recently had. Believing that they may
prove of some benefit to our community, I sub
mit them to you for inspection, to be published
or not, as you think best.
The bankrupt law, recently passed by Con
gress, should operate as an additional incentive,
both to debtors and to creditors, for tlie ad jus*
ment and compromise of debts. It is not yet so
far furnished with needful executive machinery
as that any debtor can summarily resort to it to
free himself from the burthen of liis debts, or
that any creditor may force a division from ob
stinate debtors under its stringent provisions.—
Indeed, in my opinion, it is evidently the benev
olent intention of government that another crop
shall intervene before the nation is subjected to
its operation. Previous to that time much may
happen; and another Congress will assemble
soon enough to greatly modify it or repeal it be
fore much is done, either by debtors or creditors,
through the agency of the Register of Bank
ruptcy. At all events, one plain fact exists:
That parties cannot apply either for voluntary
bankruptcy on the one hand, or to force debtors
to involuntary bankruptcy on the other hand.—
Another plain fact exists: This law, with all its
provisions both as to voluntary and involuntary’
bankruptcy cannot, and does not do more than
provide an equitable way to apply the property
of the country to pay the debts of tbe country.
Therefore, the very best thing that can be done,
by debtors and creditors, is to give each other
full and candid mutual explanations, to do all
they can for each other, and to settle on amicable
terms of compromise.
In Georgia the basis is very well ascertained.
In giving in their taxes of 1806, the people dis
closed, on oath, what remained to them of the
wreck resulting from the revolution. Upou com
paring it with the property of the State, as testi
fied to by tax pay r ers in 1860, the Comptroller
General and other able financiers find that 78 per
cent, of the property of Georgia has been lost
and only about 22 per cent, thereof remains. The
value and productiveness of this 22 per cent, of
property lias been, since the date of giving in the
Lax of last year, rapidly diminishing. It is fair
to state that the debtors do uot hold more than
onc-lialf the property of the State. But, suppose
they hold all, and refusing to work lor creditors,
they say, here is the property, we will go away.
All the latter could get would be tbe deprecia
ted property, and to whatever extent they might
carry iuvolutary bankruptcy or otherwise seize
the meager means of support ami ol recuperation
left to debtors, in that same ratio would property,
aud their debts with il, decrease in value, because
men would sink into despair or move away—so
that there would be but few or none to labor;
and we all know that labor is necessary to all
values. It thus appears that he who gets 20 per
cent, on ids debt in Georgia, does well; and the
cases going above that sum are more exception
able, by’ far, than those which go below it.
But no matter on which side of that ratio the
exception falls, the parties ought to settle with
each other and prepare to enter with cheerful
dignity upon the new order of things uuencuin
hered. The debtor who is not willing to make
full exhibit to his creditor aud pay’ him as far as
he can, having due regard to other claims upon
him, is dishonest; and that creditor who would
deprive his debtor of the means of support for
his family, is cruel. Then, why not settle? A
miserly' policy on the one hand is as unwise as
dilatory neglect on the other.
Tho people have had the souud, practical,
common sense already to settle in many’ oases.
Should the good work continue, mucli will be
accomplished towards restoring the country to
happiness and contentment. Many of our best
men are burdened with the carcasses of old obli
gations, which have long since been shorn of
their equity’, and thus they’ are left a prey to
doubts and uncertainty. Relieve them by vol
untary’ arrangements between themselves aud
wise and just creditors, and they are, at once,
restored to the vigorous exertions of hopeful
manhood. • B. H. Bigham.
Secret Political Organization*.
It is well known that throughout the South
secret political organizations, or societies, are
being formed, and that in this city more than
one ot them exists. These, ii we have not been
misinformed, bear the alliterative title of “ Loyal
Leagues,” and embrace as members not only
consistent Union men of Southern birth and
proclivities'; Northern men who have recently
located in our midst; freedmen who have been
persuaded to become members thereof; and
what is strange, but true, a number of original
secessionists and daring “ rebels,” who, it seems,
have, at this late day, embraced with most fra
ternal affection new ideas and principles, and
seek in the “League” an ark of future safety
and a position that will insure them office and
its spoils. Perhaps we shall at some future pe
riod personate some of these members of the
“League.” In referring to them now, we only-
desire to congratulate all loyal and good citizens,
who, froth principle, areopi>osed to all secret po
litical organizations, that the “secession” and
“rebel” element, of which the “League” is
last being composed, will soon destroy its origi
nal radical element and pnrjiosps, and bring
upon both defeat.
Secret political organizations, call them by
what name we may’, are dangerous in their ten
dencies, and should have no existence in a
republican government. Truth, says an eminent
Southern and .original Union man, “ never shuns
the light, or shrinks from investigation—at least
it ought never to do it. Hiding places, or secret
coverts, are natural resorts lor error. It is, there
fore, a circumstance quite sufficient to create
suspicion against the truth to see it pursuing such
a course. And in republics, where free discussion
and full investigation by a virtuous and intelligent
people is allowed, there ne'er can be any just
rounds to fear any danger even from the greatest
errors in religion or politics. Ail questions, there
fore, relating to the government of a tree people
ought to be made known, clearly understood,
fully discussed, and understandingly acted upon
* “I am opposed to them in a double as
pect, both as a basis of party organization aud
upon their merits as questions of public policy.
As the basis of parly organization, they are
founded upon tlie very erroneous principle ot
looking not to how the country sludl be governed,
but who sludl hold the offices; not to whether w
shall have wise and wholesome laws, but who
shall rule ns, though they bring ruin with their
rule.” These are truths most forcibly presented
aud we trust they may have weight enough with
our people to keep them out @f all secret politi
cal organizations, the main purposes of which, on
the part of those actively engaged in gettin,
them up, are the offices and the spoils of office.—
They have ever originated in fanaticism, and
have ever been used for individual aggrandize
ment. They have ever been short lived, aud
have ever been denied by their deluded members
when reason resumed her throne, when fanati
cism gave way to the overwhelming influences
of genuine patriotism.
What does the South want with secret politi
cal organizations ? Is it to establish the loyalty
ol the people to the government? Who is not
loyal iu it? Does it require membership iu the
League” to establish this loyalty—secret
“League?” Why not proclaim loyalty “upon
the house-top,” as it were, before all men and in
all places ? Be honest—out with the truth—let
there be no concealment—truckle not to the de
signing—be no man’s tool with which he works
himself into office and revels upon its spoils. In
broad daylight express your opinions; decieve
no man, and much less the government under
which you must live.
We warn you, people of Georgia, white and
colored, against all such political organizations.
Be loyal to the government, and that is all it re
quires of you. Perform your duty to it, and it
will give to, instead of requiring from the
“League” its protective care of you. Be united
in this, and the day will come when, under a re
constructed “Union,” you can exclaim, “all’
well !”
[FOB THE INTELLIGENCER.]
The Decay and Early Death of Fruit
Tree*.
This is a subject in. which every’ citizen should
feel a deep iuterest. Great praise is due to those
patriotic men by whose skill and sedulous care
the qualities of fruits have been sq vastly im
proved. And yet, after a widely-extended in
vestigation, the writer is convinced that about in
the same ratio in which the fruit has been im
proved, the thrift and duration of most kinds ot
fruit trees have been retrograded. This is tlie
well-known and lamentable tact from the James
riyer to the lndiau border, Westward, and from
the Everglades to the high Northern climes.
What the ca^se, or the various causes of their
deterioration may be, aud what the remedies
and preventatives, demands the most thought
ful observance. Here science might well afford
to extend her accumulated stores of knowledge.
The skill and experience gathered during the
past and the present age, in our own and
other countries, should be put iu requisition. It
might be well to visit ^lie revolutionary orchards
—examine the localities, the soil, the early rear
ami the general treatment of those veteran
trees, from one to two feet in diameter, and capa
ble of bearing, each, a good supply for a house
hold ! Such sights we shall seldom, if ever,
again see, unless the causes of modern decay be
discovered and counteracted.
Where trees are found, that have for a long
lime borne fruit, it is important to ascertain : 1st,
Whether they' are native growth, or have been
grafted. 2d. At what distauce planted from
each other—whether close enough to shade the
round densely’, or afforded full diffusion of both
uushiue aud breezes. 3d. Whether the grounds
among them have been cultivated as crop lauds,
or left generally undisturbed, as is the case with
forest trees. 4th. Whether manures have been
ulded; if so, what kinds. 5th. Whether sheep,
hogs and poultry have had access to the or
chards; or has it been closed against them. 6th.
Whether lruit trees surrounded by forest growth
have not been more tenacious of life, than those
exposed the whole day to the burning sunshine.—
7th. Whether a mixture of several different kinds
of fruit trees—apples, cherries, plums, pears,
peaches, figs, and apricots—has not been tound
deleterious to bo& the trees and their products.
8th. Whether stimulating manures do not hasten
decay. 9lh. Whether it is not trne that the richer
and more luscious the fruit, the sooner is the
tree exhausted.
The object of these queries is lo elicit thought,
and promote research. A single incident often
leads to the establishment ot a great general
truth. An example of this kind once occurred :
A tanner, in building his hog pen in his orchard,
nailed some ol the boards against two peach
trees. Those trees far out lived any ot the rest
in tlie same row! This led to the beliet that
small nails driven into peach trees near the root,
will prevent the intrusion of worms. But tbe
question might be asked, was it the hogs or the
nails ', the one separately, or tlie i wo conjointly ?
Sckftator.
Citizen*’ meeting In Carroll County.
Carrollton, Ga., April 2,1867.
According to previous announcement a portion
of- the citizens of Carroll county met in.the court
house this day’, to take into consideration the
condition of the country.
On motion of Hon. J. B. McDaniel, Dr James
H. Rodgers was called to the Chair, and W. O
Robinson was requested to act as Secretary.
On motion, one from each militia district was
appointed to prepare resolutions for the meeting.
The following gentlemen were appointed : Hon.
J. B. McDaniel, A. L. McClaine, John Bailey,
Hiram Sharp, Samuel Craven, John Smith, Wil
liam Hembree,.Alfred Smith, William Williams,
Captain Bentley, and Martin Crider.
After a few minutes’ absence the committee
reported, aud Hon. H. F. Merrell offered the fol
lowing resolutions as a substitute, which were
passed by a large majority’:
Resolved, That we regard the late action of
Congress, iu placing the States under military
rule, forcing upou us negro suffrage, and at the
same time disfranchising many of our most in
telligent and worthy citizens, as unconstitutional,
unjust, and oppressive iu the extreme, aud indi
cative of a wanton intention on their part to op
press, humiliate, and degrade the Southern peo
ple, rather than maintain and perpetuate the
Government, and we take this method to express
our thanks to President Johnson for his able and
unanswerable exposition thereof, and vindication
of constitutional equality.
Resohsd, That W'hile we thus express our dis
approbation of said Congressional action, we
at the same time pledge ourselves to abide by
and obey the same so long as such remain the
law of the land, and recommend to our fellow-
citizens that all who are not prohibited by dis
franchisement,, go forward and register in con
formity with said law’, so as to qualify them-
elves as legal voters at the earliest opportunity.
Resolved, That w’e take this method to express
our disapprobation of the resolution adopted by
a portion of the people of this county’, on the
19th of March last, indirectly censuring tlie Gov
ernor of our State, on account of his action in
appointing a Judge of the Superior Court of this
circuit; and hereby- express our full confidence
in the wisdom, patriotism, and uprightness of in
tention of our Governor, believing that in making
said appointment, lie but performed wbat he
considered a oonscieucious duty’.
Resolved, That the Newuan Herald and Atlanta
Intelligencer be requested to publish the
above resolutions, and proceedings of this meet
ing. James Fi. Rodgers, Chairman.
William O. Robinson, Secretary.
View* Of the Northern Prest on tlie Cob*
neettent Election*.
Naturally enough, says the national Intelligen
cer, the Connecticut election engages no little at
tention of tbe press of the country, and various
explanations are offered of the result. We copy
the following from that paper:
The Boston Journal attributes it to tbe rain
which prevailed—we bear of this for the first
time—and regrets “ a result which, in a degree,
wili neutralize the Union character of the New
England vote in the United States Congress.”
The Commercial Advertiser, edited by Thurlow
Weed, moralizes in this wise:
The Connecticut members of the late Congress
were, though personally estimable and popular,
extreme Radicals. They put themselves into
the hands of Mr. Stevens, and did not, as we re
member, rise to the dignity and manhood of
casting an independent vote” during their whole
term of service. This, with tlie attempt to palm
a notorious and self boasting “Humbug” upou
the Bridgport district, explains the defeat of three
Republican nominees for Congress.
The satisfactory record of Mr. English, during
the war. enabled several hundred Conservative
Republicans to vote for him as against a pro
nounced Radical. And this explains the defeat
of Governor Haw ley.
Duriug the rebellion, while the country was
struggliiu” to preserve the Government and
Union, 1 -on a square issue between the Repub
lican j Democratic parties, Connecticut re
joiced a a Union majority of eleveu thousand.
Tin rebellion crushed, and the people elated
with the hope of a restored Union, a Radical is
sue, in 1866, was presented. This resulted in
dwarfing the Republican majority down to five
hundred. ;
Aud now, in 1867, with the same issue, with
the same Gubernatorial candidate, tbe result is a
Radical defeat. The moral to be deduced is, that
Radicalism has used up Republicanism in Con
necticut.
The Evening Je/eyrupAdPhiladelphia, Radical)
attributes it to Senators Dixon and Foster, “the
bread-and-butter brigade,” the eight-lionr law,
“the hue aud cry against P. T. Baruutn, and the
influence of New York city,” aud avers that “the
vote amounts to nothing whatever, so far as tlie
great national questions are concerned.”
On the other hand, the'North American pro
tests against attempting “to deny or explain
away our defeat.” It begs the party not to be
discouraged, but to prepare for temporary dis
aster. It admits that “the ground we have lost
both in New Hampshire and Connecticut is no
proof that tlie people are -dissatisfied with Con
gress, or prepared to throw themselves into tlie
arms of Johnson and his crew; but it is a proof
that the Republican majority in Congress has
been pushing along the car of national progress
a little too fast for some sections of the party,
ana that these people have got somewhat be
wildered with the rapidith’ and multiplicity of
the changes proposed or accomplished.” It con
fesses that a like result wjuld reveal itself now
in the Middle States, buttthinks that before the
fall elections “the public sentiment ot the coun
try w’ill have caught up with Congress and be
prepared to sustain it.”
Tlie Providence Journal declares that in spite
of the splendid fight, “ our friends w r ere over-
borne by the burden of defection in high places
and the scarecrow’ of negro suffrage.”
The Providence Post (Democratic) speaks of
the victory that cheers every' friend of tfie Con
stitution, and which restores our old-time free
dom, and precedes the downfall of the Radicals.
The Boston Transcript charges Republicans
elsew’liere with lukewarmness, aud attributes the
defeat to Government influence, and to money’,
and to failure to stand up for negro suffrage last
year. It predicts a speedy triumph for the de
feated party-, “with its present vantage-ground
of principle.” It laments tlie defeat, but is
pleased with that of Barnum, and says “the
running of him on high moral ground was a
shameful piece of hypocrisy, discrediting the
party which took him lor its candidate,” and
that it is fortunate that “ wooden-nutmegism was
defeated when it impudently claimed represen
tative honors.”
The New York Journal of Commerce says;
The party in power has been arbitrary and
overbearing iu consequence of the large majori
ty’ it is enabled to wield iu both Houses of Con
gress, and its almost uninterrupted success in
Northern elections. Till change in Connecticut
is not so important in ftself as iu tlie lesson of
forbearance it is so weft calculated to teach to
those whose success has made them too arro
gant. There is no loug^f an unbroken sectional
array in favor of one party; and the effect must
be to soften the tone ot Radical leaders by re
minding them that they may one day be at the
mercy of their present opponents.
The New York Times attributes the defeat to
“ tlie intolerance of the party toward every one
who failed to respond to its most ultra and ex
travagant demands.” That, it says, may do in
Massachusetts, but not iu closely contested States.
It intimates that it may make the Democracy
less liberal and check reconstruction, but will do
good in “checking the overbearing confidence of
the Republican leaders, and in teaching them the
necessity of consulting something besides their
own passions and selfish designs in the broader
contest which is coming on.”
In Connecticut, the New Haven Palladium
declares: “The lault is our own. The whole
State lias been timorous, time-serving, conser
vative.”
The Haftloid Press, Governor Hawley’s own
journal, attributes the result to “Andrew John
son, Gideon Welles, James Dixon, the disaffec
tion ol Mr. Foster, the bribery of the copper
heads, and the influx of the foreign vote.” It
say’s: “Had Connecticut been blessed with two
Senators, like several who could be named from
New England, the State would to-day be Repub
lican by five or ten thousand majority.” It
further says : “It has been the curse oi the Re
publican party that it has permitted certain men
in the State to act as its leaders and enjoy its
offices, who have only' cared for its offices, and
not at all tor its principles,” and it is severe on
the corrupt foreigu vote, declaring “that the ex
traordinary use of money has enabled the sham
Democracy to use the foreign vote to the fullest
extent.”
The Hartford Times and the New Haveu Reg
ister fairly sparkle with their paragraphs of tri
umph over the result. We quote from them
elsewhere. It is manifest that in Connecticut the
issue was fairly made of opposition to the pre
sent Radical measures. True, the Radicals did
their utmost to make capital out ot tlieir -war re
cord, aud many Union men who do not endorse
the ultraism of Sumner & Co. were thereby de
terred from abandoning them. But enough did,
and the lesson will not be lost.
Tbe Xew York Herald on the Connecti
ons Electlou.
Bennett of the New York Herald facetiously
declares that the Republicans iu Connecticut
“sunk under the weight of woolly horses, Fejee
mermaids, old Joyce Hetb, learned seals, tat wo
men, living skeletons, dwarfs, six-legged sheep,
double-headed calves, aud other monstrosities.”
Dead weight enough without throwing into the
scale any of the political “monstrosities” ot the
intolerant party who have hitherto controlled the
elections in that Slate.
Illne** of” Old Thad.”
Washington, April 7.—The Hoc. ThaiJeus j
Stevens has been quite ill since W ednesday from
disease of the heart
meeting In Campbell County.
Campbellton. Ga., April 3, 1867.
At a meeting of the citizens of Campbell
county, held in tbe court house, Judge Addison
Riley was called to the Chair, and Oscar A
Cantrell appointed Secretary.
Colonel J. M. Edge was requested ;o explain
tlie object of the meeting, which he did in a clear
and concise manner.
After calm deliberation and several speeches
lrom Colonel J. M. Edge, Dr. T. >1. Howard, and
others, in view of the extreme want and destitu
tion of our people, the following resolutions
were unanimously adopted:
Resolved, That Rev. G. R. Moore be appointed,
and is from the above date general agent for
Campbell couut>\ to solicit aid and donations
of produce, or donations ot any' kind, and faith
fully distribute the same among the suffering
j people, without distinction of race. Our agent
is respectfully solicited to visit the States of Ten-
I nessee, Kentucky, Ohio, Ac., for the purpose of
! receiving and distributing anv amount the Kbe- ]
General Order* “No. J,» of Gen. Pope.
The Montgomery Daily Advertiser, of the 5th
instant, contains the following:
Head Quarters Third Militabv District, |
Montgomery, Ala., April 3,18U7. f
General Okders, No. 2.
The following extracts from an Act of Con
gress, approved Marcli 2d, 1867, are published
lor the information ot all concerned, and they
will be strictly’ complied with in this Military
District:
[Public—No. 85 ]
An Act, making appropriations for the support
of tlie army for tlie year ending June thirtieth,
eighteen hundred and sixty'-eight, and for
other purposes.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted. That it shall
be the diUy of the officers of tbe army’ and navy,
and of the Freedmen’s Bureau, to prohibit and
prevent the whippiBg and maiming ot the per
son, as a punishment for any crime, misdemea
nor, or offense, by any pretended civil or military
authority’ in any State lately in rebellion until
the civil government of such State shall have
been restored, and shall have been recognized
by tlie Congress of the United States.
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That all
militia forces now organized or in service in
either of the States of Virginia, North Carolina,
South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama,
Louisiana, Mississippi and Texas, be forthwith
disbanded, and that the further organization,
arming, or calling into service of the said militia
forces, or any part thereof is hereby prohibited
under any circumstances whatever until the
same shall be authorized by’ Congress.
*•****••*■**
Jxo. Pope,
Bv’l Maj. General, Commanding.
Official—J. F. Conyngham,
let L\eat. 21th Inf try. and Asa’t. Ailj't. General.
Light and the Human Eye.—It has been
proved that when the vibrations that produce
light are less than 450 billions in a second, which
cause the impression of a red color, the light is
invisible for the human eye. but manifests itsell
alone as heat. Aoy increase of this velocity
produces in succession all the other colors of the
rainbow—orange, yellow, green, bine, violet, the
last of which corresponds with nearly 900 bil
lions of vibrations in a second. Beyond this it
is again invisible for the human eye, but mani
fests itself by its chemical action on photographic
preparations. As tlie delicate optic nerve ot the
human eye would be injured by the admission of
ueating or chemical acting rays, the transparent
liquids in our eyes have been made unfit to
transmit vibrations ot a lesser velocity than 450
billions, or more than 900 billions vibrations in a
second. This explains, at the same time, how
rality of those people may see fit to give for tbe { some animals may see by' a light perfectly in
noble purjiose stated above
•’red, That the proceedings ot this meet- j
iug he published in the Atlanta papers..
The meeting then adjourned.
Addison Riley, Chairman, j
OSC Ait A. Cantuell, Secretary.
Atlanta Era and Opinion, and Louisville and I
Nashville papers please copy. |
■visible to us.
A cobresposdekt ot the London Times re
commends that Chinamen be enlisted in the Eng
lish army, tor the reasons, that they are hardy,
strong, good-tempered, and can stand heat and
cold; that they make excellent soldiers, and will
eat anything, “from roast beef and plum pudding
to rice and rats.”
-From the Milwaukee Daily Wisconsin.
Mr. Mice’s Fourth Letter*
We present below the fourth of the series of
the letters addressed by Mr. Rice to the Milwau
kee Daily TTMccnsiw, to which we have referred
in former issues of this journal. We shall make
reference to the views embraced in the following,
on the present condition of the poor and igno
rant whites ot our State, and the negroes, in
another column:
The negro is doing well under all the discour
agements he has to contend with, as well, in all
probability, as would whites. He is at present
very ignorant, very lazy, intemperate, deceptive,
good natured, affording any amount of room for
tlie practice of spare beuevolence for generations
to come. Tbe influence of slavery upon him
has left him in an entirely dependent state, and
in a deplorable condition, to encounter the rough
and tumble of tree file. A thousand stand ready
to impose upon his ignorance and credulity, ami
none sooner than the shrewd Y'ankee who goes
south to make money iu planting. So little h
he seen and been trained to tlie ways ot the
world, though be he three score and ten, he "
still nothing but au overgrown child, mentally
What he needs to learn first is the value
money, which he has no more idea of than
the alphabet. Oftentimes he is entirely indiffer
ent to the amount of his wages, and when get
ting them entirely ignorant how make any pru
dent use ot them.
As an illustration, one of them receiving his
wages for a mouth went straight with his wife
to the first store in their way to dispose ot them
Poor and ragged as they were, after buyin
numerable things, including some tobacco, some
candy, some ribbons, a waterfall, and a tew
pouuds of corn meal, paying for each article
separately, the negro thrusts his finger deep into
his vest pocket, aud fishiug up the last piece of
his fractional currency', the hist remnant of his
hard month’s work, he says: “ Mister, have you
got anything else worth about fifty cents?”
Alluding to waterfalls reminds me ot a pecu
liar characteristic ot the African race. The ne
gro women are extremely fond of dress, aud are
always first to don new styles, and indulge iu the
extreme ot tashions. It is riot uncommon on the
Sabbath to see them on the streets by scores
going to church, in t he lowest kind of low-necked
aud the shortest kind of short-sleeved dresses
and, as their dresses are usually white, the line
of demarkation are quite unmistakable, present
ing a very picturesque appearance. A negr
woman will work in the cotton field bareheaded
all the week, in the hottest kind ot a sun, and
come into town on Sundays and only’ go to
church in white gloves anil under a silk parasol
When the waterfall first came into vogue,
was a regular stunner to the negress. For a Ion.
time they gazed with longing eyes upon it, but
there was nothing to attach it to. Like old un
cle Ned, they’ had no wool on the back of the
head, where the hair ought to grow, to which to
attach waterfalls. But a few days passed, how
ever, before all the negro women, to tlie very
closest haired, were on the street, sporting the
largest kind of waterfalls. They exhausted the
air and held them on by r suction.
The negro since his freedom, puts on many
airs, and it is amusing to see hint in full dress,
cane, gloves and hat, but his appearance is not
more ridiculous than his high ideas of freedom
and the dignity he assumes in his new position
Quite an ordinary negro, freed by Sherman
found his way North, straying as far as New Ila
veu, remaining there until a few months since
when he returned to Atlanta. His old master,
much surprised at seeing him back again, says
“ Why, Tom, I thought you went North.” “ !
did, rnassa,” I found the sentiment there so ’nox
ious to the Southern gemmen—all ab’litionists
up there—I couldn’t stand it, Massa, and re
turned.
The negro, however, is very plastic and kind
and will make improvement witli plenty instruc
tion. Tbe experiment ot giving him the ballot
in his present uneducated condition 1 tear is little
understood by the North. His vote will be a
cheap commodity for a long time, and whoever
U his employer will, in nine cases out often
control it either honestly or otherwise. The
poor whites of tlie South always voted with tlie
slaveholder, although their present condition is
directly traced to tlie influences of slavery’, de
grading white labor. I do not believe in the
wisdom of it; not that he should vote any the
less on account oi the misfortune of his color.
On the contrary my sympathies for the weak and
poor are such I would always give them, if any
difference the advantage over the more fortunate,
but 1 am afraid the government cannot stand the
additional burden of ignorance to be swayed
hither and thither by designing men and politi
cal demagogues.
You know that politics is prostituted to the
basest purpose North, so that very few good men
will dirty their hands with it. Politicians are no
more honorable at the South. All of the igno
rant whites, and all of the freedmen, which will
number the majority of Southern States under
universal suffrage, will be at the mercy of the few
professional politicians, and the result will be the
government of the whole South will be as ob
jectionable to the interests of the better classes
as was the government of this city for years.
The ignorant whites are just as much as the
South or even the North can bear. When you
double that dangerous element will government
stand it ? That is the question.
About fifteen hundred colored people are now
in the night and day schools of Atlanta, doing
well, and making fair progress. They are of all
ages, as many adults as children, The Sabbath
school ot Dr. Storr’s church, of Cincinnati, con
tributed one thousand dollars towards a school
building, which was increased from other North
ern sources to some five thousand dollars, and
now the colored people of Atlanta have au almost
extravagant school building, capable of accom
modating two thousand scholors, with a corps of
lady teachers,. not inferior to those of your own
model public schools of Milwaukee
Rev. E. M. Crevath, of Cincinnati, a most no
ble and conservative Christian man, has superin
tendence of all the colored schools of Georgia,
aud Rev. Mr. Ayer, not less acceptable to South
ern people, has under him the charge of the At
lanta schools. Tlie teachers are young ladies
from almost every State of the North, of tho
rough education generally, having left such po
sitions at home as would shame many ot the
Southern ladies if they knew it, who, through a
most ungenerous prejudice, look down upon
them.
The ignorant whites of the South are mirth
more the objects of charity’ than the freedmen.—
They have been iu a most deplorable and almost
hopeless condition for generations, their poverty
precluding their owning any valuable property,
and there being no demand for common white
labor. In addition to all the degradation of the
blacks, they are physically run down. Tlie ne
gro, from continued labor, presents a magnificent
physique, but the poor ignorant white has not
even this.
They live in the upper counties,owning general
ly a very little poor land, and the most shiftless
come into market often a hundred miles, driving
a single steer or cow harnessed into a rough
cart, with perhaps a single bale of cotton, the
whole saleable proceeds of the year's work of a
large family. Those better to do in the world
will drive in a better steer and a mule tandem,
anil those possessed of an abundance of tlie
things of this world, as they consider it, will
come in with a steer, mute and donkey all at
tached to one cart, with perhaps three bales ot
cotton.
In regard to education they are little, if any
better off than the blacks; and in morals not
much advanced. The marriage relations are as
often disregarded as observed, I am told. As an
illustration of their ignorance, a Northern, gen
tleman, who had been residing in Irernadina,
Florida, comparing notes with me, one day-, in
traveling, related this circumstance :
One day an elderly man, some seventy years
of age, and a girl came into an office, he was oc
cupying with a Justice ot the Peace, to be mar
Tied. There was such a discrepancy in their
ages, the gentleman was quite shocked, and felt
it bis duty’ to inquire into the matter a little. He
found it however all right, it being a regular
love match.
After they were married, certificate made out,
&c., he said, he tried to impress-upon them the
sicredness of the marital relations and vows,
and laid particular stress upon the certificate, (as
something tangible,> and exhorted them to pre
serve that inviolate “ till death did them part.”
Some months after, he says, walking to this of
fice, he spied this old gentleman iu the street,
driving the inevitable steer, and seated in the
cart aione. He could not resist the temptation
of speaking to him. The old gentleman was
pleased to see hiui, and at once told him that he
was just going to his office to have his marriage
certificate changed. “ That gal,” said he, “ the
Justice jined me to ha3 gone and jined herself to
another man. I remembering what you said
’bout the stiflkit—how sacred ’twas, and all that,
and I never lost it, and I was going over to see if
you couldn’t scratch out my name, and put his
in, and save him the damage.”
And still these poor ignorant whites are capa
ble of improvement. About five hundred of
these are being educated gratuitously at Atlanta,
by Northern temale teachers of first-class attain
ments, and the appearance of their schools is
very creditable.
Among these are sustained two very flourish
ing Mission, Sabbath and Industrial schools,
the scholars
and many
their superintendents and teachers. Mission
schools are a new institution for Southerners,
but they are slowly following in the track of the
North in that great means ot educating and
christianizing the poor, and before a long time I
expect to see all the poor of the South, of both
colors, gathering into such schools and being
taught by the Christian people of tbe South.
I intended to spcitk of the mineral resources
of Georgia, which I consider, when property de
veloped, will fullv equal its agricultural, but I
will delay it till I return to Atlanta, and send
you a letter ftwn there containing accounts o
the very’ latest developments.
Counterfeit Note* In Circulation—How to
Detect Theiu.
We found tlie following in tlie New Y”ork
Herald. Our readers would do well to note the
information it coutains. Counterfeit note are in
circulation in Atlanta as well as in New Y ork :
The city and the country are getting fairly
flooded with counterfeit United States bank notes,
aud the adroit rascals who venture so much m
making and vending imitations and alterations
of national bank biTls are evidently reaping rich
harvests. Investigation shows that for halt a
generation there has not been so much queer,
Its the dealers call it, afloat as at the present time.
Careful, observant people cau ordinarily detect
it, but the poor and the laboring classes, Mho
handle little money, and are so easily’ deceived,
are victimized largely, aud sutler iu proportion.
Within the last forty-eight hours more than forty
persons in all sorts of business have hatrtUe bill
“shoved” on them. It is of the denomination ot
five dollars, an imitation of that of the I eoples
National Bank, Jackson, Michigan. It is a
roughly executed wood engraving, badly uoue
as compared with the original, and yet well cal
culated to deceive in its general appearance.—
But it is easily detected by even a casual
inspection when attention is called t > ft-—
The signatures ot both President anil Cash
ier are printed, while in all genuine Dills
these rallies are invariably written. Tbe
letters “t” aud “s” in the title “ Pres t
iu the original are separated l>y an apostrophe;
in the counterfeit they are joined, with no apos
trophe. In the counterfeit the neat figure of tlie
two females, sitting, on the lower right, is almost
invisible; in the genuine it is very clear and dis
tinct. The-back of the bill is still more buug-
lingly made than the front. The green is pale
and poor, and in the true bill uo letters along the
top touch on the green border, while in the spu
rious the words are partly printed on tlie green,
entirely across. The picture piate is too large
for tlie green border. There are several minor
differences, but these, will be a safeguard if ob
served.
The plan of operation in getting counterfeits
in circulation should be understood in order to
save the public. Let il be known, then, that this
bill on tlie Michigan Jackson Bank is not the
one that is intended to be'shoved. But it is an
other bill on another bank, probably iu a totally
different section of country, that will be exten
sively’ printed lrom this same plate, with only the
name changed. Ffrst. comes the “flyer,” and
when that is “started,” detected, exposed, aud
everybody is looking.for it, all of a sudden out
comes the “mate,” and before any one suspects it
the mischief is done, and victims uselessly mourn
by’ thousands. So in this case, “Look-out for the
second bill I” Distrust all “lives,” and keep close
to the Bank Note Reporter, for the rogues are
about arid watching every chance. • Spot them
at the very first opportunity, and tlie harm they
would do may be materially interfered with.
Tiiere is also in circulation a dangerous coun
terfeit “ten” on tlie “Flour City National Bank
ot Rochester, New York.” It is well executed,
but the signatures of the officers in this, as in
the other, are engraved, instead ot being writ
ten, as they are in the genuine bills. The bad
bill is half an inch longer than the good one.
Care will detect it.
Tlie “fillies,” compound iuterst notes, are
also imitated very’ successfully, although they’
have “a scratchy appearance.” There are cer
tain characteristics of counterfeits which eua-
ble an expert to detect them at a glauce. It is
the uninitiated that generally suffer, and those
who can least afford to get swindled. But every
body should know, now that they’ never see
anything but paper inouey, enough to be sus
picious. The paper of genuine bills is always
extra -nice, and counterfeits never. It is inva
riably the rule that spurious bills are printed
on coarse aud interior paper, totally lacking the
finish of bank note paper. Then the ink is gen
erally poor, and the green and red colors are
never so clear, fine and decided as the genuine
article.—Herald.
Washington City Qprrespondence N. Y. Times.
Tlie Treasury Policy, and Prospect aud
Condition ol tlie Government Finances
There is evidently at the presenttime not otdy
a great misapprehension on the part, of the pub
lic as to the condition of tlie national revenues,
aud as to tlie ability of the Treasury to provide
for its obligations maturing during the coming
summer, but there is also an evident determina
tion in certain quarters to place it in a light as
unfavorable and alarming as possible. Witness
the following quotation from the commercial
circular of a New York house, prepared express
ly for European use, and seqt out by the steamer
of the 25th:
“ Under the influence of dullness iu trade, sus
pension of manufacturing in many important
branches, and the terrible impoverishment not
only’ of the South, but of all parts of the Union,
the income of the Government from all sources,
except custom duties, is declining largely, while
the mistaken policy’ of short time loaus has in
volved the Treasury in a mass of maturing obli
gations that it may find extremely difficult to
meet. From this source we anticipate far more
serious (though not immediate) disturbance to
the gold market than is likely to arise front do
mestic cotrplications ot a political nature, and
the fear of such disturbance is, undoubtedly, the
niaiu reason many’ of our shrewdest merchants,
and especially of our foreign hankers, have been
strengthening themselves as much as possible by
purchases of gold.-”
Now, so far lrom the Treasury being involved
prospectively in difficulties, because of the ex
tent of its maturing obligations, I learn from the
highest authority - that the prospect is precisely
the reverse. The.customs’ revenue thus far ap
proximate closely to the large receipts of last
year; and although the internal revenue receipts
ire considerably less than last year, as was na
turally expected and fully anticipated, as well
out the reduction <»f taxation as from tlie de-
uession of business, it is now positively certain
bat tlie fiscal year will close with a very grati-
ying balance ot receipts over expenditures.—
Aud as regards the ability of tlie Treasury to
meet its maturing liabilities duriug tbe next six
months, one has but to consider the resources
available to the Secretary, viz., fifty millions of
three per cent, certificates, and the large accu-
mulation of void and currency, together with
the fact that United States Five-twenties at pre
sent command a premium of five per cent, over
Seven-thirties, to be satisfied upon this point.—
Neither is there any reason for undue fears with
regard to the Secretary’s policy in respect to con
traction. Hitherto his policy has been of the
most conservative character, as is evident lrom
the fact that tlie whole amount oi contraction for
the months of January and February, was ac
tually fifty percent. less than he was authorized
’ law to make; while it is not certain that any
otitraction whatever will he shown to have
taken place during the rurrent month in the
next statement.
From the Missouri Democrat.
Female Suirrage-WIewa of Mark Twain.
I have read the long list of lady petitioners in
favor of female suffrage, and as a husband and a
father I want to protest against the whole busi
ness. It will never do to allow women to vote
It will never do to allow them to hold office.—
You know, and I know that if they were granted
these privi leges there would be no more peace
on earth. They would swamp the country with
debt. They like to hold office too well. They
like to be Sirs. President Smith, of the Dorcas
Society, or Mrs. Secretary Joucs, of tlie Hindoo
Aid Association, or Mrs. Treasurer of somethin-
or other. They are fond oi tlie distinction of
the thing, y’ou know ; they revel in the sweet
jingle of the title. They are always setting up
sanctified confederations of all kinds, aud then
running for president of them. They are even
so fond of office that they are willing to serve
without pay. But you allow them to vote and
-go to the Legislature once, and then see how it
will bo. They will go to work and start a thou
sand more societies, and cram them full of sala
ried offices. You will see a state of tilings then
that will stir your feelings to the bottom ot yonr
pockets. The first fee bill would exasperate you
some. Instead of the usual schedule tor judges
State printer, Supreme Court clerks, etc., the°list
would read something like this :
President Dorcas Society C. $ 4 uoo
Subordinate officers or same, each jV*#,
President Ladies’ Union Prayer Meeting a’tKH*
President Pawnee Educational Society -t OCM.,
President of Ladies’ Society for Dissemination of ’
Belles Leltres among the Shoshone 5 qqq
State Crinoline Directress lo'oou
State Superintendent of Waterfalls lo’tXX)
State Hair Oil Inspectress 10 000
State Milliner 50,000
You know what a state of anarchy and social
chaos that fee bill would create. Every woman
iu the Commonwealth of Missouri would let go
everything to run for State Milliner. And in
stead of ventilating each other’s political ante
cedents, as men do, they would go straight after
each other’s private moral character. (I know’
them—they are all like my wife.) Before the
canvass wits three days old it would be au estab
lished proposition that every woman iu the State
was “no better than she ought to be.” Only
think how it would lacerate me to have an op
position candidate say that about my’ wile. That
is the idea, you know—having other people to
say’ these hard things. Now, I know’ that my’
wife isn’t any better than site ought to be, poor
devil—in fact, in matters of orthodox doctrine,
she is particularly shaky—but still 1 would not
like these things aired in a political contest. I
don’t really suppose that that woman will stand
any more show’ hereafter titan ; however,
she may improve; may even become a beacon
light for the saving ot others—but if she does,
she will burn rather dim, and she will flicker a
good deal, too. But, as I was saying, a female
political canvass would be an outrageous thing.
Think of the torcli-light processions that w’oufd
distress our eves ! Think of the curious legends
on tlie transparencies!
“Robbins forever! Vote for Sallie Robbins,
tlie only virtuous candidate in the field !”
And this :
“Chastity, modesty, patriotism ! Lc-t the great
people stand by Maria Saunders, the champion
of morality and progress, and the only candidate
with a stainless reputation !”
And this:
“Vote for Judy McGinnis, tlie incorruptible!
Nine children—one at tlie breast!”
In that uay a man shall say to his servant,
“What is tlie matter with the baby ?” Ami the
servant shall reply, “It has been sick for hours.”
“And where is its mother?” “Site is out elec
tioneering for Sallie Robbins.” And suclt con
versations as these shall transpire between ladies
and servants, applying for situations: “Can you
cook?” “Yes.” “Yvash?” “Yes.” “Do genera!
housework?” “Y'es.” “All right; who is your
choice for Stale milliner?” “Judy McGinniss.”
“Well you can tramp.” And women shall talk
polities instead of discussing the fashions; and
they shall neglect the duties of the household to
go out and take a drink with candidates; and
men shall nurse ttie baby wliiie their wives travel
to the polls to vote, And also in that day the
man who hath beautiful whiskers shall beat the
homely man of wisdom for Governor, and the
youth who waltzes w ith exquisite grace shall be
chief of police in preference to tlie man of prac
ticed sagacity and determined energy.
* * '* * * * # * *•
Every mau I take it, has a selfish end in view
when he pours out eloquence in behalf of the-
public good in the newspapers, and such is the-
case with me. I do not want the privileges of
women extended, because my wife already holds,
office in nineteen different infernal female associ
ations and 1 have to do all her clerking. It yott
give the women full sweep with the men in poli
tical affairs, she will proceed to run for every
confounded office under the new dispensation.—
That will finish me. It is bound to finish me.
She would not have time to do anything at all
then, and the one solitary thing I have shirked
up to the present time would fall on me, and my
family would go to destruction; for I am not
qualified for a wet nurse. Mark Twain.
Our RuhmIhii Acquisition.
Tlie New York Times approves of the acqui
sition, and thinks that notwithstanding the par-
tizan opposition of the Senate to the administra
tion, a sense of public duty will constrain that
body to ratify the treaty.
The World thinks the C’zar lias sold us “a
sucked orange,” and asks, iiavc we done wisely’
in buying it? The Editor answers:
“It estimated by'what it is in itself, cer'afnly
no ; if by what the purchase may hereafter lead
to, perhaps y'es. When Franklin was asked the
use of some new discovery in science, his reply
was : “ W hat is the use of a new-horn infant ? It
may become a mau.” It is only iu some such
prospective view that we can discover any value
in this new purchase.” * * * *
Looking to the future, we must regard the pur
chase of the Russian possessions as wise, although
they are of little immediate value. It is an ad
vancing step in that manifest destiny which is
yet to give us British North America. When
we have completed our coast line on the Pacific,
we shall have hemmed around and shut in from’
the sea nearly the whole British territory. Canada
lies behind our New England States and New
Y’ork, which form a broad belt separating it lrom
the Atlantic. The St. Lawrence River Ls of little
value as an outlet, because it is closed by ice a
great part of the year, and its mouth is enveloped
with logs which render navigation dangerous
even during the warm season. A country thus
shut in would find itself so crippled if we should
close our gates, that its people w ill in time be
convinced that annexation is for their interest.
It was for reasons such as these that President
Pierce opened, twelve years ago, the negotiations
with Russia which President Johnson is now
drawing to a conclusion.”
The Sun likewise takes ground against the
acquisition. The editor says:
“Iu point ot worth, Russian America is of but
little consequence. It is a cold, bleak, barren
region, not worth a dollar for agriculture posses
sing no minerals that have yet lo-en discovered
and producing nothing marketable except the
furs of its animals. The population of the whole
territory is only about seventy'-five thousand of
whom nearly nine-tenths are Esquimaux. Rus-
D, Sabbath and Industrial schools, = , ■ ; ,,, , are Esquimaux. Kus-
i having been almost entirely clothed, ‘ ‘ t ,, TT .. ° largely to the territorial
of their parents for that matter, bv i ^ and would be useful
uiton/Lu.*. j 4—,1 u: : " to oratorical patriots on the anniversariM /.f
patriots on the anniversaries of our
natal day; but if it has an_v other desirable fea
tures we fail to perceive them.”
Tbe Russian Treaty.
Washington, April 6.—The Committee on
Foreign Affairs have reported on the Russian
treaty, and recommend its ratification.
_ From the Chicago Times.
A Remarkable Political Revelation.
A significant debate lately occurred iu the-
French Senate on tlie project with relation to the-
senatus-consultum. The question turned largely
on the benefits of a form of government in which
the ministry is or is not responsible to the legisla
tive body’.
In the course of the discussion, a long argu
ment was made by the Duke de Persigny against
ministerial responsibility. He showed that were
the cabinet ministers of tlie United States respon
sible to Congress there would have been a fail
ure to conquer the South. He said : “ Take the
case ot America during the late war. The cham
bers of the North w’ere as ardent as the govern
ment for the conquest of the South ; but suppose
there had been responsible ministers sitting in
them, do you suppose the issue would have been
the same ? At every battle lost there would have
been a change of ministry, an upset of the state,
and the rout of the armies would have extended*
to all men’s minds.”
There is a sound political truth in this state
ment; but its chief value depends upon its being
the precursor to what was said immediately after
by tlie noble speaker. After showing that our
success—so far as.oik owu efforts are concerned;
—depended upon the fact that our ministry is nor
responsible to the Legislature, he proceeded to
prove that it wms nothing but ministerial respon
sibility which prevented tlie interference of Eng
land during the iate w’ar, in favor of the South,
lie said: “Look at the attitude of England du
ring that struggle. The sentiments ot our neigh
bor Were not doubtful. Assuredly their wishes
were not for a re-establishment of the Union.—
Never was a finer occasion presented to free Eng-
gland, tor some centuries, from her ^American
nightmare.”
All this is true, beyond all doubt. And now
for the reason why England did not seize this
opportunity lo rid ilselt of its “American night
mare.” i'lie speaker added :
‘‘But her responsible ministers were there! They
counted the ranks ot their adversaries—so many
Radicals who will vote for the Union from po
litical passion, so many Tories, who, though
they wish for the same things as the Whigs, will
vote against them to turn them out. Before this
calculation they’ stopped short, inert and dis
couraged ; and the goddess opportunity escaped
their powerless hands. Shades of Pitt and Chat
ham, youDught to shudder; lor tbe instrument,
which in yonr hands was one of force, has be
come in those of your successors one of weak
ness !
IL would thus seem that according to the view
of a high French minister, one whose position
enables 1dm to know State secrets and to read
the motives underlying national policies, we
owe tlie non-interference of England simply to
the fear that tlie measure lavoring an active in
terposition might imperil the official existence
ot a halt dozen Cabinet ministers. From ail
that we know of England, we have a right to
conclude that it was-anything else but a want of
inclination which prevented the administration
from putting an end to the war and the American
republic.
\ ery fortunately’, we have a system of gov
ernment in which the ministerial agencies are
comparatively free from responsibility. Perhaps,
then, when England gets fairly embroiled with
Ireland—as it will in time—we may embrace the
opportunity to free ourselves, not for “some cen
turies,” but forever, lrom our English “night
mare.”
A Cukious Case.—The Chicago husband
who went away on business January 31, and
came home February’ 16, to find that liis wife
had got a divorce from him meantime, and mar-'
ried another man, was only a sample case.
The only witness against him, tfie charge being
cruelty’, was the new husband. As some atone
ment, this is the third case noticed within a
week where courts have set aside their decree
of divorce after one of the parties had married
again. There is a fourth case, which equally
illustrates the looseness of our marriage laws
where a man, as a mere practical joke, obtained
the legal separation of a newly married couple,
by acting as attorney’tor the gentleman, whom
he made the plaintiff in his absence on the wed
ding tour. On his return lie found the decree
on his table, aud learned that the latter part ot
his honey moon he had been illegally cohabit-
_ with his tbrrncr wife, and was obliged to
take out a new license awl get married again.
Lord Brougham once said in Parliament, not
halt the people knew whether or not they were
legally married.
Greeley lias our condolences. The Senate
lias confirmed General Steedman as Collector of
Interval Revenue tor New Orleans, notwithstand
ing tbe fact that he did more to damage that di
vine institution, the Freedmen’s Bureau, than any
man living.—Richmond Examiner.
\