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“ERROR CEA8ES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REAfDN IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT. "—Jefferson. VOLUME XIX. ATLANTA, GA„ WEDNESDAY, APRIL 24,1867. NUMBER 17. tifcrhlQ Jatflliflfnfrr. ATLANTA, GEOE&IA, Wednesday, April 24, 1866. Headquarter* Third military District We notice the following order of Major General Pope in the Opinion of yesterday morning: Heaixji’artcru Tbiss Military District, ) Atlanta, Oa., April It, 1887. f General Order No. 0. The Headquarters of this Military District are hereby transferred from Montgomery, Alabama, to Atlanta, Georgia. John Pope, Brevet Major General Commanding. This change of “ Military Headquarters ” from Montgomery to Atlanta, is gratifying to o t citi zens, who will endeavor to make it agreeable to the District Commander. Government Secnrltla*. A decline in Government securities has been noticeable in the market reports several days.— Some of the financial writers are disposed to at tribute this tendency to a vague fear in the minds of capitalists that repudiation is not among the impossibilities of the future. The immense amount of public indebtedness and the reckless manner in which it is being increased by the party in power, is calculated, perhaps, to give color to this apprehension. The present decline, however, is most likely the result of a return of these securities in unusual quantities from abroad, induced by the impression that a general Euro- «ean war is imminent. The Supreme Court. Several of the run-mad Radical prints, like the New York Herald, suggest that it will be come necessary to squelch the Supreme Court, lest it throw obstructions in the way of the party ami prevent it from carrying out its destructive programme. The Judiciary has ever been re garded by thinking minds as the last hope and refuge of the people, and it will be a darker and more gloomy period than has yet marked the history of the country, when that conservative department of the government shall shrink and cower from a stern and unyielding maintenance of its duties and prerogatives, at the bidding of party spirit, or under the threats and menaces of the majority in the National Legislature. Muvuuuuli—Culled State* District Court. The United States District Court met at Sa vannaii, on Monday, Judge Erskine presiding. The Daily Republican says the following gentle men were reinstated as Solicitors in the Court on petition: R. S. Lanier, Richard K. Hines, S. Yates Le vy, Edward J. Hardin, Peter L. Strozier, Thos. E. Lloyd William H. Hull, Henry Williams, James A. Niabet, William Law, William Dough erty, John M. B. Lovell, Henry R. Jackson, and li. J. Moses. The following were admitted on application: Linton Stephens, Peter W. Alexander, Walter 8. Chisholm, George A. Mercer. Martin J. Ford, J. R. Saussy, and John O. Ferrill. The oath being administered and subscribed liy the applicants, their names were entered up- ou the record as practising attorneys in the Courts of the United States. Tennessee. The convention to nominate a candidate lor Governor in opposition to the present incum bent, Brownlow, and to organize for a thorough canvass of the State, assembled at Nashville on the 16tli. It appears from a dispatch in the Chattanooga Union of yesterday that the nomi nation lias fallen upon a capable man, Hon. Em erson Etheridge. The Union says: “ This tearless Unionist has been unanimously nomina ted by the conservative Union men of Tennessee, as their standard bearer in the coming campaign. Emerson Etheridge hac a record tor consistent loyalty to the Union, which even the most vitu perative Brownlowite cannot impugn. Previous to the war, he was a Whig in politics, and repre* seined the N inth District in Congress for three terms. During the war he was an active and tearless denouncer of the rebellion, and now all good and true men of every political opinion, who desire peace and harmony in the State, should rally to his support. “ The resolutions re affirm the devotion ot the conservative Union men ot Tennessee to the Uuiou and the Constitution. They favor the extension of equal political rights to all men, regardless of race or color. They favor the en franchisement of the late rebels; take strong ground against the repudiation of the national debt; agaiut the Militia law, and favor the po licy of the President “ A committee was appointed to prepare an address to the people.” The unexpected defeat ot the Radical party at the recent election in the Nutmeg State seems to have alarmed the better portion of the Republi can press, and to have impressed them with the notion that it is the beginning ot a series of dis asters which are to end in the complete and total rout and ruin of the party. Believing that the sole mission of radicalism is to oppress the peo ple and ruin and destroy the government by changing the spirit and genius ot its institutions, we will be uncharitable enough to express a hope that the forebodings of some of the more pru dent of iu friends will be fully realized, and that the party may be broken and scattered until it is powerless for further mischief. Rising into al most unlimited power on the excitements and incidents of the war, it has absorbed in its ranks some ot the worst elements that ever cursed the political history of any country, and the patriotic and thinking mind must hail even the slightest indication of its decline and overthrow with feel ings of satisfaction and delight Among other papers which have taken the alarm and are now engaged in warning the par ty, is the Providence Journal, which is second to none in New England in point of ability, circu lation and influence. It attributes the result of the election in Connecticut solely to the course of the extremists, and characterizes the leaders as ambitious and reckless men whom the party cannot endure and live, and that their schemes and tendencies are mischievous enough to ruin any political organization that may favor them. Foremost among these mischievous measures, it says: “ we place the impeachment of the Presi dent. This is known to be favored and even determined upon in advance, by a small knot of members of the House of Representatives, dis tinguished for their activity and zeal in every cause which they espouse. They regard the President as in the way, and they are determined to put him out of the way. They are calling upon the Republican purty to assist them in doing this, and to assume the responsibility of the proceedings. It may be they will suc ceed ; if we may judge from their language, they certainly expect to succeed, but if they do accomplish their purposes, it is easy enough to see that the Republican Party is ru ined. To put a President out of office lor mere political considerations, under the guise of im peachment, would be sure to alienate and disgust the people of the country, and they would instinct ively desert the party that should do it. If so sol emn an act is ever performed.it must be only on the clearest grounds of the public security, and the most obvious proofs of treasonable intentions and moral incapacity. Faults of personal character, errors of judgment, differences with Congress, either in opinion or in policy ; constructive mis demeanors that have to be hunted up and made sensational by partisan orators, will never an swer. Any provisional administration that could be created would be powerless and contemptible. A President so removed would be regarded as a victim of legislative injustice and oppression, and the party that should sauction it would be swept from power in a whirlwind of indignation.** In tiiis connection, it is worthy of note that while all the leading and more influential Re publican journals of the North and West are de nouncing the impeachment scheme of Ashley and Butler, and the confiscation and plunder programme of Thad. Stevens, the organs of the loyal leaguers, and the quasi radical sheets pub lished at different points in the South are urging thede measures, and threatening the people with their adoption, thus illustrating that the worst enemies of the South are of its own household, and the greatest obstacles against which it now lias to contend are furnished by men born and nurtured on its own soil. Let the people note and avoid all such. PaimuMr* (tor th* military District*. The Washington correspondent of the New Y ork Herald says that five paymasters have been appointed for the new military districts, who will be charged with the duty of disbursing all moneys for the expense of officers employed urn der the five military governors. The following are the names and district of the appointees: First District, headquarters Richmond, Va., Paymaster T. H. Stanton. Second District, headquarters Columbia, S. C., Paymaster J. W. Nichols. Third District, headquarters Atlanta, Ga., Pay master E. D. Judd. Fourth District, headquarters Vicksburg, Mias., Paymaster P. P. Q. Hall. Fifth District, headquarters New Orleans, La., Paymaster Nicholas Vedder. Gerritt Smith.—This gentleman, one amoDg the earliest abolitionists, and a persistent anti- slavery man tor a quarter of a century, strenu ously opposes confiscation, and denounces it as a proposition to plunder a prostrate people. His position and views on the subject are a striking commentary on the course ot those Southern- bom men who are continually shaking confisca tion over the heads of the people. No one thinks of offering any factious opposition to the operation of the military bill, but, in order to convince the country of their sincerity and ready acquiescence in the peculiar condition of affairs, it is hardly necessary for the Southern peopie to eat humble pie three times a day, with the gaunt ami grim spectre oi confiscation presiding at the table. _ Thu Bridge at dridgeport.—The CUatla nooga Union of Wednesday says So fiercely did the wiud blow on the Tennessee river day I h lore yesterday, aud also part of Monday, that no cars could be transferred at Bridgeport. On Saturday, however, sixty-four cars were trans it m-d each wav, and arrangements have now tieen made to transfer seventy cars per day — I'his is reallv a large number, but will probably be exceeded in a few days more. TV ork on the bridge at Bridgeport is progressing rapidly. The Grasshopper Invasion.—The grass hopper invasion of Kansas and Western Mis souri, ltu-i fall, will be remembered. The St. Jo seph (Mo) He mid now says the tanners in tluu city are living in dread of a return, or rather a recurrence of the invasion. They are dispirited, dare not trade, incur any expense, or act upon the idea that they are thi« fall to reap the re ward of their spring labors. This fear actually has a very depressing influence upon business. The Signs of the Times. According to the Richmond Times one ot the most distressing features of the day “is the ex travagance of the people. Although it is patent to every one in possession ot any degree of in telligence that there is impending a most crush ing financial trouble, and despite the fact that poverty has been made the general lot of the population of the South, on every side we be hold the evidences ot a fearful carelessness and a wanton disregard of the infallible indications intended to warn us and to check the mad dis position to riot in luxury and tolly. “ Women array themselves in the costliest robes, and adorn themselves with the glittering gew-gaws of fashion, who in their homes are half ted and suffering from the pinchings ot hunger. “ Men who cannot pay their board bills and are often obliged to turn otf their tailors and washerwomen without pay, sport themselves in proud elegance, too lazy to work and too unprin cipled to spend only that which is their own. “ When these things exist, what have we to expect ? Can honesty and virtue flourish ? Can women cherish their chastity and keep it as un sullied as the “ icicle that hangs on Dian’s tem ple?” Can men avoid the dishonor ot defalca tion or escape the temptation to crime which their blind selt-indulgence is sure to create ? “ The present state of society in America is quite as corrupt as that which existed, immedi ately after the discovery 7 of this continent, in Spain and in France, and the countries of Eu rope. No purification can be anticipated until extravagance is checked, and the people return to the old-fashioned customs which were wont to prevail prior to the demoralization provoked by the war in this country. Everything pleads for this reform. Society, religion, the political welfare, each is seriously affected. Passion has run riot long enough. It is high time that the second sober thought should stay its career.” (• » Western Man. Most of onr Western exchanges contain the following fetter addressed by Ex-Governor Brown, ot this State, to a citizen of New A1 bany, Indiana. In transferring it to the columns of the Intelligencer, wc have to express our regret at the manner in which Governor Brown has been “assailed” by many Southern papers, and his “motives impugned.” That this distin guished gentleman, who has done the State so much service, was governed by a conscientious conviction of duty, we are sure, and that be knew and understood the “political situation” of the South, when he wrote the letter that has been so bitterly, and so ^currilously assailed in many quarters, no sane man will question. Ac cording to his knowlededge and his understand ing, then, is it proper that be should be denied the privilege of communing with his fellow citizens, or that, when he does so, he should be subject to such assaults as those to which we have referred above ? Surely not! Let those rather who do not see in Governor Brown’s letter aught to approve, expose cither its fallacies, or its want of patriotism ; its errors or its deficiency in logic; but in doing so, let them preserve their own self-respect, at least, by avoiding a resort to personal reflections and scurrilous abuse, a course by no means maintaining the dignity of the press. The presses which have so committed themselves should remember that there is no ar gument in abuse, no logic in scurrility; and that no weapons in political warfare are so impotent as they. The time indeed has come—it is upon us so that no man can escape from it—when temper must yjeld to a wise policy ; when unity ot action shall mark the course of our people when angry controversy must cease; or the South will become a mere dependence upon the North, and her people left with liberty alone—to obey the laws prescribed for their government.— Governor Brown’s views may not be accepta bla to many, but they are entitled to at least as much respectful consideration as the opinions of any press that has thought proper to denounce them : Atlanta* March 23,1867. Dear Sir—Your communication came to hand yesterday, and I have read with pleasure the kind expressions it contains. I have been bitterly as sailed by many Southern presses, and my motives impugned, on account of my letter on the 23d ultimo. I acted from a conscientious conviction of duty. I knew the situation, and had no doubt that it was the best for both North and South that this vexed question be forever settled, and as speedily as possible. We, as the conquered, can expect no better terms than those contained in the Sherman bill. Your people, as the con querors, can never have a high state of prosperi ty while this section is prostrate and her interests paralyzed. Under existing circumstances, the welfare of the whole country will be best promo ted by the prompt acceptance ot the terms on our pari, in good faith, and a faithful adherence to the pledges contained in the act on your pari. We must accept the act as a final settlement, and you must then admit us to representation; and we must all shake hands over past differences.— Let the old family of sister States again assemble around the common council board. Let each drop a tear over the follies and misfortunes of the past, and let all resolve in future that all dis tracting sectional agitations shall be banished from the hall of legislation, and tiiat the promo tion ot the best interests of the whole country, and all its parts, shall be our highest ambition, and we will then see returning prosperity and happiness in every part of our vast territory.— This is now my most ardent wish. If I can be in strumental in producing this result, I am content that others hold the offices and enjoy the honors. I shall do all I can to encourage loyalty and obedi ence to the constituted authorities. As a private citizen (for I expect no public position), I shall contribute my humble part to uphold the flag, sus tain the credit and maintain the honor of the gov ernment against every assault, in every emergen cy. I was a secessionist, and, if you please, a bold, ardent rebel. I conscientiously believed that we had the right peaceably to secede. The people of your section denied this right. We appealed to the arbitrament of the sword—no other tribunal having jurisdiction of the case. The decision was in your favor. We are bound by it. I con sider the judgment conclusive and the settlement final. I took my parole as a military commander, and the amnesty oath in good faith. I have done no act in violation of either, nor do I ever intend to in future. The Government of the United States is now my government—its flag is now my flag. I chose both after the surrender in F reference to any other government or flag, and am determined, come what may, to act faith fully and defend both. With this'fixed purpose, it is natural that I should desire the stability of the government and the prosperity of the whole country as the greatest earthly blessing. In reply to your comments upon parties I have only to say that I shall sympathise aud en courage our people to act in future with the party, no matter by what name it may be called, which has most ability to build up and restore prosperity to the land of my birth and the home of my manhood, and shows the greatest disposi tion to respect onr rights as the broken section of the Union. I do not intend to be bound by past predilection or prejudices. We have entered upon a new era, and I expect to take a practical view of each question as it is presented. This I believe to be the intention of a majority ot our people. After we are restored to the Union, we intend to discharge our obligations in good faith, and we shall expect equal rights and equal pro tection. Very respectfully, your obedient ser vant, Joseph E. Brown. The Confederate Dead. The Rome Commercial thos refers to an ap proaching anniversary, in which all must feel a sad and tearful interest: The twenty-sixth day of April, the mournful anniversary, is drawing nigh, when the people of the South will go lorth to weep above the graves of their dead heroes, and to crown their undying memories with flowers. Our citizens will not forget this sacred duty, while they cher ish a feeling of venerating honor for the’ dead, and for the cause in which they perished. Let there be no extensive demonstration. Our crushed hearts and hopes leave us no relish for such displays, and surrounding circnmstances peremptorily torbid them. Then silently gau - er around the grassy mounds that cover their honored remains; and while the meanderings oi memory carry von back to the fields of Uieir glory, humbly offer your gratitude to the Great Ruler and Disposer of nations, that amid your present heavy grief there comes, ever and anon, one cheering thought, telling yon that there, moulderipg beneath your feet, are those who did their all to save you—even yon, weeping moth ers and lathers, heart-broken wives and daugh ters. Oh! we doubt not, but that even now, as you contemplate gathering there to sadly com memorate this mournful day, the spirits ot those dear ones are calling: •• Come to our quiet, lonelv grave*. There kneel in humble prayer: And we will steal Irom Heaven above To meet and bless thee there." , ^ j After Funds.—The Radicals of Tennessee The Beecher.—Henry Ward Beecher has j have agents traveling in the North ami West so- been nominated as a candidate lor the New York j liciting lands with which to prosecute the can- Senslble Letter Irom a Freedman. The Richmond Dispatch publishes the follow ing sensible letter from one ot the most respet- able freedmen in the City of Richmond: To the Richmond Dispatch : Messrs. Editors—Will you be so kind as to allow me to speak a few words through your paper about our condition, present and future V Being myself a freedman, I can speak from self-experience that we can live heiebetter with out the aid of any such men as Honnicntt& Co., for if they could support us after he has led us astray, and give us all we need, then it would do well for us to go with him to the ballot-box and cast our votes for him and his men. But, brother freedmen, I hope that we are not blind to our in terests. We have got to live in the South with this very people that he is trying to make us turn our backs upon—the only friends we have to depend upon—for the times and crisis call for the truest men your State can afford—men who will labor hard and honest to bring about an early peace between the two races. And where can the men be found ? No where elsg but right in your own State. Let ns look to ourselves, that we lose not the things we have by allowing onr friends from ths other side of the lines to tell us here to go where they are not willing for us to be, in their own State. But I say that we have to live here with the people ot the South, not in war, as some have said, but in peace and prosperity. Then let us arise like men of sound judgment and stand by our peopie. They won’t hart us, bat they will respect us if we respect them. Bat we most remember that in the midst of arms the law is silent. But we must remem ber that these things cannot last always, and Mr. Hunnicutt will leave os to sip up the poison that he has caused to flow from every comer where he has been among the most ignorant, by telling them not to vote with rebels. But, sirs, I would rather trust them—I mean the rebels, so-called —with our whole cause a thousand times than to trust Mr. Hunnicutt once. Our people are poor; they have nothing; and Mr. Haanicutt will squeeze the eagle on a five-cent piece till it squeal like two pigs under a gate, before he will give it to one of us. But I must dose. Fellow-freedmen, let us stand by the South as long as she stands, and let us help to raise her up; and when she rises, we will rise with her; and if she fall, we will fall with her; for she is our home, and there is no place like home. |lly to remove his ‘ jurisdiction of »n al property likewise suspended i except in cases money, accruing The telegraph announced on the 15th that General Sickles, commanding in the Second Military District, had issued an order staying the collection of civil debts. The Charleston papers of the day following contain a copy of the order at length. It is said to give great satisfaction. We copy so much as is necessaiy to a general nnderstanding of the fetter- and spirit of the order: I. Imprisonment for debt is prohibited, unless the defendant in execution shall be convicted of a fraudulent concealment or, disposition of his property, with intent to hinder, delay and pre vent the creditor in the recovery of his debt or demand. And the proceedings now established in North and South Carolina, respectively, for 1 the trial and determination of such questions may be adopted. iL Judgments or decrees, for the payment of money, on causes ot action aii- iri£between the 10th of December, 1860, and 'the 15th of May, 1865, shail not be enforced b_n execution against the property or the person c.f the defendant.— Proceedings in such causes of action, now pend ing, shall be stayed; and no suit or process shall be hereafter instituted, or commenced, tor any such causes of action. III. Sheriffs, Coroners, anti Constables, are hereby directed to suspend Idr twelve calendar months, the sale of all property, upon .execution*' or process, on liabilities contracted prior to the 19th of December, 1860, unless upon the written consent of the defendants, except in cases where the plaintiff, or in his absence; his agent or attor ney, shall, upon oath, with corroborative testi mony, allege and prove that Ike defendant is re moving, or intends frauduP property beyond the terri the Court. The sale ot real by foreclosure of mortgage i for twelve calendar montl where the payment of interesi since the 15th day ot May, 1865, shall not have been made before the day of sale. IV. Judgments or decrees entered or enrolled on causes of action arising subsequent to the 15th of May, 1865, may be enforced by execution against the properly of the defendant; and in the application of the money arising under such executions regard shall be had to the priority ot liens, unless in cases where the good faith oi any lien shall be drawn in question. In such cases the usual mode of proceeding adopted in North and South Carolina, respectively, to determine that question, shall be adopted. V. All proceedings for the recovery ot money under contracts, whether under seal or by parole, the consideration for which was the purchase of negroes, are suspended. Judgments or decrees entered or enrolled for such cause of action, shall not be enforced. VI. All advances ot moneys, subsistence, im plements and fertilizers, loaned, used, employed or required tor the purpose of aiding the agricul tural pursuits of the people, shall be protected. And the existing laws which have provided the most efficient remedies in such cases for the lender will be supported and enforced. Wages for la bor performed in the production of the crop shall be a lien on the crop, and payment of the amount due for such wages shall be enforced by the like remedies provided to secure advances of money and other means for the cultivation of the soil. VIL In all sales of property under execution or by order of any court, thertf shall be reserved out of the property ot any defendant, who has a fami ly dependent upon his or her labor, a dwelling house and appurtenances and twenty acres of land for the use and occupation of the family of the defendant: and necessary articles of fur niture, apparel, subsistence; implements of trade, husbandry or oilier employments, of the value of five hundred dollars. The' homestead ex emption shall inure only to the benefit of fami lies—that is to say; to parent or parents and child or children. In other cases, the exemption shall extend only to clothing, implements of trade or other employment usually followed by the defendant, of the value of one hudred dol lars. The exemption hereby made shall not be waived or defeated by the act of the defendant. The exempted property ot the defendant shall be ascertained by the Sheriff, or other officer enforcing the execution, who shall specifically describe the same and make a report thereof in each case to the court. » State Convention, by the Republicans of Brook lyn. There is no doubt about the gentleman being more appropriately qualified for the ros trum than the pulpit. ▼ass in that State. They are moustroos patriots Southern Conflscator*. The Raleigh Standard (Holden’s organ) is rather in favor of confiscation. It says: “Mi. Stevens has solemnly declared that he will devote his remaining strength to the work of confiscation. His influence in Congress is well known. The great body of the Northern people, and many of our owrftpeople, feel that it would be an act of gross and crying injustice to free the slaves and give them no lands; and that, to say the least, it would be better that the large bodies of land held by Southern rebels be cut up into small farms for the poor whites and the colored people. Revolutions never go back wards, and this revolution has not yet run its course.” These are the opinions of one wlio professes be a Southerner. The opinions of Northern men of the correctness of his ideas are shown by the following extract from an editorial of the New York Times, tt> which we call the especial attention of our readers: The effect ot writing of this character can not but be mischievous. It introduces a new element of uncertainty into the Soutb, intensi fies its industrial paralysis, and heightens the distrust which already deters capitalists from embarking in its enterprises. It shows that, in the opinion of politicians who claim. a peculiar right to manage affairs, and a peculiar influence over Congressional action, a sweeping measure confiscation is in itself righteous, and should be pressed upon the coqntry. The Standard mis-states the case, when itde dares that ‘the great body of the Northern peo ple’ favor the measure, and that the influence of Mr. Stevens in Congress is a guarantee of its ul timate adoption. The personal influence of Mr. tevens we have no inclination to depreciate; but the last two sessions have abundantly prov ed that the influence, large as it is, does not ena ble him to carry points at variance with the gen eral sentiment of the party. We should be sorry to lose him from the political arena, and are con tent' that he shall ‘devote his remaining strength the work of confiscation,’ because the failure of his efforts in that regard does not admit ot doubt The reception accorded to bis confisca tion bill is evidence of this. It met no response the House, and was postponed indefinitely by its author, because an attempt to pass it wonld have quickly ended in its rejection. With all their radicalism, the majority of members are not prepared to sustain a scheme that is repug nant to the moral sense and the humanity of the North. They know that the ‘great body of the Northern people’ not only have no desire to seize the lands ot the planters and divide them among the freedmen, but wnald frown down such project as barbarous, unjust and eminently im politic. The current opinioa at the North flows in a direction widely different from that on which the extremists of North Carolina base their cal culations. Their reasoning is as nnsound as their axiom. Revolutions do sometimes ‘go backwards,' or, rather, their violence sometimes produces a re-action which undoes the work and permanently neutralizes their influence. The more sensible of the radical journals, recogniz ing the imminence of re-action as a consequence of too violent proceedings, are earnest in their condemnation ot the very measures on which the Bolden friction build their hopes. The Chi cago Tribune, than which the radicals have few abler or more influential organs, condemns confiscation and repudiates it in behalf of the party. When Mr. Stevens introduced his bQl, the Tribune denounced it as a libel upon the Northern people, who want no measure of ven geance, and will tolerate none of robbery. The same journal denounces the recent propositions of Mr. Sumner, and in effect declares that no party could live after giving them its sanction.” Stealing by System.—Recently there was discovered and broken up at Norwalk, Con necticut, a society that was formed for the pur pose of carrying oat systematically the business of stealing and secreting and selling the stolen goods. The society was regularly organized with president, secretary and treasurer, and was composed mainly of clerks in all branches of trade. A strict account was kept of the steal ings uf-eacli member, and the value accredited We commend to our readers a careful perusal of the following editorial copied from the Na tional Intelligencer, of the 10th iust. It is truth ful and instructive: Has a majority a right to deprive any portion of the people of this country of the protection ot law ? This momentous question is now be fore the American people, aud on its proper an swer depend the liberties of this nation. To the descendants of Englishmen whose ancestors es tablished the sacred supremacy of law by centu ries of bloodshed and of civil strife, who wrested from regal hands the great charter of English liberty, and in a subsequent age vindicated the sovereignty of the law in the blood of one ruler, and by the expulsion of another, it may seem strangethat such a question should be* asked. For in EnglObd it is no longer a question. The law .binds alike the king on his throne and the peasant in his hut; and omnipotent as is the Parliament, it cannot set aside certain principles which are the very constitutional elements of British freedom. • So, too, we had supposed that in this country there were certain political truths so universally recognized, and sp deeply imbedded in the pop ular thought, that a man might just as well as sail the axioms of mathematics as to array him self against them—the right of trial by jury; the right of tree speech ; freedom from arrest, save by judicial process, with the certainty of a spee dy trial in the vicinage of the alleged offense; immunity from search; independent ownership ot property. But in the days of the revolutionary struggle au eminent Lord Chancellor of England said that the revolting colonies would ere long lose the. writ of habeas corpus and the jury trial, be cause they did not know what these cost. They were priceless privileges, lightly acquired by them, to be as lightly lost; whereas Englishmen had purchased them at too much cost ot treas ure and of blood ever to part with them. In solemn earnestness, and with a deep sense of the national peril, we appeal to our countrymen to know if this prophecy is to be fulfilled in this generation. The military bills -are utti rly irreconcilable with the principles of a tree government. What makes a despotism ? The arrest of free citizens their imprisonment, and death; the sequestra tiou of their property ? Not then alone, but the fact that they are liable to arrest; that outrages may be arbitrarily committed against which they have no secure redress. There are thou sands of men who plant and sow, who buy and sell, who tend herds or make fabrics, in Turkey, who are never seriously disturbed by the satraps of the Sultan or the minions of a pasha. But every man is liable to arbitrary interference, and this.ls the curse which makes life and property unsafe and free speech impossible. Yet, in free America, in the midst ot a boasting Republic, in the full blaze of the Christian civilization of the nineteenth century, we have ordained a des potism—a government which makes every citi zen, from the Rio Grande to the Potomac, liable to arrest, imprisonment, and fine, at the mere will of a soldier. That tills is not marked by the infamous abuses of despotic authority is owing, not to the nature of the power conferred, but the character of the men who wield it. Is this principle of clothing with irresponsible power, by act ot Congress, the commander of a military district, erected by that Congress, to re ceive the sanction of the American people? If it is, what is to liiuiler that same Congress from declaring any State government unrepublicun in form and setting it aside, creating in its stead a military district ? Tlie only power possessed by Congress is that conferred by the Constitution.' But that instru ment gives flo more power over one State than over another. It-has no more authority over Virginia than over Pennsylvania; no more right to control Georgia than Delaware. It is express ly prohibited from suspending the writ of habeas corpus “ unless when, in cases of rebellion and in vasion, the public safety may require it.” There is no rebellion; there is no invasion ; the public safety does not require it. But in no event is Congress authorized to rear the military above the civil arm throughout the nation, or to set aside the supremacy ot the civil authority. Yet this has been done, and on a gi gantic scale, and we are told that the will of the majority is an ^1-sufficient vindication. But the will of the majority cannot justly deprive a citi zen of his right of speech, though holding him responsible for his abuse of it. It cannot wrest from him his property unless by due process of law, and for an offense clearly deserving of pun ishment. It cannot justly thrust him into prison, and keep him there by a mere arbitrary exercise of piower. And we solemly warn our country men that be who seriously defends such Chings is himself prepared lor a mastei, and is uphold ing doctrine^ that strike at the very root of civil and religious freedom. The liberties of the citi zens are not held under tbe sanction of the Exe cutive or by the permit of Congress. They can not, therefore, be impaired by Executive fiat or by legislative act They derive their inherent vitality from the law of God, as enunciated in the law of the land; and though it may exercise the power, we utterly deny the right even ot a majority to upset our Constitution and substitute in its place a Congressional despotism. there Tennessee Radicals, bat you never catch to him on the society book. Profit enough had one of them wearing himartf out unless he can I been already secured to enable two families to are money inth* operation. I visit the Paps Exposition. The Food. Question. The following remarks upon the food ques tion, from a recent number of the Cincinnati Gazette, will not fail to interest the reader: An important feature in the general markets at present—a very important one, indeed—is the excitement in flour and grain, and the high prices established. This is not the result ot speculation, but of absolute scarcity. In regard to wheat, it may be remarked tbat we are now feeling the full effect of tbe failure of tbe last crop. The consumption has now so far gained upon the supply, as to render it difficult for mil lers to meet even the diminished consumptive demand for flour. This, of course, excites a speculative movement, bat the effect of the latter will be to cause farmers to harry to market whatever remains of the crop, not only in this section, bnt throughout the country. Meantime, peop’e will be compelled to use a substitute for wheat flour. Bread becomes a serious item in household expenses when flour, at retail, reaches $16 to $17 per barrel. Corn meal and potatoes will of necessity take the place of flour to a large extent. Tbe new crop of wheat will come upon a market more bare than baa been experi enced for a great many years. This being the case,'it is particularly pleasant to know tbat the growing wheat crop was never more promising. In some sections tbe breadth oi land planted was not as large as usual, owing to the scarcity of seed, but there is nevertheless a fair average of land under winter wheat, and if the harvest turns out as well as it now promises, we shall h&ve a fair yield. The crop is, of course, still liable to suffer, bat suffice it for the present, that the prospects are excellent, and the season decidedly favorable. Let no.one suppose that we are to haves continued scarcity of produce, with the single exception, perhaps, of wheat. Present ly there will be a rush to get stuff to market, and people who operate upon the idea of a continued scarcity, will be seriously hurt. There were good crops of corn, oats, potatoes, and minor articles of produce last year, and there is a large surplus remaining in the country, which the high prices prevailing, will bring ont. There are plenty of cows, too, to give milk, and milk means batter; there has been no hen cholera that we have heard of, and hens have not quit laying eggs. We shall, therefore, have plentyjqf eggs after awhile. Grass is backward, but it is now coming forward rapidly. This will facili tate butter making. Sheep are plenty, and have been as productive as usual. Good grass will soon give ns plenty of mutton, anil spring lambs will shortly begin to crowd our markets. In fine, we are not going to have a famine, and people who are calculating upon a continuance of famine prices, had better begin to put their houses (finan cially) in order. Little Boy Shot in a Quarrel with a Playmate.—The Memphis Post of the 15th says : “We have received information of adiss- tressing affair which occurred at Somerville, Fayette county, on Saturday evening last— A difficulty occurred between a little son of Judge Reeves, of the Circuit Court, eleven years old, and another lad of about the same age, son of Dewit Moseby. Daring the altercation young Moeeby drew a pistol and shot his antagonist, inflicting a wound from which he has since died. Young Reeves is represented to have been an unusually bright boy. Both families are plunged into profound sorrow by the occur rence. When will parents learn to disconten- ance die carrying of deadly weapons by their children ? General Bartow’* Farewell. BY MISS DHU3ILLA WORTH. Gen. Bartow, of Savannah, commanded troopB in Virginia. Before leaving home he was im pressed with tbe belief that he would never meet his wife again. He was killed in making a charge at Manassas against the old New York Zouaves, aud thus his presentiment was verified. Darling, come buckle on my eword, The parting hour baa come, I hear the shrill notes of the fife, And spirit-stirring dram. Be brave, my bright, my beautiful, My first and only lore; God asks of us the sacrifice, Bnt we will meet above. One kiss, my own true-hearted wife, Then bid your Bartow go. And seek amid war’s deadly strife, To meerour tountry’s foe. Look np, my love, and smile once-mora— See yonder are my men. They must not see me falter now. Lest it dishearten them. _ , No tears I bnt like Andromica, Go help to tend tbe loom, Yet never, like her Hector, will Your own true Bartow come. Farewell, and when the battle’s o’er, Pray look among the slain, And you will see tne reason why I cannot come again. God shield thee from the coming woe, Shall be my constant prayer, Until He calls thee home above I’ll leave thee fa His care. The boys are watting—I must go, Farewell, my own dear wife, Thia is the last I’ll ever see Of thee again in life. Wendell Phillips Again, Wendell Phillips, according to his friends, is the soul of the Republican party, the man who furnishes it with brains. His outgivings, there fore, are entitled to some consideration. The following is the latest: Muscatine, Iowa, April 5,1866. Lord John Russell, you remember, talked of the Reform Bill of 1831 as a “ finality.” So some men seem to fancy the Military bill a finali ty. It is only a half-way house on the Congres sional road from Lincoln and Stevens. The train stops there to wood and water; gels rid of some passengers and a large amount of baggage, to go forward at an increased speed. All our duty is to press constantly on the na tion the absolute need of three thmgs: 1. The exercise of the whole police power of the Government to hold the South quiet while the seeds of Republicanism get planted. 2. The constitutional amendmsnt, securing universal suffrage in spite of all State legislation. 3. A constitutional amendment authorizing Congress to establish common schools in any State destitute of them, at the State’s expense. For these measures we must educate the pub lic mind. These are the Soil in which the seeds of good government and equal rights can alone be trusted. But I think we must direct our care a little farther ahead. Johnson is watched, and will be impeached or crippled. The next important question is, to whom shall the nation give the helm for the next four years? If a Democrat gets it we shall lose two-thirds of the war. If a compromiser has it we shall lose one-half. With Radicalism at the helm, we may save two-thirds of what we have earned. In that next four years the pressure from business men for the Government to open, in some way and on some conditions' the old channels of business, will be irresistible. The Republican leaders, having secured (if they do secure) a party triumph, by keeping the South out of the Electoral College of 1868, will give way. The next administration, therefore, must be expected to settle this ques tion. The bias of that man who occupies the White House theu will lie of immense impor tance. Now the country is drifting into the Presiden cy of Gen. Grant—a man of whose political ideas (if he has any) no man can tell us anything. The first assertion of his friends is, that he is a safe man, because he has nq political ideas, and will be in good hands. Alas! our present incu bus was in good bands! Next time we want a man with brains and a licaTt of his own, not one who depends on being girded and guided “ whither he will not.” Astounding madness! Republicans tell us they must nominate Grant, else the Democrats will! In these hours, when the nation agonizes for existence, we take a man for our leader so lacking in principle that he will suit either party equally well! Two armies in deadly fight, one deliberately chooses for its leader such a perfect Swiss that the other will clutch him if the first does not! Lincoln’s fear of Kentucky did us infinite harm. I hope Grant’s love for it will not be allowed to do us more. Memphis, New Orleans and Baltimore are enough to show liow Grant does bis military duty. Do they encourage us to trust him with any civil ones ? Wendell Phillips. Meeting In Baker County. The Albany News of the 16th contains the ac count below of a meeting held in that place a few days ago. It may weil be doubted whether meetings of the kind are likely to result in any thing beneficial. So far the indications are un favorable : At an early hour in the morniog the crowd commenced gathering, and by ten o’clock the streets were crowded. Almost every planter in the community had furnished wagons and moles to transport his hands to town. An unfortunate misunderstanding occurred between the negroes themselves. But about one o’clock they com menced gathering at the Court House, and quite a crowd came up, but not more that one-third of the number in the city. The truth is they did not understand nor did they care what was go ing on. • Speeches were made by C. Broadenax, Phil Joiner, Peter Hines, Hill Johnson, and Geo. Washington, colored, and by CoL D. P. Hill, P. Strozier, and Gen. Morgan. Two of the speeches were of the most malig nant character, and resulted in no good, being the recital of personal wrongs, revenge and spite. The others were temperate, and though not in accordance with our feelings, yet they were re spectful in tone and dignified in manner. Many were in error as to the object of the meeting, and those who were the more dissatis fied seemed to understand that the whites were to meet the blacks in debate upon the question of suffrage. Nothing was further from the de sign of those who projected the meeting. ' we are told. So Tbe Bristow Murder. A correspondent of the Savannah News <fc gives the following particulars of the murder of Mr. Joel C. Bristow, at Madison, Florida, a notice ot which appeared in our col umns a few days since: On Wednesday, the 27th ult., Mr. Bristow bad some difficulty "with one Frank W. Pope, his pupil, and son of Dr. John H. Pope, about sev enteen years of age, and chastised him, but not much. At recess in the afternoon young Pope went to several places in town, and tried to bor row a pistol. After some time he succeeded in obtaining one, pretending that he only wanted to do some shooting, and no one suspected his intention. He walked immediately to the Se minary, entered tbe door with the pistol drawn, and told Mr. Bristow to get down on his knees and beg pardon, or he would make him fall. Mr. Bristow advanced towards him, bolding a chair between himself and the boy, who was shooting all the while. He shot five times, three shots taking effect in Mr. Bristow’s body. One merely grazed tbe neck ; another went through the right arm, just above the elbow; and the third en tered the right abdomen, just above the groin, whicli last was the fatal shot. This happened between three and four o’clock p. m., on the 27th ult. Mr. Bristow lived until the next evening, about twenty minutes past one o’clock. He was perfectly in his senses until tbe last, and said that he was prepared and ready to die. . He felt no jnessage for any one. He suf fered a great deal. Frank Pope has made his escape. We think he went to Savannah. He left shortly after the occurrence and went to parts unknown. How he succeeded m getting oft' I have not been able to learn—bnt he is gone. A Colored 5L\n Appointed Register of Voters.—Samuel J. B. Carter, colored, a teacta- What General* Moody Buckner and Wheeler Think of the Situation. General J. B. Hood is now the head of a large commercial house in this city. He received me very cordially, and expressed his views in a very candid and clear manner. If I do not mistake the tenor of his conversation, he is in favor of a cheerful and ready compliance on the part of the South with the terms of the Sherman bill, and the act supplementary thereto. He em phatically declares that from the Potomac to the Rio Grande, the people earnestly desire peace, prosperity and unity, and that further re sistance to the government never enters their thoughts. At the same time he feels that the South can never swallow the policy of the Radi cals, which is so diametrically at variance with the Constitution as interpreted by those who framed it. He has never considered that the South 8honid surrender any right under the Con stitution excepting slavey, and that having once more become good citizens under the Union, they should be protected in their rights of pro perty, and not be asked to become parties to tbe disfranchisement of men they had selected to represent them in the forum or the field. While he is very glad that the South has not had anything to do with giving the negro the right of suffrage, he is in favor of gracefully yielding to the demands of Congress, and giving the negro the privilege oi voting, convinced as he is that the negro’s interests are synonomous with those of his old master, and that he will vote the Conservative ticket throughout. The only fear that he expresses is tbat Congress may go further, and confiscate the property of par ties who participated in the rebellion. He is very firm in the belief that the negro will vote with the Southern people, unless Con gress, by promises of confiscating the pro perty of rebels for the benefit of negroes, bids higher than the South for the negro vote.— The general believes that his people will gener ally register and exercise the franchise privilege under the law, and expresses the hope that the people, North and South, will unite in a deter mination to keep the radical majority strictly to the landmarks of the Constitution and law. He emphatically denies that any portion of the Southern people, and especially the soldiers of the Confederacy, are disloyal to the Gwernmcni of the United States, or that they have not accepted the verdict of lead and iron in goo l faith. GENERAL BUCKNER. This gentleman’s views are somewhat pecu liar. He has always argued, and stili insists, that when any people are oppressed they should resist, and, if necessary, use force for a redress of grievances. He considers that the rebellion was begun at Washington, when encroachments • were made upon the Constitution, and efforts made ;o oppress the South. He declares that he entered the service to resist usurpation, and he still adheres to the idea that the rebellion wns justifiable; yet he is for cheerfully accepting the results, and gracefully yielding to such demands as the conquerors make, provided the manhood of the people are not jeopardized. The general, in course of conversation, remarked : “ I think that the endurance ot wrong that we cannot, avoid is very different from making ourselves parties with others to effect wrongs. To apply tbat toQhe present emergency—Congress has de prived us of our constitutional rights; we ought to endure it as a patient people, and bide a time when conservatism will restore us to our former condition of things.” On the question oi negro suffrage, the Genera! said the South mu9t cheerfully accept it, anti use the negro at the polls, teaching them their interests are identical with those of the whites ; that they must consolidate the people and send to the State Convention men who truly express the sentiment ot the people, which is opposed to disfranchising such men as Lee, Beauregard, and Johnston, who were elevated to the posi tions they filled by the voice ot the people. If men of this class are to be disfranchised, the South should not be parties to it, but let the re sponsibility rest upon Congress. In answer to the question whether he thought the negro vote would be thrown for the conservatives, he adds : “ We can divide the vote in the cities, but in the country we can vote the negro easily.” He ex pressed his desire to see the South filled up by industrious laborers and capitalists from the North; but he feared iu a few years this might result disastrously, for his experience showed that the Northern men after a few years’ resi dence, became even more ultra Southern than the natives of the soil, and tiie Southern people might have difficulty in holding them in check. He believed most of the people would register and exercise the franchise, but they never would vote if it involved the disfranchisement of their leaders. Let the Radicals take the responsibility of that. Before the Southern people become parties to so great a wrong they should still remain out and suffer. “ By admitting the Constitutional amend- . ment,” he said, “ as proposed, and sending Radi cals to Congress from these States, we would be tying the hands of the Northern Conservatives and lending ourselves to the overthrow of the constitutional government of our fathers, acts which we cannot consistently consent to.” GENABAL WHEELER. I called also upon Major General Wheeler, the celebrated cavalry raider. The General, to use his own words, is “ in favor of peace, security and the unity of the government.” He declared he was no politician, but the war having ended disastrously to the Soutb, they should accept the verdict in good faith, and extending the hand of fellowship, unite with all true patriots to main tain the Federal Union and perpetuate its glory. I was very much pleased with the spirit manifest ed by the little sabeeur, who is evidently sincere in the views he advanced. He declares that ever since his parole be has eschewed politics and turned his attention to business, and that every Southerner should endeavor to advance the material interests of his country in prefer ence to quarreling with the victor for the purpose of seeming better terms. Secret Political Societies. The article below in reference to secret politi cal organizations, strong, forcible and pointed, is from the Federal Union of the 16th: When men join a secret political society, they give up their own judgment, their freedom of thought, and action, their conscience, and often their son], into the keeping of others. When they enter the door of one of these dens of in famy and mischief, they have to leave their free dom, their love, their duty to their friends, and their God, behind; for those who are active in getting up these secret combinations for political purposes, have no use for a man unless they can control him body and soul. Many an honest man has been enticed and decoyed into one of these societies, bnt very few have come out hon est. The whole object and design ot these as sociations, is to cheat and deceive, to entrap and lead astray, tbe simple and unsuspecting. We have been told that wicked and designing men are trying in many places to entice colored men to join one of these societies or leagues so that they can control their votes. Why not let them • alone, and let them vote as they choose. Be cause, if let alone, they may not vote to suit them, and they wish to bind them by an oath or obligation. Bnt let onr colored friends remem ber that he that is bound to a society or league, is no longer a free man, but a slave to the mas ters of the league. Why do they keep every thing secret and in the dark ? The Bible answers that question: “They love darkness rather than light, becanse their deeds are evil.” “They dare not come to the light lest their deeds should be reproved.” We advise every man, white or black, who desires to act honestly, and be re spected, to shun these political leagues as be would shnn one of the traps of Satan ; and mark those who have sold themselves to a league, they will not do to trust. They are bound hand and foot, and can not act honestly, if they would.— They are blind leaders of the blind, and will all fall into the ditch. Tk« Lower MI**l**!ppL The New Orleans correspondent of the Charles ton Courier sends his paper an unfavorable ac count of matters along the lower Mississippi. He says: More disastrous news comes in every day about tbe levees. The bottom lands now are generally given np, and it will be vears before the richest of them are reclaimed. Neither this State nor individuals can afford to rebuild, and the hopes of appropriations by Congress are as faint and few as those of the millenium. With out Government aid we can do nothing. Plant- era who began the spring with the fairest hopes are rained, and the factors have exhausted them selves in loans. If a man were to go on Caron- er has been appointed Register of Voters in delet street to-day and offer the best crop in seed T ’ . .. . M.i.iarv ! ever planted, for a tooth-pick, he would be re- Jackson county, Alabama, under tlm Mmtary u a lunatic. White men down here are Reconstruction Bill, at the request ot several j looked upon as very “unsartin,” and niggers prominent white citizen of Stevenson. ' can’t be counted on.