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U)rrkl9 .Jntelligcurrr.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, July 3, 1809.
The Confederate Dead of “Chlcamanga,”
“ niMloDarr Hldge,»’ and alone the
“Line.”
The Legislature of our State, at its last annual
session, directed the Governor to draw liis war
rant on the Treasury, in favor ol Miss Mary A.
Green, Mrs. Pha-bc Pember, and Sirs. General
diaries J. Williams, as Trustees of the “Memo
rial Association of Georgia,” for the sum of four
thousand dollars, to be expended in the comple
tion of the Cemetery at Rcsaca, and the removal
and interment of the Confederate dead on the
battle-fields of “ Chicainauga,” “ Missionary
Kidge,” and along the line of Sherman’s march,
upon either the battle-fields or places most con
venient thereto.
In another column, over the signature of two
of the accomplished and patriotic ladies desig
nated to perform the sacred trust, the reader will
notice that Marietta has been selected as the
place for the re-interment of the gallant dead,
and that active measures are now being taken by
them to carry out the purposes of our State Leg
islature. It seems, however, considering the
magnitude of the work imposed upon these no
ble women, that the appropriation made by the
legislature is totally inadequate to the sacred
work they have been called upon td perform,
and lienee they appeal for aid to the citizens of
our Slate. As the work, itself, will admit of no
longer delay, we trust that a generous and
prompt response will be made to the appeal
these ladies. Some idea of its magnitude may
be formed when we state that the list of “Chic
amauga’a” dead alone embraces some twenty-five
pages of foolscap paper, with 891 dead whose
11allies are “entirely unknown.” These dead
hailed in their lives from every Southern State.
While the patriotic and benevolent in our sister
Southern States have provided mausoleums for
many of Georgia’s dead, let it not be a reproach
to Georgians that the gallant dead of those sister
States lie scattered along the line of Sherman
march, with no sign to iudieate who they were,
from whence they came, oi'f'or what cause they
hied and died.
We regret that the length of the list handed to
us by Mrs. Williams and Miss Green precludes
iis publication in any one, or even two issues of
this journal. With regard to its publication we
will make a suggestion in our next personal in
terview with those ladies.
In closing this notice it is not out ol place to
remark that it was Miss Green, and her father
family, who planned and completed the beautiful
little “Confederate Cemetery” near “Rcsaca
Battle-Field ” where lie buried 376 of our “ noble
dead and of her associate Trustee, Mrs. Wii
i.iamb, it may not be improper to remark, that
she is the widow of one of Georgia’s gifled and
gallant sons, whom the writer knew in his youth
admired in his inauhood, and was honored with
his friendship.
“ None knew him but to love him.
None named him tint to praise.' 1
To accomplish the trust confided to them by
the Legislature of our State, these ladies have to
make great personal sacrifices, and their appeals
tor aid should receive the most generous response
It should come like “ free will offerings ” from
every hand. Much is expected from our own
Gate City, which these ladies will visit to-mor
row, to commune with at least some of its citi
zens, who have never yet tailed to respond with
generous hands when appealed to to aid in what
ever was benevolent to the living, or jugt to the
dead.
Another SomerMnlt.
The New York Timex has made another somer
sault. But a few days ago it w as opposed to
conveuing Congress in July. It now favors
July Congress, hut only for the purpose of regu
lating reconstruction in the South, according to
the radical programme. Raymond is a “ brick;
not one of the Pomeroy sort, enduring and hard
as adamant, hut one moulded after a peculiar
lushion, to be used for any purpose—to-day by
the conservative Republicans, to-morrow by the
Radicals, the next day' by both. While advoca
ting the assembling of Congress in July, for the
specific purpose referred to, he does so w’ith fear
and trembling—opposing all other legislative ac
tion by that body till the regular session, and
especially hard down upon any move to impeach
tue President. Referring to the effect which a
protracted session would have upon the trade
and finances of the country, tSe “ Little Villain”
says:
“Every intelligent business man lroows what
the effect of such a session will be upon the
trade and finance. Were the former in a thri
viDg condition, uud the latter endowed with the
firmness which springs from well-founded con
tideuce, the contingencies of ignorant and reck
less legislation would excite uneasiness. In ex
isting circumstances, however, more than uneasi
ness will be created by the policy which is now
uublushiugly proclaimed. With trade already
depressed aud many branches of industry para
ly'zcd, Uie effect of Radical agitation on the cur
reucy question—affecting as it will all values—
must be disastrous. And with timidity as the
chief characteristics ot capital, what blit alarm
aud difficulty' cau atteud tiie continuance in ses
sion of members leagued together to carry out
plaus which are not one whit more iniquitous
than open repudiation ?
Imagine, moreover, the effect on business, on
the price of gold, and the value of all securities
of a session prolonged “ to settle definitely the
question of impeachment." The movement
■would be exceedingly injurious, though no anxi
ety were felt in regard to President Johnson’s
successor. The mere mooting ol the proposition
to carry' partisanship to the point ot persoual
conflict with the Executive, would not benefit
the public credit anywhere. But who can esti
mate the result, in a business or financial sense,
of a combination formed, not simply to remove
Mr. Johnson, but to put,Mr. Wade in his place?
Who cau measure the impression that will be
produced at home or abroad by the protracted
discussion of a scheme designed to elevate to the
Executive chair a man who has pledged himself
to demand a more equal distribution of property
and the enrichment of the laborer by acts ol
Congress ? "
And so it is—not one word for the poor South
and her dowu-trodder. people—legislate as much
as Congress pleases to degrade tier, but touch
not “gold”—touch not “trade and finance”—
touch not the '•'impeachment” question, lest it
may place Mr. Wade in the Presidential chair—
a man who goes in lor “ a more equal distribu
tion of property.” Sharp fellow this Mr. Ray
mond is ! He can “ hold with the hare and run
with the hounds,” lietter than any' New York or
New England politician we wot of. Like the
Frenchman’s flea’, when you put your finger upon
him, lo! and behold ! “ he is not there! ”
Wlio Uaunot Register.
The Mobile Register is surprised to icam that
some intelligent persons believe they are dis
qualified to register and vote, because they have
done tliis or that iu aid of the “rebellion.” The
following paragraphs from the Attorney Gener
al's opinion settle the matter in the clearest
manner:
Two elements must concur in order to dis
qualify a persou under these clauses: First, the
office and official oath lo supj>ort the Constitu
tion ot the United States; second, engaging af
terwards in rebellion. Both must exist to work
disqualification, and must happen iu the order ol
the time mentioned.
A person who has held au office and taken the
oath to support the Federal Constitution and has
not alter wards engaged in rebellion, is not dis
qualified. So, Uk>, a person who has engaged in
rebellion, but has not theretofore held au office
aud Uiken that oath, is not disqualified.
“ Thus a Confederate soldier may have fought
from Bull Run to Lee's surrender and y r et not be
disqualified unless coupled with it, he had before
the war held a Federal office which had required
him lo take an oath of Federal allegiance.
“ W ere it uot that Generals Lee, Johnston, and
Bragg were in the old army and had taken this
oath, all their Confederate fighting would not
have disqualified them from voting.”
California.—A very cheering feature in this
season’s business in California, is the enormous
yield of wool received from the southern coun
ties. Tulare alone is set down for 600,000
pounds, worth to the producers not less than
$110,000. Fresno, Merced, and Stanislaus are
also becoming large wool producer?.
The Confederate Dead now on Chlca-
mtnea Battle-Field.
The Trustees of the “ Georgia Memorial Asso
ciation ” having carefully collected the names,
as far as possible, of the Confederate dea#^ who
now lie on the battle-fields of Chicamauga, here
with publish them for the benefit of their friends
in the various States. The small appropriation
made by the Georgia Legislature is very inade
quate to the great work, and only serves as a
nucleus with which to begin this work ot re-in
terment in consecrated ground. We have select
ed a beautiful site which has been given us im
mediately on the railroad at Marietta, and now
call upon the citizens of our State to give us
the means to re-inter them all in one spot, and
make it as attractive and beautiful as their hero
ism rendered the name of Chicamauga glorious.
This work will bear no longer delay. We can
not wait further legislative action. Nearly four
years have passed, and the headboards, and all
records, are last passing away, and in a little
while, if longer neglected, Georgians will blush
when Chicamauga is mentioned, as its unmark
ed graves will be an eternal monument of their
ingratitude.
The following list is only of Chicamauga’s
dead. The lists of all places south to Resaca
is not yet finished. Wherever only initials ap
pear we will be glad if their friends and com
rades will furnish us their full name, and for any
information apply to.
* Mrs. Charles J. Williams,
Columbus, Georgia,
Miss Mary J. Green,
Resaca, Georgia.
Resaca, Ga., June 29,1867.
New England.
Perhaps there is no man living who knows the
States composing “New England,” and the chief
characteristics of the inhabitants thereof, better
than Henry Ward Beecher—a New Englander
himself, and an apostle of that tribe or genera
tion of people, though “holding forth” now, aud
for many years past, in that flourishing append
age of the great “ Northern Emporium,” fiuan
cially and commercially, yclept Brooklyn. The
historian Bancroft, himself, may well afford to
take lessons from this notorious political parson
in-regard to the characteristics of that pilgri
race, should he ever attempt to revise his history
of the United States—a work of itself illustra
tive, in many of its chapters, of the deep-seated
prejudices ol that mischievous race. Of New
England, then, or the characteristics of the peo
pie there, Mr. Beecher says:
“ The lower class of a New England village
chiefly composed of the hangers-on—those who
are ignorant and imbecile, and especially those
who, tor want of moral health, have sunk, like
sediment, to the bottom. Perhaps nowhere in the
world can Ite found more 'unlovely wickedness—
malignant, bitter, tenacious hatred of good—than in
New England. The good are very good, and the
bad are very had. The high moral tone of pub
lie sentiment in many New England towns, aud
its penotmting and almost inquisitorial character,
either powerfully determines men to good, or
chafes and embitters them. This is especially
true, when, in certain cases, good men are so
thoroughly intent upon public morality that the
private individual lias scarcely any choice left
Under such a pressure some men act in open wick
edness out of spite, and some secretly; aiul the bot
tom of society wages clandestine war with the top
The picture is not a flattering one. Drawn
however, as it is, by one ot her sons—one whose
preaching and practice have tended to confirm
New Englanders in their political notions, as
well as in their moral aud religious tenets,
must be received as a graphic and truthful pic
ture of, says a cotemporary, “ New England so
ciety, where the best of tlie citizens are bigots
and fanatical inquisitors, and the worst are not
merely wicked, but have ‘ a malignant, bitter,
tenacious hatred of good; ’ where ‘ some men
act in open wickedness out of spite, and some
secretly; and the bottom of society urges clan
destine war with the top’—men may judge
whether political measures that originate in that
section are worthy of acceptance, or whether
the great hulk of the people there are of such
exceling virtue as to be entitled to be recognized
as guides, philosophers aud friends.”
Had this picture of New England been draw
by a Southern man, it would be pronounced
slanderous by its Sumners, aud Wilsons, aud the
other of its representative men. As it is, who
will have the hardihood to so pronounce it?
Inconsistency or the President on the
Reconstruction Acts.
The President is charged by the Radical
press of the North with being inconsistent, in
that in his veto of the Sherman Shellaoarger
Military bill he denounced it in unmeasured
terms, aud now assumes to enforce it, upon the
construction placed upon its several provisions
l»3 r the Attorney General and all the members of
Uis Cabinet save one. Even one of the military
commanders ot one of the Southern districts—
General Sheridan—has veutured to cast the same
reflectiou upon the Presidcut alleging it, in an
indirect manner it is true, as a reason /or his re
fusal to obey orders directed to him by his mili
tary chief. Commenting upon these charges, the
Charleston Mercury says:
“ Now, is there any inconsistency in President
Johnson’s conduct, in carrying out the construe
lion of Congress, in the administration of this
law—especially as the Attorney General of the
United States, agrees with the construction ot
Congress ? Certainly, there is none whatever !
That he had good grounds for his opinion of the
act, expressed iu his veto message, is now not a
matter ot doubt. It is a fact of history. When
he found, however, that those in Congress who
framed and passed the act—certainly those who
spoke—put another construction on it—and
^instruction more consistent with justice and
humanity, he has a right to carry,out the law,
according to their construction. He does not, as
he ought not to do—insist on his construction of
t lie act. But what shall we say of the members of
Congress, who insisted iu Congress, that the act
was such as the President now proposes to en
force ; and dow denounce the President, and ad
vocate a re-assembling of Congress, to reverse
their own construction! Here, indeed, is incon-
istency—from forbearance to oppression—from
humanity to tyranny—from a man to a Ridical."
The foregoing disposes in few words ot the
charge brought against the President, and in-
olves Congress, or those in Congress who
framed and passed the act, iu the very position
the Radical press would place the President.—
Well may the Mercury say: “Here, indeed, is
inconsistency—from forbearauce to oppression—
from humanity to tyranny—from a man to a
Radical.'' The times indeed are strange in which
we live, but uot so strange as man.
They Misrepresent.—To read the articles
in the Southern Radical prints, which appear
from day to day, one who did not know better
onld be led to believe that the entire people of
the ten Southern States embraced in the five
military districts, with the exception of the loyal
leaguers, black and white, were opposed to re
construction—yea, that they were still rebellious,
and only awaited an occasion to break out into
open outrages against the government. No man
ho mingles with the people, and has interest
enough in the truth to learn their sentiments,
au believe anything ol the sort. We suppose
the editors of those prints have purposes of their
own to serve, but we hardly think their Heavenly
Father intended they should earn their daily (
bread iu an}’ such way.
General Longstueet.—Had General Long-
street stopped with his first letter, he would not
have furnished thoughtless minds with an op
portunity to iiupugu his motives. We presume
no candid mind believes that he endorses the
radical programme, or that he has any intention of
identifying himself with that party in its warfare
upon his native South, but it is certainly unfor
tunate for the General that the unscrupulous and
mercenary radical prints North and South should
be found rushing frantically to his defense.—
They are likely to do him more daaiage than
the papers of the other side that assail h in.
I a ter eat Ids Correspondence.
The Savannah Advertiser contains the follow
ing interesting correspondence between one of
her citizens and Major Henry S. Fitch, United
States Attorney for the District of Georgia. It
will be seen from a perusal of this correspon
dence that it is the opinion of the United States
District Attorney for this Slate—a gentleman
whose reputation as a member of the legal pro
fession may well lie envied by most of his com
peers at the bar—that a citizen pardoned by the
President for his participation in the rebellion,
before the passage of the Reconstruction acts,
cannot legally be debarred the privilege of regis
tering and exercising thereafter the elective
franchise, under the Reconstruction acts, and he
therefore advises all who are denied that privi
lege of registration upon making application to
do so, because they cannot take the oath, to enter
their protests, for the consideration aud revision
of the general commanding in accordance with
the registration orders. Such being the opinion
and advice of this able law officer of the Gov
ernment—an opinion in which the most eminent
legal minds of our State concur—and such be
ing his advice, we trust that every citizen, par
doned by the President previous to the passage
of the Reconstruction acts, will make applica
tion to register, and should any of them be re
fused the privilege, for the reason that they can
not take the oath prescribed, that they file their
protests for the consideration and revision of
the General Commanding the District in accor
dance with the registration orders.
Our people are under many obligations to the
gentleman who sought counsel of the United
States District Attorney tor this State, in a mat
ter of so much importance to them; and to the
District Attorney himself, they are also un
der many obligations tor his clear and convin
cing opinion, and for his most excellent counsel,
of which, we trust, all who are concerned will
promptly avail themselves:
WHO ARE ENTITLED TO REGISTER—OPINION OF
UNITED STATES DISTRICT ATTORNEY, HENRY
S. FITCH.
Savannah, Ga., June 26.
Henry S. Fitch, U. S. District Attorney :
Dear Sir—Feeling a great anxiety to under
stand definitely my rights and duties under the
reconstruction acts, I take the liberty of asking
your official anil professional opinion upon a
point untouched by tire Attorney General in his
recent published construction of these laws—
namely, whether or not a citizen pardoned by
tlie President lor bis participation in the rebel
lion, before the passage of these acts, can be
legally included among the disfranchised. Hop
ing the importance of the question will be a
sufficient excuse for asking of you, as a govern
ment officer, an early answer, I remain, very
respectfully, your obedient servant,
F. L. Gue.
Office United States Attorney, (
Savannah, Ua., Juue 37, 1867. )
F. L. Gue, Esq. :
Dear Sir—Your letter of yesterday’s date
has been received and carelully considered.
Tlie time has been when your question could
not have been asked without answering itself.
The very condition of things, however, which
now makes it important,, also renders it difficult.
I cannot give you au official opinion ou the sub
ject, for there is no official connection between
the District Attorney and tlie Boards of Registra
tion—though I have uo hesitation in expressing
a professional opinion in compliance with yout-
request.
Previous to the passage of the Act of March
2,1867, providing for the establishment of “State
Governments in conformity with the Constitu
tion ot the United States in all respects,” disfran
chisement as a punishment for “ participation in
rebellion” was unknown to our statutes, State
or national. It is only in a bill intended to con
fer universal suffrage “ regardless of race, color or
previous condition,” that the principle of politi
cal proscription has been legislatively recognized.
This fact narrows tlie circle of our inquiry
very much. That such disfranchisement was
intended as a penalty, is too plain for debate;
that it will be enforced as far as possible, it re
quires no prophecy to forsee.
The simple question therefore is, what is |Jhe
practical effect of a pardon, received previous to
the promulgation of this political disability.
The efficacy of a pardon has been recently
discussed with great learning before tlie Su
preme Court of the United States, and emphati
cally defined by that tribunal in the matter of
A. H. Garland.
The Supreme Court says “This power of the
President is not subject to the negative control of
Congress, which cannot limit its effects. The
benign prerogative of mercy cannot be averted
by legislative reconstruction. A pardon blots
out the consequences of the offense, and iu the
eyes of the law the offender stands as guiltless
as if he had' uot committed the offense.” Tliis
language cannot be honestly misunderstood, and
the logical conclusions to be drawn therefrom
are apparent.
The man who has been pardoned for his
participation in the rebellion canuot, by any
subsequent legislation, be legally deprived by
reason of said participation of auy right or
franchise he may have enjoyed previous to the
commission of the offense. Upon the principle
that what cannot be done directly shall not be
done indirectly—the Supreme Court have also
decided, and that very recently, that what would
be inadmissible by positive enactment cannot be
accomplished by the obliquity of test oaths.—
To cite authorities iu support ot this principle,
would be a mere ostentatious display of pe
dantry.
Every objection that was urged and success
fully urged before tlie Court against the power
to compel a pardoned Attorney by a retro
active oath to accuse himself or forfeit his
office, applies with still greater force against the
proposition that a “new 1 man” shall forswear
himself or be denied his most inalienable right.
The words of the Presidential pardon "are
plain: “Whereas, A ojc B, by taking part in the
late rebellion against the United States, has made
himself liable to heavy pains aud penalties, etc:
Now, therelore, be it known that I, Audrew
Johnson, President of the United States, do
hereby grant to the said A or B full pardon and
amnesty for all offenses by him committed, aris-
frotn participation, direct or implied, in said
rebellion.”
I’he acceptor of such a pardon, if an alien, is
re-invested with all the privileges of an alien—if
a citizen, then once more a citizen in its fullest
legal sense.
The only remaining point therefore is, whether
the elective franchise is one of the rights neces
sarily restored by a pardon and amnesty. In
my opinion, the question can only be answered
affirmative 1 }*.
Under a republican form of government, uo
man, who lias arrived at his majority, is a citizen
without the right to vote. The elective franchise
is the essence of his citizenship—wihoui it, lie is
an exile in his own-country.
Webster defines a citizen “in the United States
to be a person, native or naturalized, who lias
the privilege of exercising the elective franchise.”
Bouvier defines the word citizen “one who,
under the Constitution and laws of tlie United
Suites, has a right to vote tor representatives iu
Congress, and other public officers, and who is
qualified to fill offices in the gift ot the people.”
The mere privilege of pleading a pardon in
bar of legal proceedings is insignificant, com
pared with the citizen’s right to participate in the
affairs of Government, and if a full pardon and
amnesty do not revive that right, they hare re
ceived a much more limited interpretation than
has been recorded iu the books. I am, there
fore, of opinion that every man otherwise enti
tled to vote, who was pardoned before the pas
sage of the laws in question, is entitled to regis
ter and vote uow. If not, where is the forgive
ness implied in the word “ pardon,” and where
the forgetfulness, implied in the word “amnesty?”
This opinion is predicated ot course upon the
decisions of the Supreme Court of the United
States, whose “judicial power” is said by the
second section of article third of the Constitu
tion of the United States “to extend to all cases
law and equity, arising under this Constitution
or the laws of the United States.”
If to deprive a citizen of the highest preroga
tive granted him as au equivalent for his allegi
ance, involves no issue either in law or equity, of
which the “judicial power of the United States”
can take cognizance, bat is a purely political issue
to be determined at the hustings, then these de
cisions are not pertinent to your inquiiy, and I
am unaware of any other tribunal to which I
can refer, except that one whose jurisdiction is
predicated upon a “decent respect tor the opin
ions of mankind.”
Whether the Register, being a mere ministerial
officer, can depart from the strict letter of the
law, without instructions or a judicial decision,
is doubtful; but certainly the commanding gen
eral, clothed by the act itself witJi almost unlim
ited power, has, and doubtlessly will again, if
the ends of justice so require. Certainly no one
can complain who does not make an effort. Let
every 1 man who has been thus pardoned exhibit
his papers and demand to be recorded. If r< -
Cotton Production.
The New York- World presents the following
views in regard to the future growth of cotton
in the South, which are of Interest to our plan
ters. We present them to our readers for their
information and consideration :
The South has nothing serious to hear from
her rivals in cotton production, unless her crops
annually fall much short tor several years, by
reason of tlie worm or wet season, or from her
failure to establish a satisfactory labor system;
provided, indeed, we except a long continaance
of high prices. It prices continue above twenty-
five cents for eight or ten years, it is probable
that sffie will sustain heavy and even irreparable
damage; but if she can throw two aud a halt
million bales in the market per year within three
years from this date, the balance will be cast in
her favor, and she will promptly resume her lost
place in the markets.
Let her bend her energies to effect this result,
and not become discouraged by obstacles which
she should firmly face and surmount, which she
can surmount, and which most be surmounted
by her, sooner or later. It had better be at the
start than at a distant dajv when the hundreds
of millions which should be collected to her cof
fers are distributed among foreign nations.
Last year the crop was reduced by the worm
and the wet to a oue-third yield; some planters
largely lost and the people became discouraged.
Many declared their intention to abandon cotton
and put in corn. To do this would be suicidal,
and the South would realize the fact only too
late. The whole section ought to rise to a com
prehension of the interests at stake.
The results of the current year are sufficient
to show the utter mistake of diminishing the
cultivation of cotton. The crops everywhere,
and of all kinds, promise abundance, and the
capital, labor and soil which produced a million
and a half bales last year would produce three
and a half million bales this year. This means
restoration of prosperity at a rapid rate to the
South. Let her reflectapon it, and weigh well
a decision to relinqnisfi^ven to the smallest ex
tent, the caltivation Of’ this great controlling
staple.”
The Cold Market.
Tlie following information in regard to gold,
we find in tlie National Intelligencer, of the 29th
ultimo. It presents a more favorable aspect,
financially, than we had presumed to exist, from
other recent representations in Northern papers,
aud the great scarcity of eveu greenbacks or na
tional currency in tlie- South, stagnation iu busi
ness, and the general depression that has prevail
ed in business circles. Tlie only thing that appeals
now to be in the way of a return to general pros
perity, is the Radical Congress soon to assemble.
Upon the action ot that body in its July’ session,
very much depends outside of wliat it may in
flict upon the South:
“ The export of gold still continues at au in
creasing rate. Three millions w’ere shipped last
Saturday. The gold market is strong and very
steady at about 138. The cause of the exporta
tion of gold at this time is tlie payment of about
nine million of coupons upon five-twenties held
in Europe, and also the maturing of importer’s
acceptances upon their spring purchases. That
gold has lately been purchased for a rise is pro
bable, on account of the great ease of the money
market. It is not to be expected that the ex
portation of gold for this year will now exceed
that of the average of previous years. That it
may be boarded on speculation is possible, but it
will depend .upon the condition of politics. If
the whole country, with a population of six-and-
thirty millions, is really to be surrendered to the
government of an utterly irresponsible and reck
less committee or ciftteus of Radical rulers of
Congress, there will he a rise of gold proportion
ed to the decline of any hope for the future.—
Upon the meeting of Congress we may expect
much agitation iu the money market, aud an
advance ot the gold premium.
A S(e»v Drill.
The Washington City Union says it has been in
formed that “ a new drill is now being introduced
into the South by the Radicals, for the purpose
of securing the negro vote. Their purpose is to
tieud into every city, tow'n, and village, in the
South, a regular political drill-master, who shall
so instruct the negroes that their votes will be
made certain for the Radicals in the coming
elections.”
The purpose referred to by the Union, as being
contemplated by tlie Radicals, is not a new dril
on their part. It has been in operation, in many
places in Georgia, for some time past, and is now
in more active operation than ever before,
deceiving the freedmen and in securing their
suffrages, rests their only hope of success in this
State. __
Impeachment.—A Washington letter says in
regard to impeachment—that it will depend en
tirely upon one mau—Mr. Wilson, of Iowa
chairman ot tlie Judiciary Committee—whether
the move against the President will be carried on
to an impeachment or not. If he should waive
his merely technical objections to'a report, in fa
vor of articles of impeachment, it would be as
sented to by six out of nine of the members of
the Committee, aud would no doubt be sustained
by the House. He may, however, when the
Committee meet, as they will before the session
propose to lay the evidence before the House,
with a resolution censuriug the President on ac
count of several of liis acts. Such a resolution
night serve the party objects of the Radicals.
At some future day—perhaps distant—such
resolution may share the fate of Mr. Clay’s fa
mous resolution declaring that President Jack
son’s act, in removing the deposits from the Uni
ted States Bank, was illegal and unconstitutional
—and be formerly expunged from the Journal
The Wheat Crop in Kentucky.—The Pa
ducah Herald says: Over one-half of the wheat
crop of this part of Kentucky has been cut, and
it turns out excelleutly. The amount made wil
be large.
! The Russellville Herald says: The wheat har
vest in Logan is progressing finely, the weather
being pleasant and propitious. Although farmers
complain of faulty grains and heads, smut, rust,
&c., take the whole county together and .the
wheat crop will be the best we have had for
years.
The wheat harvest has beguu in somerset coun
ty. From some we learn their crops were seldom
it ever, better—while from others we are sorry to
say that we hear unfavorable reports. Some
complain of smut, some of rust, others of too
much cheat. As a general thing, however, a
pretty fair yield will be harvested for this county
These statements are about an average of what
we find iu tlie Kentucky papers.
From the Macon Telegraph.
Vroeeeilngi of the Supreme Court or
Georgia fa Commemoration of onr late
Chief Justice, Joseph Henry Lumpkin.
Suprem Court Room, 1
Milledcevhae, Ga., June 35,1867. f
By appointment, his Excellency Governor
Jenkins, as chairman of the committee appoint
ed some weeks since to prepare a memorial in
honor of our late Chief Justice, .appeared at 10
o’clock this morning, and submitted tbe follow-
The Difference.—There will evidently be
a wide difference in the cost of executing the re
construction act in the several districts. While
^General Sickles says the appropriation of half a
million is barely sufficient for his own command.
General Sheridan expects to complete the whole
in his district for one-half that amount, and have
it done sooner than any one else. The difference
is perhaps in the men. The man who sports a
phiEton and four spanking bays, and drinks
nothing but champagne ami generous old South-
side Madeira, will require more funds than one
like General Sheridan, who travels round in his
boots and lakes nothing stronger than whisky
straight.
Santa Anna.—One of Santa Anna’s late
keepers alleges that he went to Mexico at the
suggestion of our Government. This sugges
tion, he says, was made by Mr. Seward on his
visit to St. Thomas a year ago. He then said
to Santa Anna, “What are you doing here?—
You ought to be in Mexico.” Upon this hint,
says his friend, he entered upon his preparations
and finally went—after over a year’s delay.—
There is probably but little truth in this state
ment. But our government has been mixed np
occasionally with'"the schemes of Santa Anna
ever since the battle of San Jacinto, and it
would be a good idea now to leave him to his
fate.
W ho Is He ?—Colonel Donn Piatt, a Radi
cal, is telling some curious stories, which he
says he knows to be trne; and the brethren
can’t make him hush np. He affirms :
“Committees are appointed by Congress and
one of these nearly a year since traced a fraud
fused, because he caunot take the oath prescribed, |-involving a million of dollars lo the door of an
Registration at Columbusl—The Colum
bus Sun states the number of persons registered
on the preceding day as 84—29 whites, 55 color
ed. Total for the four days, 376—227 colored,
99 whites.
i let him enter liis protest for the consideration
i and revision ot the general commandin
eordance with the registration orders.
Next to a usurpation of power, there is no
higher grade in political crime than a timid
abandonment of rights. I remain, veiy i espect-
fully, your obedient servant,
Henry S. Fitch, U. S. Attorney.
official so high hi office aud the affections of
iu ac- t j ie people, that all would be startledand pained
were it made public. And the report has never
been published. And why ? Because it might
affect the next election.”
Who was the man ? Tbe country is enti
tled to be startled.
tng report:
report of the committee.
In the days of gloom, through which our be
loved State is now passing, we are called, with
unwonted frequency, to record aud to lament
the death of her wisest, best and most us« ful sons.
To that ever-lengthening catalogue we come
now, with heavy hearts, to add the name of
Joseph Henry Lumpkin—a name to which even
well earned titles can add neither lustre nor dig
nity—a name which, during many years, has-not
failed to awaken honest pride in all true Geor
gians’ hearts—pride still undiminished, though
saddened by the consciousness that it no longer
has a place on the rolls of the living.
A native of Georgia, he was educated in her
seminaries until, when far advanced iu the cur
riculum ot our University, adverse events tem
porarily closed its doors, aud drove her youth to
seek instruction abroad. Then, with honor to
himself and his State, lie completed his colle
giate course at Nassau Hall, at a time when that
venerable institution confessedly maintained a
high standard ot scholarship. Returning home
with the prestige ot collegiate honors, he devo
ted to the study of the legal profession a mind
of acknowledged superiority, already trained to
severe application, and quickened by an earnest
and laudable ambition to do good and to acquire
fame.
Arrived at manhood, and admitted to the bar
in the year 18*3-, he entered zealously upon the
practice ot his profession. But his fellow-citi
zens of Oglethorpe, the county of his residence,
quick to discern the power he wielded, and the
virtue that controlled it, promptly 'demanded his
services iu the councils of the State—no slight
distinction bestowed by a constituency, accus
tomed to be served by a Crawford, a Cobb, an
Upson and Gilmer. When he entered the legis
lature, that noble Roman, George M. Troup,
worthy successor of Oglethorpe—grand exem
plar of executive purity and ability—held the
office of Governor. Accustomed to draw arouud
him, to place iu public view, and to urge onward
the promising youth of the State, he placed Mr.
Lumpkin on his military staff, and thus intro
duced him to a brotherhood of choice spirits.—
Some of us, then just old enough to uote intelli
gently passing events and prominent actors, are
here to avouch their true nobility and mingle our
regrets, that all but three (Lumpkin the latest)
have followed their great' Chief on that dark
pathway which leads through the valley ot tlie
shadow' ot death.
Iu the interval betweeu the administration of
Governor Troup aud tlie year I860, Georgia grew
rapidly in population, in mineral wealth, aud in
other recognized indicia of modem civilization;
but iu the elements of true greatness, that earlier
period—the third decade ot tlie nineteenth cen
tury—was her palmy day. Then, her contribu
tions to American statesmanship, whether em-
ployed in our national or State councils, was
largest; then was put forth her maximum of in
tellectual vigor, in the exposition and defense of
American constitutional liberty. The future his
torian, in writing the aunals ot Georgia for that
time, will accord, “ there were giants in those
days."
It was in this period that Joseph Henry Lump
kin appeared in the General Assembly of his na
tive State, carrying with him a reputation rarely
attained so early iu life, and encountering such
competition as we have indicated, he passed
bravely and successfully through the ordeal, win
ning new laurels aud gathering around him a
host of friends who, with intoxicating plaudits,
cheered him on iu what they regarded a splendid
political career just opening. As a parliamen
tary debater, lie evinced varied knowledge, vig
orous thought, aud captivating elocution surpris
ing in one so young. He was. fairly before tlie
public, aud all the auguries promised signal suc
cess. His legislative career, however, was very
brief, limited to two sessions of the General As
sembly, those of 1824 and 1825. In this one in
stance—the choice of life-long arena—he disap
pointed public expectation. That choice fell
upon the forensic, to the utter abandonment of
tbe political; and though at intervals disturbed
by pressing importunities, was never reconsider
ed. Forthwith, with characteristic ardor, he
threw himself into the. practice of his profession.
In exploring the intricacies of law, as a science,
he found both mental occupation and compen
sating pleasure. Iu its practice there was con
nection enough, of mind with mind, to satisfy
the yearnings of an active spirit. As a counsel
or, he was remarkable for careful examination,
accurate analysis, and reliable advice. In court
he showed himself well fortified in the law, and
fully conversant with the facts of his cases. In
unfolding the former he reasoned closely, but not
coldly, w ithout impairing the logic it demand
ed, his imagination constantly brought relief by
garnishing its dull details. Coldness, indeed,
was foreign to his nature. His impulses were
quick—strong—generous. Nature wove into his
temperament that nervous excitability which
constitutes the subtle, controlling mesmerism of
eloquence.
Combined with these traits, and vastly en
hancing their practical efficiency, was the pu
rity, the virtue of his life, his unbending integ
rity in business affairs, which shone conspicu
ously wherever he lived, and moved, aud acted.
Men admired, and trusted, and sympathised with
him in all things.
Grouping in the mind these qualities—pliysi
cal, mental and moral—we shall be prepared to
appreciate his power as an advocate—a power
which impresse'd and moved as well the learned
as the simple—a power, under whose magic spell
jurors, oblivious ot the stern authority of the
bench, have at times sprung from their seats
electrified, and, at others, have uttered audible
response to bis stirring appeals.
His practice was extensive, successful and lu
crative. If he did not amass wealth, it was be
cause he valued money chiefly for its uses, pro
minent among which lie ranked the rites of hos
pitality and the devoirs ot charity. Notwith
standing his ability, and the frequent successes
he achieved in the lorum, he took delight in ad
justing controversies and ending litigation by ac
cord—a beautiful finish to the toute ensemble ot
the truly great barrister.
Thus passed, after a brief dalliance wifh poli
ties, (tbe young lawyer’s artful seducer,) twenty
years of arduous, unremitting toil, with the too
common result of failing health. This suggest
ed, as a matter of duty, the immediate realiza
tion of a long cherished dream of foreign travel
—and abroad he went. Thus,completely disen
thralled of busiuess, and of care—threading the
streets and art galleries of renowned cities, and
roaming over historic fields and classic grounds
—with his remarkable susceptibilities, physical,
mental and moral, a few months sufficed' to re
establish his health and to strengthen him for
the work of future years
In the fall of the year 1845, Colonel Lumpkin
returned to his native State, but not to resume as
he contemplated, the practice of his profession.
Just at that time the State of Georgia had come
tardily to the establishment of a Supreme Court,
to the end that the law might be uniformly and
correctly administered. This court was consti
tuted ot three Judges. To Colonel Lumpkin, as
the fit occupant of the highest position ou that
bench all eyes turned. To it he acceded without
candidacy and without competition. To it lie
was called, not admitted. Thrice re-elected on
the expiration of successive terms, he never en
countered opposition, never looked in the face of
a competitor. The strongest competition would
but have served to develope bis superior strength.
In the constitution of the Court there was made
by law no titular distinctions among its members.
But the incumbents were elected first for terms
of six, four and two years, severally, each subse
quent election to be for a term of six years. The
elective body assigned to Colonel Lumpkin the
longest term, aud this was the distinction con
ferred on him. His associates gracefully yielded
to him the Presidency, thus confirming liis claim
to precedence. But whilst, in the eours-e of time,
the seats on either side of him repeatedly changed
occupants, the same venerable form steadily hold
ing the center, came to be regarded as the im
personation of tbe court. So entirely did ttiis
idea pervade the public mind that the Legisla
ture, at length, made him by title, as he had ever
been in fact, Chief Justice of tlie Supreme Court.
Trained in the law, of which he was a close
student, by a practice extending nearly or quite
through a quarter of a century, he came well
prepared to the bench. Perfectly familiar with
the well-settled principles of common law, equity
and criminal jurisprudence; versed in the civil
law, (from which so much has been borrowed
in building up other systems;) aud long conver
sant with voluminous authorities regulating the
application of those principles, under varying
circumstances, he was both prompt and accurate
ii^ his judgments.
In that first, most essential requisite of judicial
character—integrity incorruptible, unapproach
able—he was above question. With him, indeed,
the love of justice was a passion. If ever he
yielded reluctant obedience to the law, it was
when its concrete strictness restrained him in
dispensing equity and justice in the abstract
Yet, he was too wise and too conscientious ever
to ignore any well-defined rule of civil conduct
Bat why attempt to delineate a judicial charac
ter so broadly known—so generally appreciated ?
The records of this court, whose reports pervade
the country in its length and breadth, are replete
with credentials that will perpetuate his fame.
Chief Justice Lumpkin’s love of law, as a
science, had still another development. Whilst
engaged in an extensive and arduous practice,
he usually had a class of students, and after bis
accession to the bench, he was called to the law
professorship in our University, which he ft
with distinction to the end ot his days. Many
distinguished members of the profession, and
many more rising young lawyers of Georgia and
the adjoining States, are proud to claim him as
their Gamaliel. He enjoyed, moreover, the pe
culiar gratification (for such it was) of having,
for a time, as an associate on the bench, one ot
his own pupils—tints gathering in the efficient
aid of this esteemed coadjutor, bread himself
had cast upon tlie waters many years before.
Iu the private aud social relations, where the
oTeater virtues aud warmer affections find scope
—where the guidiug mind and loving heart ex
ert control without' the sanction ot law—Chief
Justice Lumpkin’s position assumed the patri
archal type.
He was a husbaud and the father of many
children. Would to God the sympathy of the
brotherhood here assembled aud represented
could minister consolation to the survivors of
that desolated household! With profound re
spect, we tender the offering, aud intrude no fur
ther on the sacredness of family sorrow.
Within tlie limits of Georgia, wherever he
appeared, numerous friends rose up to welcome
him. He was a man, to know whom was to
love him. None turned acquaintanceship to
better account, for mutual enjoyment or advan
tage. He had for all a pleasant look of recogni
tion and a friendly greeting, and for many a
needed word of counsel. Having acquired large
stores of knowledge from books, and from inter
course with men, his conversation was instruc
tive, his companionship genial. He enjoyed
and freely promoted, in social converse, that
chastened mirth which, while it lifts from the
heart the burden of care, inflicts no sting and
instills no poison.
The benevolence and charity of the Chief Jus
tice were manifested as well by personal acts as
iu associated enterprises. His hand was in all
concerted movements for the dissemination of
knowledge, the improvement ot public morals,
or the relief of sufteriug poverty. Few have
contributed as much ot persevering effort, or the
positive influence to the temperance reform,
which, for many years, so palpably diminished
tlie greatest moral pestilence of the age.
Thus far, in an imperfect sketcli ot a pure and
elevated character, we have presented it as built
up and moulded by a system of severe morality.
But the most rigid and searching code of liumau
ethics necessarily falls short of producing tlie
highest type of man, because it is, itself, the
work of man, iu his fallen estate. Divinity alone
cau restore to him even the semblance ot its own
last image.
Chiet Justice Lumpkin was of a nature too
earnest—too far-reaching—uot to bethink him
self of tlie wonderful dispensation which brings
human nature under the renewing influence of
that Divinity, beginning with regeneration,.and
effecting a change in the aspirations, the motives,
the ends and aims ol the subject.
To this scheme of redemption, quite above
liumau invention, our departed brother iu good
faith, and with resolute purpose, made an early
surrender of himself. He became a sincere,
devoted Christian, aud thus attained the highest
standard of earthly excellence. He was a pillar
in that branch of the Christian church which re
joiced in his membership. Not only was his a
life of active usefulness, hut from its quiet and
tranquil aspects there were daily emanations of
salutary influence.
The Committee recommend the adoption of
the following resolutions:
Resolved, That in the death of Chief Justice
Lumpkin we recognize the loss of a most worthy
citizen, a Christian gentleman, and an eminent
jurist, whose memory and example we would
perpetuate to the end, that his “good deeds may
live after him,” and the leaven of liis life go
down from generation to generation.
Resolved, That we respectfully tender to his
bereaved widow and children the heartfelt sym
pathy of the bench, and bar, and officers ot the
Supreme Court of Georgia, whose reverence and
affection he so well deserved and so long enjoyed.
Resolved, That in token of these, we will, dur
ing thirty days, wear for him the usual badge of
mourning.
Resolved, That the clerk of this court be re
quested to prepare and keep open for members
of the bar a subscription paper, that they all
may have the privilege of contributing to a fund
for raising over the remains of our venerated
first Chief Justice, au appropriate monument.—
And further, that the Judges of this court be re
quested, through such committee or committees
as they may think proper to appoint, to ask of
his widow and family permission to pay tliis tri
bute to his memory, autl to see that it be carried
into effect.
Resolved r That a copy of this report and reso
lutions be transmitted to Mrs. Lumpkin, tor the
family; that the court be requested to have them
entered on its minutes, and tliabthe gazettes of
the State be requested to publish them.
After reading the report, Governor Jenkins
briefly alluded to the friendly relations which had
for a long time existed between himselt and
Judge Lumpkin. He expressed great sorrow,
as a Georgian, desiring the weal of his State, for
the loss 61 so good and so great a man. He then
read the following letter from the Hon. John A.
Campbell, late Associate Justice of the Supreme
Court A the United States, and asked that it be
considered with the report:
LETTER FROM HON. JOHN A. CAMPRELL.
New Orleans, June 14,1867.
My Dear Sir : I have just received the mel
ancholy intelligence of the death of Chief Jus
tice LumpkiD, and of the proceedings of tbe bar
of Macon upon that event.
An intimate and affectionate connection with
this great and good man, by the bonds of an in
herited friendship, and tlie recollection of many
expressions from him during its continuance, im
pel me to share with my professional brethren of
my native State in expression of their sorrow,
and to testify my sense of liis eminent worth.
He had all the qualities to make him worthy
of the station he so long and so honorably filled.
To extensive learning and a clear discernment
of truth, lie united an ardent love of justice, a
hatred to iniquity, a compassionate sense of the
infirmities of our humanity, an abhorrence of
oppression, and a rational detestation of the op
pressor. These qualified him to administer jus
tice between man aud man, and to form the ju
risprudence of a State.
He had no ambition above and beyond his
place. He was content with the possession of
virtue,and with that independence which enabled
him to perform his duty without fear and with
out partiality.
Iu the walk of life he recognized the presence,
or rather omnipresence of law ; in domestic and
social life, tlie law of charity ; in the church, of
hope and faith; in the Statu and in its tribunals
of justice. His life was the manifestation ol
these.
In this period of the general relaxation of
these laws, the loss of this great exemplar and
exponent of them is a public calamity. Very
respectfully yours, John A. Campbell.
Col. Washington Poe, Macon, Ga.
His Honor Chief Justice Warner responded
with emotional sorrow to the formal announce
ment made by the committee ot tlie death of
Cliiet Justice Lumpkin. As au associate, upon
the organization of this court, he testified t<• tlie
wisdom, the intDyity, and tfie goodness of our
late Chief Justice, and concurred iu tlie recom
mendations of the committee.
His Honor Judge Harris also responded to the
report of the committee with an earnestness
characteristic. The personal relations which
existed for near lorly years ot unbroken friend
ship, forbid bis commentiug upon the social and
domestic relations of Judge Lumpkin, yet he felt
impelled to give some expression ot his gratitude
and to bring to his tomb some memorial of affec
tion. He spoke in extenso ol Judge Lumpkin as
an advocate and as ji judge, and heartily en
dorsed the recommendation of the committee.
Nothing further being submitted, the court, in
honor of Chief Justice Lumpkin, adjourned uu
til to-morrow morning.
Terrible Tragedy.—A terrible tragedy was
enacted in the town of Enterprise, Mississippi,
on the night of the 24th :
It appears that on the evening iu question, a
Mr. William Johnson went into the house of a
man by the name of Woolly. He had not been
there long before some dispute arose, which ter
minated in an affray iu which Woolly drew a
pistol and shot Johnson, wounding him severe
ly, hut not to such an extent as to render him
helpless at the time. Johnson, as soon as he
was shot, succeeded in getting possession of ail
axe which was in the vicinity, and rushing upon
Woolly, stmek him a terrible blow, killing him
instantly. Johnson, who was very much en
raged, and probably was hardly conscious of the
crime he was committing, then attacked and
killed Woolly’s wile and baby, aud also severely
wounded one of his daughters, who, however,
it is supposed succeeded in making her escape
and giving the alarm.
Savage.—The following little bit of revenge-
fulness is from a radical paper printed at Union-
town, Pennsylvania:
Martial law should be proclaimed in the’South,
every late rebel should be searched, and if found
with any weapon, either upon his person or upon
his premises, should be subjected to a drum-head
court-martial, ordered to be shot, and the order
executed before any one could interfere.
The St. Paul Pioneer suggests that it would be
safer “for the life of the nation,” and more con
ducive to “loilty,” to shoot them before they get
the weapons—“shoot them on the spot,” if you
can find where it is.
The Comlnj SeMou.
Our cotemporary of the Louisville Courier
assumes that the question of a -July session of
Congress is settled—that Schenck’s mandate
will be obeyed, and a quorum be on hand at the
time designated, cocked and primed for impeach
ment, confiscation, or any other wild and wick
ed measure against the interests of tlie country.
He says:
As we write, we can almost fancy that we are
witnessing the assembling of this loyal Congress
at its heated term. Iu our mind’s eye we behold
that august aud indignant assembly gathered iu
the capitol, sweltering with rage and perspira
tion. Among the familiar faces there we miss
Sherman, for he is hobnobbing with Bismarck
far across the briny deep, in blissful ignorance
of the peril that hangs over his beloved bill. We
miss the virtuous aud patriotic Morton, formoxa
having failed to prove a perfect success, he is
bathing his chaste limbs in the Hot Springs ot
Arkansas. We miss, too, from the purlieus ot
the capitol the incorruptible Radical leader aud
editor of “two papers, both daily,” for he is
brightening Bright’s ideas on reform in rusty
Old England. But though those worthies are
absent, others are there ot scarce inferior note.
Even as we look upon them Thad Stevens rises,
and, with mien and presence attesting the influ
ence of Sirius, launches out into such fierce and
disinterested invective as only a man could give
utterance to whose iron-works had been burned
by the rebels during the war. Curses and con
fiscation fall from his lips so fast and furious as
almost to make one commit the grave error of
mistaking this loyal saint for the foul fiend him
self,especially when a glimpse is now and then re
vealed of his cloven foot. Butler, too is there,
by his eulogies of Sheridan at New Orleans, and
the associations clustering around him, remind
ing one stongly of the age of silver. Aye, and
Wade is on hand, talking glibly of reconstruc
tion, ol his late trip among the red Indians and
of a division of property. Ashley too—we must
uot overlook him; and il we would we could
not, for none other troths and foams, and ana
thematizes the President, aud glows red hot
with impeachment rhetoric as he. But we cau
go no further. Dog-days and these Radical Con
gressmen at the same time are too much for us
—as we much fear they v.'ill be for the country.
Tlie Sliooliuji of tlto Mexican General
Mendez.
A correspondent who was in Queretaro, before
and at the time of his surrender, gives the fol
lowing particulars of General Mendez’s capture
and death:
I have mentioned that Mendez was not cap
tured with the other Generals of Maximilian’s
staff. He was known to be iu tlie city, and tbe
authorities were sure of capturing him. On Fri
day, the day after the betrayal of the town, Es
cobedo issued an order that all officers of the
Imperial army who ditl not surrender within
twenty-four hours would be summarily disposed
of when captured. On Saturday evening, be
tween eight aud nine o’clock, Meudez was tound
concealed under the floor in the house of a citi
zen named Barroli. Then he know his doom
was sealed. He occupied the night in writing
letters to his family. Next morning, between
nine and ten o’clock, (pleasant scene for a
bright Sunday morning,) lie was marched
down to the Alame la and shot. He met
liis fate without a sign of fear. According
to the custom in this country with wliat
are called traitors, he was shot in the back.
Mendez protesting against it, declaring tlict he
was no traitor to his country, and was uot afraid
to face death, but the officer in charge of the
shooting party declared that his orders were
explicit ou the point. “ Very well,” said Men
dez, “shoot away.” lie knelt down, his back
to tbe regiment, and four men stepped forward
and fired. From nervousness, or some other
cause, their aim was very bad, and the wretched
man was nothing like fatally wounded. Raising
himself up, lie pointed to his head, (previous ex
perience in such scenes had made him familiar
with the routine,) and the corporal put the muz
zle of the piece to his ear and blew out his
brains. So died Ramon Mendez, than whom
Mexico has produced many better and many
worse men. An Indian, with much of the Indiau
cruelty and indifference to life in his composi
tion, he had also a large share of Indian hon
esty and trustworthiness. With many opportu
nities ot enriching himself fraudulently, lie
remained poor to his dying day, and was true
to the cause lie espoused.”
Early I.lfe of President Andrew Johnson.
The little fellow at Raleigh, North Carolina,
who acts as correspondent of the New Orleans
Republican, sends his paper the following :
Andrew Johnson was born in the upper story
of a kitchen attached to a building known as
“Casso’s Tavern,” of which his mother was the
housekeeper or stewardess. A daughter of Mr.
Casso, the proprietor of the hotel, was married
to a merchant named Stewart in the early part
of the evening, and the dance in honor of the
wedding was progressing at the time he first
saw light. The bride, who lived to a good old
age and died a few years ago, dressed the new
comer in his swaddling clothes. His father,
Jacob Johnson, died four years afterward, not
from the effect of injuries recived in saving the
life of a friend, as has been stated, but from the
results of dissipation. The family were known
as “ Rhamkatters, ” because they lived in a
locality called “Rhamkatte,” which is, 1 suppose,
a corruption of the word “Ramsgate.”
The original generation were honest,hard-work
ing laborers, but having no money wherewith
to buy stores, tlie second generation were de
graded into what is now called “piny woods
poor white trash.” Mrs. Johnson, bis mother,
was a woman of rare ability for one of her class,
and through her influence Jacob Johnson, his
father, was induced to obtain labor iu the city of
Raleigh, and when lie died she apprenticed her
son Andrew, then about thirteen years old, to a
merchant tailor, named James Selby. James
Litchford, who is yet alive, was then the cutter
or foreman of the “shop.” He says that Andrew
was not a good boy, and yet not a very bad one,
aud tells many interesting incidents ot his “boy
hood.” The people here, although they have
obsequiously built a monument over his father’s
grave, look upon him as a poor white trash tailor
boy yet, and always will.
Santa Anna and Mexico.—A New York
paper has this to say ot Autonio Lopez de Santa
Anna, who is reported to be a prisoner in the
hands of the Liberal party of Mexico:
Santa Anna has outlived bis public usefulness.
He is old and broken down. Nothing lias sur
vived with him but liis unscrupulous and unprin
cipled ambition. When Maximilian first land
ed, lie made baste to tender him his services.—
His letters were eloquent in describing the need
which Mexico bad of an Imperial Government
and of foreign aid. When bis services were re
jected here, he offered them to Juarez, protesting
the greatest indignatioiFthat a foreigner should
dare to set foot on Mexican soil and try to
overthrow the institutions of the Republic. Re
buffed in that quarter also, he repaired to this
country, and has been busy ever sime in getting
a chance to invade Mexico on his own hook.—
If he were to succeed in getting a foothold
there, lie might prolong the struggle against the
Republican authorities a little longer. He would
probably rekindle the tires of civil war uow dying
away, and bring about the slaughter of some
hundreds or thousands more of his former fel
low-countrymen.
The Tribune and the Times.—The editors
of the New York Tribune and ti>e New York
Times are engaged in the harmless business ot
pelting each other with paper pellets. Horace
seems to have touched the acrobat of the Times
in a tender place, and the latter goes back ou
him thusly:
The Tribune informs us that a “Union Repub
lican Club” in Jacksonville, Florida, lias adopted
a scries of resolutions, one of which expresses
the opinion that the New York Times Is “doubt-
lul in its allegiance to tlie Republican party.”
The Tribune thinks tliis is “ hard on tlie Times."
So it is. We should feel very much alarmed bv
it, if we had not observed that the Tribune anil
its editor both survive the compliments paid
them for advocating secession, bailing Jeff.
Davis, and insisting that none of the rebels liave
been guilty of treason. If they can stand that,
we can stand this.
The Negro Vote.—The Philadelphia Aye
says that it is highly important that tlie people
should comprehend the full scope and meaning
of this negro enfranchisement movement, as the
Radicals are preparing to use it. When this
class will vote with the party in power they will
give them the ballot. When there is a doubt on
this question it will lie withheld. In this man
ner the elective franchise is to be made an article
of merchandise, and sold to the highest bidder.
How long can even the semblance of a republi
can lorm of government be maintained in this
country, if such a system prevails ?
The Salt Lake Telegraph says: “ Why don’t
tbe ‘regenerators’ think of Mexico? Now that
the Emperor Maximiliau'is caged aud cared for,
there is si splendid field. They have failed to
regenerate society in Utah to their notions, why
not go down among the Greasers ? Go, and let
us see what a nest of filth and rottenness you
could make when you got your own way.”