Newspaper Page Text
VOLUME XIX.
ERROR CE1SES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”—Jefferson.
ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, JULY 24,1867.
NUMBER 30.
flJtfhlt) JntfUigrnffr.
ATLAKTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, July 24, 1886.
Mr. HllPsSpeerb.
On yesterday, we laid before onr readers, at
tlie request of a number of our fellow-cil.izens,
the speech delivered by the lion. B. II. llill, in
this city, on Tuesday morning last. U|x>n a
careful jiemsal of the 8{>cech itself, we have
come to the conclusion, despite the ingenuity,
argument, and even denunciation* of the s|teukcr,
that no practical good can result to the people ot
the Btale, or of the South, in pursuing the
course which he recommends. In most of the
premites of Mr. Hill, he is right—in his conctu
sioriM we believe that he is wrong. He is right
when be denounces the reconstruction enact
ments ol the Radical Congress, as usurpations
and violations of the Constitution ; he is wrong
when he assumes that the people of the South
can, by voting against a Convention, obtain any
relief from those enactments, or even prevent
the assembling of said Convention in uuv South
ern State, and surely not even in Georgia. We
claim to lie as observant ot what is passing in
Georgia, in regard to “reconstruction,” as Mr.
Hill, and we again utter it, as ourdelilierate con
viction, that the call for a Convention will be re
sponded to in the affirmative at the polls, by an
overwhelming majority, the negro vote being the
conlrolling element at the election. It is impos
Bible for us to resist this conviction ; it was forced
upon us some time ago, and ever}’ day’s observa
tion, every day’s “signs ol the time," strength
ens the conviction upon our mind. The
organization, then, ol a party in Georgia,
whose principal plank iu its platform is " no
conventionand which makes its first light upou
that issue, we look upou as uu organization pre
destined to defeat, from which consequences will
flow that will place our good old Georgia com
monwealth and her people iu the condition ol
Tennessee, if not in a more degraded, a more
humiliating one. We are not to be driven from
our position in regard to Mr. Hill’s policy by his
talk of “ Perjury.” Perjury is a matter of con
science, and the “Know-Nothing” iu past days,
when he advocated the principles of the party ol
that name, committed it just about as much as
he would commit it now, who goes to the polls
and voles “for a Convention” to he held uuder
the reconstruction enactments. This assertion,
or denunciation, term it what the reader may, of
Mr. Hill, while it may illustrate the tender sus
ceptibilities of tbnt gentleman’s own nature, is
mere clap-trap, unworthy the man or the occa
sion. Side by his able aud eloquent vindication
of the Constitutional rights ot the Southern
Slates and the Southern people, and his just de
nunciation of the Congress that has so outrage
ously encroached upon them, this charge of
“perjury” is the merest bsdderdash when applied
to those, who, upon the Convention iasue, think
and will act differently from Mr. Hill. We re
gret that in this, as well as iu other respects, Mr
Hill displayed more temper and bitterness in re
gard to those, who are as true, and have ever
been as true us himself to the South, but who
now, in tbo judgment ot this journal at least,
take a more practical and sober view of the “po
litical situation” than he does. There are those
and with them we agree, who are impressed
with the conviction that no opposition should
be made to the “Convention" movement. We
speak for those only—and they are Southern men
too, as well as Mr. Hill—who are as much op
posed to the Radical Party ot the North, and its
spawn,yclept, “The Union Republican - Party of
Georgia," as be or any oilier Southern man can
be, but who have views of their own, aud dare
to maintain them, despite that gentleman’s de-
nunci&tious. These will not oppose the “ Con
vention " movement. They feel assured that a
“ Convention " will be held in this State—that
even were it defeated now, which they do not
think at all possible, another will be called for
and held, whose decrees will embrace still fur
ther dislranchiseinent, confiscation, and the ab
solute surrender of the State to the Northern
Radical Party, to U9e it hereafter as they choose.
This they would prevent, by a struggle to do so
in the “ Convention ” now called for, by selecting
good and true men to sit in it as delegates; men
who are neither Georgia “Union Republicans ”
nor Northern Radical Republicans, but men who
appreciate the " political situation " and will do
all in their power to free it from that radical
supremacy which otherwise will he riveted upon
her and upon her people. The idea that Geor
gia, or any other Southern State that may go
against “Convention," would lie lett to military
rule, is a preposterous one. Iu such on event,
Georgia will as surely be reconstructed iuto the
“ Union ” as the Radical Party desire it, as the
sun shines, and then whatever may be lett of the
liberties of her people will be swept from them.
For these and other reasons, we regret the course
which is beiug pursued by Mr. Hill and those
wbo are acting with him.
Change of Babb.—The New Orleans Com
mercial Bulletin, which was one of the first, per
haps the very first, paper in the South to advise
the people to accept the terms of the Sherman
hill, with the view of avoiding more stringent de
mauds, has, since the passage of the last supple
mental bill, changed its ground and declared its
opposition to the whole plan as now presented. It
expresses the opinion that under the registration
as provided in the explanatory act, nine-tenths
ol the whites will be disfranchised, aud that as
the negroes aro to he thus made the ruling power
they should be made so without the assistance of
the whites, who cannot honorably or consist
ently aid in such a work.
Negroes as Officers.—The Richmond Die-
patch says: “ We have more than once argued
that negroes are not eligible to office in Virginia,
even under the most liberal construction ot the
Sherman-Shellaharger act. The law ot tlie
Bute stands as it did previously in regard to all
matters concerning which that act does not alter
it So that the very tact that negroes are by act
ot Congress voters, while that act says not a
won! in reference to their holdiug office, proves
that they are not eligible to any post ot honor or
profit iu Virginia or any oilier ot the States \v hose
institutions prohibit Africans from holdiug office.”
Mr. Botts, of Virginia, has expressed similar
vtews.
The Confiscation Bugbear.—Forney’s
Cbrt. nicle of Saturday says iu reference to the
hill of Mr. Juliau, providing for the lorfeilure of
all lands granted to the Southern States to aid j
them in the construction ot railroads, that it is
agreed by intelligent meu everywhere that how
ever important the policy of confiscation would
have been as a war measure, or as a means of
breaking up the grand lauded estates of the South
if it had been fairly iuaugurated iu 1862, it
now too late to count upon it uuder any circum- !
stances that are likely to arise.
So Forney has given up confiscation.
Wells.—A pamphlet recently published says :
that during tlie joist six years there Lave Ihi-h !
sunk, up to January 1,1367, 79.30 wells in the
United States, and there have been producer! a
toUl of crude oil equal to about 11,640,670
barrels.
SPEECH
OF THE
HON. BENJAMIN H. HILL,
OH THE C0HDITI0H OF TEE COUHTEY.
Delivered In the City or Atlanta, Tuesday,
July 16, 1867.
[KXroKTED BT 1. HEHLY BMITh.]
Ladies and Fellow-Citizens :
Human governments, like everything else hu
man, naturally tend to decay. They cm only
be preserved by constant watchfulness, courage,
and adherence to correct principles. These re
marks apply with unusual force to free govern
ments, which are the most difficult-of all to
maintain. It we, the jieojile of the United
States, were the first in history who had attempt
ed the e.\|>criment of living under a Democratic
or Republican form ol Government, we might
Le excused if we tailed to discover the symptoms
ot apjiroacliing death, and to apjily the remedies
to preserve our lilierly and tlie blessings we have
heretofore edjoyed. But we are not the first
who have made this exjierimeiit. Other peo
ples -and nations, for thousands of years, have
had Commonwealths, Republics, aud Democra
cies, which have risen and fallen times almost
w ithout numlier. 1 hut assert a great truth—one
which finds no contradiction or exception in all
history—when I say that the great leading and
sulistantial causes ot the decay of freedom in all
countries, have ever beeu the same. How inex
cusable must we be if we fail to discover the
symptoms, and how cowardly and recreant if we
fail to apply the proper remedy to prevent so
foul a death 1
No people ever commenced to build up a free
government under such favorable auspices as we.
What a climate, soil, variety ol productions and
material resources do we p< issess; and what an
ancestry' aud wliat a common struggle tor liberty
did our fathers pass through ! Did any people
ever belore commence with such advantages V—
Rome commenced as a small city, and was de
spised by the barbarians around it. She extend
ed her jMiwer by her arms,'and increased till at
last she became mistress of the world. We com
menced with such a people, country and produc
tions as no people ever had before, and we had
fewer disseulious and elements ot discord than
any jieoj-le ever antlered from ; and Providence,
as if to separate us Iroin the Crimea aud corrupt
ing influences ot the old world, spread out this
great continent belore us, with tlie wide sea to
separate us from 4hern, with no influence ot
monarchy aud oppressive systems to threaten or
make war upon us. It we fail, it will be by our
own folly. What excuse cau we render to our
posterity aud to the world, if we, in this day r ,
with the lessons of history before us, allow free
institutions to perish on this continent :’ And
our race will have been the soonest run. We
have not yet lived a century. It is but seventy-
eight years since the Constitution was formed,
and but ninety-one years since independence was
declared by our fathers, while the Commonwealth
of Rome lived tour hundred years before the
measures which produced her decay' were pro
posed. W hat a spectacle ! The best people, the
richest soil, the most valuable productions, es
tablished as if by tiie Providence of God as a
new era in the history ot tlie world—and bidding
fair to lie the shortest lived of any free govern
ment in the history of nations !
There is no difficulty whatever—aud I assert
it without fear of contradiction—in discovering
when and how a nation is dying. 1 cannot now
go into an analysis of all the symptoms of na
tional decay aud death. It is only important to
present the leading one which controls all oth
ers—which existing, produces all others, aud
which being.-remedied, cures all others. Then
hear it: the great symptom of the decay and
death o! a government is the disregard of the
fundamental LAW ol that government. When
ever a people come to treat lightly their own
fundamental law, they have arrived at the most
dangerous point, that is possible, short of entire
destruction. Republics, above all other kind ol
governments, are maintained by respect for law.
If the people of the United States tail to have a
sacred regard for their own law—which is not
like that of other nations, to he ascertained by
argument, by decisions, or by searching, but is a
plain and wisely written Constitution—tn.iy will
deserve the awful fate that awaits them; and lie
who disregards its plain language has no c tense
to shield himself from the infamy of a traitor!
[Applause.] Old as it is—trampled upon, torn
and tattered as it is—my theme to-day is the
Constitution of our country and for all our coun
try. [Applause.] 1 charge before Heaven and
the American people this day, that every evil by'
which we have been afflicted is attributable di
rectly to the violation of the Constitution. Tink
ers may work, quacks may prescribe, and dema
gogues may deceive, hut 1 declare to you that
there is no remedy lor us, anti no hojie to escape
the threatened evils, but in adhering to the Con
stitution.
Fellow-citizens: Pardon me while I say that
in presenting my views, I think of no living man,
individually, to whom my remarks are to apply.
I have come to talk freely to you about the dan
gers of the country. Little minds ascribe little
objects to those whose views they do not agree
with, aud he has attained an unenviable reputa
tion whose friends say “you mean him,” when 1
am speaking of treachery and showing the evil
cousequeuces of a certain line of policy. 1 have
no jiersonal attacks to make on an enemy, even
if 1 have one. God knows if I could, with tny own
hands, I would gladly place a crown of imperish
able honor on the brow of my most bitter foe, if I
could thereby rescue my country from the perils
that environ it! [Applause.] But if I have an
enemy, aud have a vindictive spirit, and desired
him to become forever infamous, I could ask no
more of him than that he should support the
hellish schemes of those who are now seeking to
subvert the Constitution aud destroy our liberty.
He is digging a grave for himself which posterity
will never water with a tear. Let him alone. I
have come to dtscuss tlie present phase of the
revolution.
We have had a war which raged furiously for
tour years. It originated simply in a difference
of opinion as to our rights under the Constitu
tion. This difference existed from the first. It
existed among the framers of the Constitution.—
It could not be settled by argument, and an ap
peal was made to the sw.ord. It was an open
manly' fight. There was nothing secret or am
biguous iu the issue. It was waged by men in
fluenced in the masses by patriotic emotions on
both sides; and it was not to destroy the Consti
tution, but to assert on each side their different
views. On our side it was asserted that the
Stales were separate and independent sovereign
ties, and that the Constitution was a compact,
which each party was at liberty to dissolve at
will, and so we seceded and declared ourselves
out of the Union. On the other hand, it was
contended that we were not out of the Union—
notwithstanding our secession acts; and that the
Constitution was not a compact, but a binding
law upon the States resulting from a compact,
and therefore no one of the number could dis
solve the connection at will. Upon this issue
wo went to war. The war was fought till we
laid down our arms and agreed to what our ene
mies said—that we were in the Union.
But itie.e is now another question to settle.—
It is still within the range ol argument. Itspro-
portious are huge. The issues are startling. It
is not a difference of opiuion as to what the
Constitution means, and what are our rights un
der it; but its object is plainly, unmistakably, to
sot aside tl.e Constitution and provide something
else. 1 have never doubted that we were coming
to this issue. In speeches made by me, five, six,
eight, and ten years ago, I predicted this, ami
every page of our history since that time has
verified the correctness ot the prediction. The
jieople of the North honestly love the Constitu
tion, but the leaders there hate it and intend to
destroy it, and the convulsion through which we
have passed has thrown the opportunity of
making the effort iuto their hands, and the pre
sent military bills and the one which is not yet
promulgated as law, are the means adopted to
accomplish tln-ir design. These bills are jiro-
posed for our acceptance. There is a remarka
ble feature in these measures, that while force is
employed to execute them they are yet nomi
nally submitted to us for our acceptance or re
jection.
I object to the whole scheme, because it is un
constitutional. A distinguished mau—pardon
me, 1 ought to say a notorious individual—said
to tne a tew days ago, that I ought not to waste
time to prove the unconstitutionality ot these
measures—a thing which every man, woman aud
child in tlie country knew—and yet he was for
accepting! He spoke truthfully. That tottering,
grav-haired candidate in Pennsylvania for per-
p t tie*.! infamy, who is building for himself a
monument oi malignity that will overtop the
pyramids of Egypt, said the Constitution had
uotniug to do with it. I shall never get done
shuddering, and horrors will never cease to rise
up in my mind, when I see men taking as oath
to support the Constitution, and then legislating
to put in force measures which are outside of it
A great many ol our own jieople flippantly say
the Constitution is dead. Then your rights, and
bojies for the future, and all hope for your chil
dren are dead. I ask every man, if the Consti
tution is dead, why are we always, every day,
and at every new slep, required to take an oath
to support it ?
Now, I affirm that these military bills are not
only contrary to the Constitution, but directly in
the lace ol the amnesty oath you were required
to take after the surrender. The Government
thought proper, in accepting your submission, to
take your oath to support the Constitution of the
United States and the Union of the States. Why'
was that oath required if the Constitution was
dead ?
But it is said the Constitution does not apply
to us. Then don’t swear to support it.
But it is said again that we are not in the
Uniou. Then why swear to support the Union
of these Stales ? What “Union” does that mean V
When you took that oatli was it the Union of
the Northern States alone that you swore to sup
port ? What business have you with that Union ?
No, it is the Uniou of all the States known to the
Constitution that you have sworn to support.
But they say that oath was jirescribeii by' tlie
President, and that lie is not loyal. Then I must
answer a fool according to bis fully, aud a traitor
according to bis treason. What do they require
who passed these bills—this military Juggernaut?
They require every man who registers Ills name
tii vote, to swear to support the Constitution, and
counsel and persuade others to do so—and still it
is said the Constitution lias nothing to do with
it! They' say the scheme is outside of the Con
stitution, aud yet In the process of carrying it
out, they require an oath to support the Consti
tution and to counsel and persuade others to do
so! That is more than Mr. Johnson ever re
quired in the oath which he prescribed.
It is iny business to support the Constitution,
and my duty and pleasure to persuade others to
do so. Some of you who favor the acceptance
of the military bills take au oath to this effect,
and still intend to vote fora convention which
you admit to he ordered contrary to tbs Consti-
tution! How is this? If you have a conscience,
I have said enough. If you vote for theconven-
lion you are PERJURED! [Tremendous ap
plause] O! I pity the race of colored people
who have never been taught what an oath is,
nor what the Constitution means. They are
drawn up by a selfish conclave ot traitors to in
flict a death-blow ujion the life of the Republic
by swearing them to a falsehood! They are to
begin their political life by perjury to accomplish
treason! 1 would not visit the penalty upon
them. They are neither legally' nor morally re
sponsible, but it is you—educated designing white
men—who thus devote yourselves to the unholy
work—who are the guilty' parties 1 You prate
about your loyalty! I look you in the eye and
denounce you! [Applause] You are morally
aud legally perjured traitors! You perjure
yourselves and perjure the poor negro to help
your treason ! [Immense applause.] You can’t
escape it! You" may boast ot it now, while
passion is rife, but the time will come when the
very thought will wither y r our soul and make
you hide trom the face of maukind.
I shall discharge the obligation ol the amnesty
oath. It required me to support the Constitu
tion and the emancipation ot the negro, and I
do. I will not bind my soul to a new slavery,
to liell, by violating it. I talk plainly, but I
simply want to strike through the incrustation
of the hardened conscience, and make men feel
aud realize their true situation.
I have proved that these military bills violate
tlie Constitution, and that you, in carrying them
out, violate it and your amnesty oath and your
registry' oath. And what is your purpose? It
must lie a great good you seek to induce you to
commit so much crime aud folly.
.Sometimes men wink at what is by strict tech
nicalities wrong in the individual, to accomplish
some great good to the public. I do not recog
nize the correctness ol such action; but what do
you propose by trampling upon the Constitution
aud violating your own solemn oaths ? Is it to
save the State aud preserve liberty ? This is not
the object, but the purpose is as infamous as the
measure resorted to to effect it. Yon first pro
pose to abrogate your Slate governments by au
thority of the so-called Congress—a mere con
clave of a portion of the members of that body.
By'whom is this dictated? The principle that
whoever forms a government should form it for
themselves as well as for others, is a correct one;
lint the men who propose this for us do not'live
in any of the ten States to be affected by their
legislation. It is not made to suit either black
or white, or any other class of our people, but to
suit themselves, while they are not affected by it:
aud if you act upon their proposition, in a man
ner to suit yourselves, you will not be accepted
by them; nay, you violate the Constitution to
subvert the Government. Aud by carrying out
these measures y r ou disfranchise your own peo
ple. Suppose we concede, for argument, that it
is right to enfranchise all the negroes: if this be
right., by what principle of law or morals do we
disfranchise the white people? “O, but,” you
say, “the whites have been rebels.” Then they
should all he disfranchised, and not a part ot
them. Besides, the government you are to frame
is to he a civil government, and last tor all time,
and for peace, when there cau be no rebels. 1
see it stated that General Sickles lias advised
that the disfranchising leature be repealed or mod
ified, and lor the reason that the enfranchised
class are not fit to fill the offices. Well, if lie has
doue so, he has acted wisely, and has shown
himself capable of appreciating one truth. Aud
it is a great truth—one that will hide a multitude
of sins; aud it might be well tor his fame if this
recommendation alone could he remembered of
his administration. In the face of the fact that
a republican government can rest upon and be
jierpetualed only' by the virtue and intelligence
ot tlie people, you propose to exclude the most
intelligent from participating in the Government
forever!
You will by these measures inaugurate a war
of races. A people who will abrogate their own
government and disfranchise the most intelligent
of them at the dictation of those who are not
to he affected thereby, and live unde; the dicta
tion of a foreign power, have no conscience; but
it y r ou have a conscience I hope to reach it. By
all you hold dear I warn you that by accepting
these military'hills you inaugurate a measure that
will exterminate the Atricau race. Some ol you
who have come among us are taking the negro
by the arm—telling him that you are his friend,
and that yon gave him his liberty! Ye hypocrites!
Y"e w hited sepulchres !! Ye mean iu your
hearts to deceive and buy up the negro vote for
your own benefit. [Applause.] The negroes
know no better; but I would ask them : If these
meu are faithless to the Constitution of the coun
try, how can they be faithful to you ? Yet these
men aJmit in the very act that they are disre
garding the Constitution! They take an oath
to support it with die purpose andinteDt formed
Indore hand to violate it, and vote for measures
contrary to it! They are not fit to be trusted by
any animal, dog or man! [Applause ] Such a
man would betray his pointer, and such a wo
man sell her poodle! They are not capable of
being the friends of anybody but themselves. I
don’t pity' the whites so much who are to suffer by
these measures. “ You knew your duty and did
it not,” and if you are beaten with many stripes
we have the authority of scripture for saying that
your punishment is just; but to see the Africans
led off by a elaptrap which they don’t under
stand, and used because they don’t under
stand it, and thus led to the slaughter by men
who are faithless to every principle—uuder
the lieliet that they are being elevated and
exercising God-given rights, is enough to make
any' mau feel sick at heart and experience the
deepest pity for the unfortunate race.
This is not the first time that such things have
been attempted. Unfortunately, there have be
fore been both fools and knaves in the world,
and some of you, it would seem, will not learn
wisdom from the lessons of the past. If the Con
stitution is dead, we are outside of it, and, pray,
what government have we ? We have nothing,
iu that case, but the will of an unlawful con
clave, and don’t yon know this means only’ an
archy and then despotism and tyranny ? What
inducement is held out to you to accept their
propositions ? Yon say it is to get back into the
Union ! and for this yon are willing to submit to
disfranchisement and* the inauguration of a policy
that tends to a war of races! all to get back into
the Union—just where you are already, and al
ways were!
\Vhat do you want to get back into that sort
ol a Union tor ? If you are not now in it, what
can you expect by getting in such as they pre
sent to you ? You say it is to get representation
in the Union ! Is not Kentucky in the Union ?
Has she any representation ? The telegraph in
forms us that a resolution has been introduced
into the so-called Congress making inquiries
whether Maryland, Delaware and Kentucky have
State Governments or not! Are you so stupid
ax not to see what all this means ? The result
will be the substitution of the Radical parly for
all governments, l>oth State and Federal; anil
the substitution of Radical triZIlor all law ! Take
that home with you and digest it That’s where
you are going! Kentucky is excluded Iroin rep
resentation because it is alleged her representa
tives were voted for by disloyal men. What is
meant by' disloyal? Every man who does not
support the Radical party will soon lie declared
disloyal, and every State which does not vote
the Radical ticket will be disloyal, anil her gov
ernment illegal. I fell" yon, unless patriotism
shall wake tip from the stun which the horrid
contusion of war lots given it, the Radical parly
will be our only government, and Radical will
our only law.
I look for this revolution A® go on. Whoever
thinks this war upon the Constitution-will sLop
with the ten States is a madman or a simple
ton to be pitied, or a knave to be despised. I
have expected them to take charge of Connecti
cut because she dared to elect a Governor that
did not agree with the Radical party; and sure
enough Sutuner in a late letter strikes that key
note. He says a similar bilLJor all the States is
a short cut to universal suf8j£iS6_j~2Jdb^'*0^aUeiI
Congress immediately oh it _______ ....
of Kentucky and excluded l£r whole delegation
with one exception. If they can reject these,
they' can reject every' one who differs with them,
and they will do so; ami tl^Sy will receive only'
those who agree with them. * These they will re
ceive. I care not what may have beeu their sius
heretofore; if tlie very worst secessionist in all
the laud will whine arour.d the streets and say’
be is radical now, be is as good as the saints iu
Heaven lor radical purposes. [Applause.] They
care not lor race or color,.nor tor antecedents; if
_you now favor radical schemes yon are loyal,
ami if you oppose them you are disloyal!
But you say you are in favor of going iuto the
Union, because it you do not your property will
he confiscated. A gentleman of this city a tew
days ago said to me that he was iu lavor of the
acceptance of these military bills because lie
thought it the best we could do. I said to him ;
“ You do not say that lor yourself, but for your
brick stores/” [Applause.]' But you are not
half so wise as you are knavish ! You would
lose the Constitution and the country' to save
your brick stores, and t lieu by your very course
you will lose your brick stores also! I am
ashamed to talk or use arguments about confis
cation in time of }>eace ! It is a war power, not
known to international law except as a war
power, to’be used only in time of war, upon an
enemy's goods ! Confiscation in time of peace is
neither more nor less than robbery !
But you say they have got the power and they
will exercise it, uuless we do as they bid us.—
And will you, iu this case, abandon your only
protection ? It Is like going out into the highway
and surrendering your purse to the robber to
keep him from taking it!
I could introduce a great deal of high author
ity to establish this point, but I will not insult
the radical portion of this audience by reading
from auy authority for them, except from a Mas
sachusetts Judge. Here is what he says:
“ It has been supposed that if the government
have the rights of a belligerent, then, after the
rebellion is suppressed, it will have the rights of
conquest; thatState and its inhabitants may
be permanently divested of all political privile
ges, and treated as foreign territory acquired by
arms. This is an error, a grave and- dangerous
error. Belligerent rights cannot be exercised where
there are no belligerents."
That is what I said ; “Confiscation is only.a
war measure, and ceases with the war.” Again:
“ When the United State® take possession of a
rebel district, they merely vindicate their pre
existing title. Under despotic governments the
right of confiscation may be unlimited; but
under our government the right of sovereignty'
over any portion of a State is-given and limited
by the Constitution, and will, be the same after
the war ns it was before.” . **
, There is one Lot lit Massachusetts, and if
Abraham were alive to-day I would have him
prav to God to spare that Slate and trust it—not
only to ten men, but—even to one. There is at
least one.good man in it, and be is a Judge, aud
dares to proclaim to all that security to property'
is given by the Constitution, the same after as
before the war. And now I will read for the
patriots ot the audience something from the
most distinguished of all writers on international
law:
“When a sovereign, arrogating to himself the
absolute disposal ot a people whom lie has con
quered, attempts to reduce them to slavery, he
perpetuates the State ol warlare between that
nation and himself. Should it he said that in
such a case, there may be peace ami a kind of
compact by which the. conqueror consents to
spare the lives of the vanquished on condition
that they acknowledge themselves his slaves ;
lie who makes such au assertion is ignorant that
war gives no right to take away the life of an
enemy who has laid down his arms and sub
mitted. But let us not dispute the point: let the
man who holds such principles of jurisprudence
keep them for his own use aud benefit; lie well
deserves to be subject to such a law. But men
of spirit to whom life is nothing—less than noth
ing, unless sweetened with liberty, will always
conceive themselves at war with that oppressor,
though actual hostilities sre suspended on their
part, through w'ant. ot ability.”
My friends, this was written by a man .who
lived in despotic times, by a man who was taught
uuder a despotic government; and how his love
of liberty and law shames tlie praters about loy
alty iu free America!
But I will dwell no more oil this subject. Con-
fiseation is the law ot enemies in war, and in
peace it is the law of the robber, ll they have
the will to rob yon, you will never escape by sub
mitting to their power. If you submit, give up
the law and substitute the will of the robber, he
boldly avows that it is Ids purpose, not to give
the black man his rights, but to bring about such
measures and so to shape things as to perpetuate
the rule of the Radical party! Everyman who
joins the party and can satisty them that he will
sincerely help in tlii3 work, will be accepted.—
They will put their arms around your necks and
call you brothers. [Applause.] You cau make
a friend of the devil upon these same terms,
[Laughter and applause,] and there is but little
difference between them. [Great applause.] Il
you please the one you will go to the other, and
1 am not sure but you will get wbaty'ou deserve,
but 1 object to your taking the country' with you.
[Immense applause ]
But, O! it is sad to see the Constitution
trampled upon and the country destroyed, only
to perpetuate their hellish dynasty; and then to
see some ol our own people join in this unholy
work, calling upon us to submit and become the
agents of our own dishonor! This is sad, sor-*
rowful, and tills me with shame !
These bills propose at every step to abrogate
the Constitution—trample upon the Slate and
its laws—to blot out every hope—to perjure
every man who accepts them, with every prin
ciple ot honor, justice, aud safety disregarded,
trampled upon, and despised—all to perpetuate
the power of their wicked authors. Can this
scheme succeed ? Will it succeed ? That is the
question. I tee) truly thankful in my heart that
1 have an answer which lifts my soul amidst all
the gloom and apprehension of the hour. Some
of you may not appreciate it, but to me it is the
only oasis in this desert; This scheme will never,
never succeed, and I proclaim its ultimate fail
ure to-day in your hearing. [Unbounded ap
plause] I know that some think it will. The
air is full of the words ot those who proclaim
that there is no power to prevent it Men have
before this been weak and roolish, and cowards
and traitors have before believed as you talk
now, but I have a reason for the laith that is in
me, which is absolutely sublime in the strength
of its foundations.
1st. It will fail because it is not possible to
perpetuate a government of force under tlie
forms of a democracy. It may take some time
to comprehend this thought, but you will not
forget it. That which is now proposed is force.
It is proposed by men who do not live iu this
State, and whose agents do not live here; and it
is sought to be accomplished by military power,
but under the pretense of your sanction—not to
please youselves, but them. There is not an in
stance in history where a government of force
has been perpetuated under the forms of free in
stitutions. It is an impossibility, and can never
succeed. [Applause.]
2d. But it is sought to be accomplished by de
ceit and fraud, which cannot much longer escape
detection. The masses ol the people of the North
love the Constitution and fought for it and the
Union, but the leaders did not fight for it, and do
not love it; and they now seek to destroy it under
pretense that we must give some further guaran
tee for our future good behavior than merely
supporting the Constitution. As soon as the
means by which their deceit and fraud have been
covered np are removed, the scheme will be
crushed to death by the people. It is a double-
shaped monster, like the Benimel at Hell-gate,
which can live nowhere except in a political
paudcmooiqm.
And wliat must, he tiie results ? I do not say
we will conic out of all this with free iuslitulions
preserved, hut this scheme can never succeed. A
despotism over tlie whole country aud over all
the jieople guilty and innocent alike may ensue.
You’ll fail but you may bring ruin upon all.—
Whenever you pull down the temple of liberty,
you also will lie crushed liy the fall. You can
not level or lower us and elevate yourselves.
We must cither all rise or all go down together.
Despotism may come, empires may rise and fall
among us, but whether they do or not, we shall
not have the reign of a Radical parly. Unilcr-
stand^me; If 1 say a man cannot live high uj> iu
tlie air, 1 do not mean he cannot go up in a bal
loon and remain for a time; or it I say' a nmn
cannot live uuder water, I do not say he cannot
gftdown in a diving bell and remain a while;
hut the Radicals will as certainly fail to jierjictu-
ate their power under this scheme, as that a mau
will fail who attempts to dwell in the air, or
drown who makes his home uuder water. Such
a government would be unuatural—a political
monstrosity, aud cannot possibly last; but you
may destroy the forms as well as the principles
of tree government, and then you wilt have a
arge monarchy, an autocracy, an empire, or a des-
* ! — potiam, as the case may be.
This very schenie was attempted in Rome iiyr
mucIHietter men than you Radicals are, and lbr
a much !y*tter reason than you give. It is not
original with you. You are hut plagiarizing
traitors at best, and get your scheme from the
criminals ot loDg ago. If I did steal, 1 would
try to steal something better and trom a more re
spectable source.
If you will examine, aud compare with former
times, the productions of such men as Stevensj
Phillips, aud Sumner, aud their lesser followers
and second-hand plagiarizers down South, you
will find all their miserable jargon about “liberty
and equality,” the “natural right of man,” and
“the bom right of manhood suffrage,” are bor
rowed from the men who fomented social and
civil wars iu Rome, and which have been repeat
ed in every age since, by those who have no
statesmanship but the devilish ability of exciting
ignorant men to cut each others’ throats. Re-
jiublican Rome had au immense number of
slaves and freedmen, and non-voting citizens.—
She had a landed aristocracy embracing com
paratively few of her peojile.
An agrarian law was projiosed, and for a time
was immensely popular, but it failed and its first
author was slain. His brother renewed the law
aud enlarged it by jiroposing suffrage to the
slaves ami freedmen with equal political rights.
It was said “ there could be no freedom without
equality.” But the brother also jierished. Then
a great general became the leader of the Radi
cals of that day, aud he bad more fame and
merit and ability and honesty than all the Radi
cal party of this day combined, but he also fail
ed. And why did they all fail ? Because they
were attempting to engraft a government ot
force and robbery upon republican forms—at
tempting the absurd task of making equal things
which God had made uueqal—attemping equali
ty by taking that which industrious and frugal
meu had made and giving it to thriftless vaga
bonds, and by depositing in the keeping of igno
rance and vice, powers and trusts which intelli
gence alone can know how to exercise and jire-
serve. '
But by the struggle Republican Rome jierished
aud never knew liberty agaiD. Nor was this all;
her history from the beginning of the Agrarian
itteinpt was one of blood, and taction, and waste,
and ruin, until the goal of Empire was reached.
In the social aud civil wars which marked the
struggle, more than seven bundled thousand of
her best citizens were slain, and besides these,
whole populations ol some ot her most jiopu-
ous territories were exterminated.
It may be that we of the United..States have
been so erazy in leaving the Constitution—tlie
only Ark of safety—that our Heavenly Father
lias doomed ns to perish, but I am gratified with
a iiope that it is not so. If noL, there is but one
method for our rescue, and that is by' a prompt
restoration of the Constitution. Will it come?
Will we escape an agrarian war, with resulting
despotism, and save our-institutions lor our chil
dren ? I hope we shall; I believe we shall.—
Though a great effort is being made—a designed
effort—to destroy us as Iiomc was destroyed, I
believe tlie effort will fail. I have great faith in
the Anglo-Saxon blood. I derive great encour
agement from Anglo-Saxon history. Our liberty
was not born in a day. It is not the work of
one generation. It is the fruit oT a hundred
struggles, and its guaranties have been perfect-
_ lor eight hundred years. Many have been
the efforts to destroy it. Ollen the English Con
stitution was trampled on. Often traitors sought
to substitute arbitrary Will for well-established
law, and often have the peojile lor a time been
misled. But thus far they have always waked
up and called the traitors and lactionists to ac
count. Charles I. trampled on tlie Constitution.
He had judges who decided that his will was the
law, aud all who resisted that will and defend
ed the Constitution were jiunisbed as disloyal.
And it did seem as il his power was irresisti
ble. No doubt it you weak-kneed Radicals of
the South had lived in that day you would have
said, “lhe Constitution is dead and we muslcou-
sent to what we cannot resist.” But John
Hauijiileu would not consent He resisted. He
whs tried as a criminal lor resisting, and was
condemned. But what was the sequel ? The
people finally asserted their power. Charles and
his ministers perished. Tlie very judges that
condemned Hamjideu were themselves tried and
condemned ns criminals, aud the very officers,
even the sheriffs, who executed the orders ol
Charles aud his courts, were sued by the citizens
for damages, and had to pay nearly a million of
dollars for executing the jirocesses of a void, un
constitutional law! For a time traitors held the
j>. over aud tramjiled on rights, but vengeance
came, and perpetual infamy lollowed.
So Cromwell and his Parliament violated the
Constitution, and though they_also flourished tor
a season, they too were overthrown. So James
II. trampled on the Constitution, and had to fly
from his kingdom a fugitive for life. Iu all these
struggles good men, for a time, suffered, and bad
men, lor a time, ruled, but the English race have
never yet failed to rescue their Constitution from
the power both of traitors and fanatics.
I tell you the American people will not always
be deceived. They will rise in defense ot their
Constitution, and traitors will tremble. They
who rallied three million 6trong to defeat what
they considered an armed assault on the Consti
tution and Union, will not sleep until a few hun
dred traitors from behind the masked battery of
Congressional oaths and deceptive pretensions ol
loyalty' shall utterly batter down the Constitution
and Union forever. I warn you, boastful, vin
dictive Radicals, by' the history' of your own fa
thers, by every instinct of rnauhood, by every
right ot liberty and every impulse ot justice, that
the day is coming when you will feel the power
of an outraged and betrayed jieople. [Applause ]
Go on confiscating! Arrest without warrant or
probable. cause; destroy habeas corpus; deny
trial by jury; abrogate State governments; de
file your own race, and flippantly say the Con
stitution is dead ! On, ou, with your work of
ruin, ye hell-born rioters in sacred things 1 but
remember for all these things the people will call
you to judgment. [Prolonged applause.] Ah !
what an issue you have made lor yourselves.—
Succeed, and you destroy the Constitution! Fail,
and you have covered the land with mourning.
Succeed, anil you briug ruin on yourselves and
all the country! Fail, and you bring infamy
upon yourselves and-all your deluded followers!
Succeed, and you arc the jierjured assassins of
liberty! Fail, and you are defeated, despised
traitors forever. Y"e who aspire to be Radical
Governors and Judges in Georgia, I paint belore
you this day your destiny. [Unbounded aj>
jilause.] You are but cowards and knaves, aud
the time will come when you will call ujioii the
rocks and mountains to fall on you and the dark
ness to hide you from au outraged jieople. [Ap
plause.]
Does it do you good to trample on the Consti
tution—deceive the negroes aud ruin the coun
try? It may be sweet now, but I tell you the
sulphurous tires of public mfamy will never be
quenched on your spirits [Applause.] I pity
you from my soul. Would that the time had
never come when 1 had to stand ujwin Georgia’s
soil and thus talk to Georgians. A struggle is
coming. It may be a long and a bloody one,
and you who advocate this wicked scheme will
jierish in it, unless the people now arouse anil
check its consummation. Let every true law-
loving man rally at once to the standard of the
Constitution ol his country. [Ajiplause.] Come.
Do not abandon your rights. Defend them.—
Talk for them, and if need be, before God and
the country, fight and die for them. [Enthusi
astic and prolonged applause.] Do not talk or
think of secession or disuuiou, but conte up to
the good old platform of our fathers—the Con
stitution. Let all, North and South, come and
swear before God that we will abide by it iu
good faith, and oppose everything that violates
it. Til? man who Joyes the Constitution now,
anil is willing to live and die for it, is my friend
aud brother, though he come from the frozen
peak of Mount Washington; and the man who
is for tramjiling ujmiii it is my enemy, and I shall
hold him so, though lie come front the sunny
clinic of the orange and the cotton bloom. That
is my' issue.
O how sorry a creature.is the man who can
not stand uji for the truth., when the country is
in danger. There never was sncli an oji|irtrtu-
nity as now exists lor a man to show of wliat
stuff ho. is made, llow can yon go about tlie
Street and say, “all is wrong but I cannot help
it?” Yon want courage my friend! You area
coward ! You lack courage, to tell the truth and
would sell you birthright lor a temjiorary mess
of pottage, even for a little bit of a judgeship or
a Bureau Officer’s jilacc.
But some one says: “How will you resist it?”
I will resist it first by not approving it. If every
body would do that it would lie effi'Ctually re
sisted so far as we are concerned. But the so-
called Congress lias provided a cover for itsell
in advance, under which to hide from the odium
attaching to this scheme. It has jiroviiled
that you can vote either for or against a con
vention and again vote for or against what
ever constitution it may frame. Il is sought
to make ns' responsible for whatever may be
the consequences and relieve them. After a.
while when you become alarmed at the results,
they will say, “We did not. do this; We only
gave you a chance aud you did it.”
But if we defeat this, it is,said, military rule
will coutinue. ^Certainly—until wicked men
shall be driven from power. But let it lie so.
General Pope seems to be a gentleman, and I in
finitely prefer liis rule to the rule of such men as
you will get uuder this scheme. Besides, the
new government, if inaugurated, will not he able
to live a day without military jirotectiou. Jt is
safer to be governed by power than by treachery.
Perhaps yon will think L have overdrawn the
picture of the fearful consequences of accepting
tliis scheme. I recollect an incident which oc
curred over six years ago, when I was urging
the jieople of Georgia not. to secede, because tlie
country would thereby fall into tlie hands of
Radicals, and predicted war and its attendant
sufferings as the result—though then deemed
visionary. I would be almost ashamed now to
read my remarks of that day—my picture would
be so tame and so far short ot the dreadful reality
that lias followed. A very jirominent gentleman
replied t.o me, urging that there would be no
war, aud to prove it, lie read an article from
Horace Greeley’s Tribune and old Ben. Wade’s
speech declaring the South had aright to secede,
and it slie eliose to exercise, that right, they
should be allowed lo do so in peace. He then
said that Greeley and Waile were better friends
of the South than I, who was born here, lor I
was trying to frighten the Southern people from
the exercise of a right which they conceded,
and they were representative men ot their party.
Whatcould 1 say iu rejily ? I could only tell hiui
the truth.—that these men only desired toencour-
age the South to disunion lor their wicked jiurpo-
ses to destroy the Constitution ; and that a great
government could not he dissolved without blood;
and what have Greeley and Waile done since
that time! aud now i advise you to reject this
scheme of force, fraud and deceit which Congress
has devised. If you, ol your own free will, sub
mit to it, you will see the consequences of it.
I advise you to register. There is no dishonor
in,that. It is arming yourself with an impor
tant jiower to be wielded against the nefarious
scheme, but don’t vote for a Convention—don’t
go for anything whatever which is an assent to
the scheme, but be against it at every step.—
Never go half way with a traitor, nor compro
mise with treason or robbery. It they hold a
convention,vote against ratification—vote against
all their measures and men, and indict every one
who, under such void authority, invades your
rights according to existing Slate laws. That’s
my policy. Fight this scheme all the time. 1
have no more idea of obeying than John Hamp
den had of paying ship-money, because I have
taken an oath to siipjxirt the Constitution, and 1
intend to keep it.
This whole scheme is in violation of all the
issues ol the war—all the promises during its
progress—and all the terms of surrender. More
than a hundred thousand men abandoned Lee’s
army because they were assured that if they laid
down their arms they would he iu the Union
again with all their rights as before. I knew the
jiromise was false, aud warned you agaiust the
seductions of lhe Syren. The people—the sol
diers of the United States—were then willing to
fulfill the obligation ; buttlie politicians intended
to deceive you. Sucli men as Sumuer and Ste
vens never intend lo carry out tlie jiledge ot the
nation. They would acknowledge the indejien-
dence of the Confederate ’ States to-day, before
they would agree to restore t lie old Union, even
with slavery abolished. I respect tlie Northern
mau who honestly fought for the Union, but I
desjiise the traitors who, under the name of tlie
Union, have used the Northern peojile to destroy
the South, and then to destroy the Constitution.
The jieople of the North have beeu long discov
ering this deception, but they will he compelled
lo see it before the traitors can go much further
in their work.
How many jieople in Atlanta belong to the
“loyal league ?" [Laughter.] I warn all decent
men l.o abandon such dens. I know tlie‘times
have been such that many good meu have natu
rally gone astray. But save yourselves before it
is too late! Destroy all the evidences of your
membership—bind all your comrades to mutual
concealment of the fact that you w’ere members
and come out You are pardonable for the past;
but if you contiuue you will be covered with
shame, and your very children yvill disown you.
[Applause.] Come, join the Patriots’ League.
Our bnly jiledge is to support the Constitution—
love its friends and hate its enemies, and pro
claim our love and haired at noon-day aud from
the house tops. Save yourselves now, or be for
ever lost to decent society anil your owu self-re
spect. All the brave aud true men, even at tlie
North, respect me this day more than they do
you. The very' radicals well use, but even they
will despise, the Southern man who lieconies
their sycophant.
My colored friends, will you receive a word of
admonition? Of all the jieople, you will most
need the protection of the law. You will most
suffer by anarchy and usurpation. Do you be
lieve that the man who is faithless to the Consti
tution of the country will bs faithful to you ? If
a man will take an oath to supjmrt the Consti
tution and then violate it, can you rely upon his
keeping any promise to y - ' >u ? No; I tell you
such people are friends to nothing but their own
interest. They are betrayers of the Constitution
to keep themselves in office; they desire to use
you to help them get office, [applause] and they
will betray you whenever they find it to their
interest to do so.
They tell you they are your friends. It is
false; they are your very worst enemies. They
tell you they' set you free. It is false. These
vile creatures who come among you and put
themselves on a level with you, never went with
the army' except to steal sjioons, jewelry and
gold watches. [Great applause.] They are too
low to be brave. They' are duty spawn, cast
out from decent society, who comedown here
and seek to use you to further their own base
purposes.
They promise you lands, and teach you to hate
the Southern peojile, whom you have known al
ways aud who never deceived you. Are you
foolish enough to believe you cau get another
man’s land lor nothing, and that the white j>eo-
ple will give up their land, without resistance?
If you get tip strife between your race and the
white race do you not know you must jierish?
You are uow ten to one the weaker race. You
will grow weaker every day. You can have no
safely but in tlie Constitution ami no peace ex
cept by cultivating relations ot kindness with
those who are tixeil here, who need your services,
aud who are willing to protect you.
The same exjieriinent which is now being at
tempted with you by these Northern knaves who
seek your votes, was attempted by similar peo
ple in France tor the negroes in Hayti. They
passed laws to give the negroes political equali
ty—abolished ail distinctions of color—and wliat
Vas the result? There was first a war ol class
es; then a war between the whites on one side
and the blacks and mulaltoes on the other. Then
there W'as a war between the blacks and tlie rnti-
lattoes, and neither white, black nor mulatto
have ever seen jieace or prosperity in Hayti
since.
These men intend your extermination. Some
of them are writing books iu favor ol your ex
termination, aud i have myself heard some ot
them avow that you ought to !«• exterminated or
driven from the country. These are the same
jieople whose lathers found the Indians here.—
They' declared the Earth was tlie Lord’s and i>e-
longed .to his saints, and that they were his
saints. Then they killt-d ami drove off the floor
Indian and took his lands. If you do not make
and keep friends of the Southern people, your
fate is that ot the Indians! Woe to your race !
You well know' yonr race is not prepared to vote.
Why do you care to do what you do not under
stand? Improve yourselves. Learn to read
and to write; lie industrious; lay np your means;
acquire homes; live in peace with your neigh
bors ; and drive off, as you would a serpent, the
miserable, dirty adventurers who come among
you, and who, being too low to be received iuto
white society, seek to foment among you hatred
for the decent portion of the white race. You
can always know a gentleman, whether from
the Nortli or South, aud all such respect and es
teem—for such will not deceive you. Do not
desire to vote until you are qualified to vote, anil
then look for the right to be given, not in a man
ner that violates the Constitution, but in accord
ance with it, anil through your own State Gov
ernments. I feel more deeply for you tliau I do
for the white-race. White jieople ought to know
better than to disregard the laws and expect any'
good. But yon do not know the laws; you do
not understand deceivers.
I am willing, anxious to welcome among us
good and true men from the North who come to
help build dp our country, and add to its pros
perity. I wish they would come on at ml come in
multitudes. They will find us friends. But
when I see the low dingy creatures—hatched
from tiie veifomous eggs of treason—coming here
as mere ad venturers to get offices through negro
votes-—to ride into power ou the deluded negro’s
shoulders—and creeping into secret leagues with
negroes,mid a few renegade Southern whites, and.
talking flippantly about disfranchising the wisest
and bes^men ot the land, because they know it
is the only jiossible chance lor knaves and fools
like themselves to get place, I cau but feel
ashamed that such mousters are to be considered
as belonging to the human species. I warn you,
my colored friends, it you would be respectable
•iu society, or jirosjiefous in your purse, or decent
in your'own feelings, to avoid all such people.—
They will hug you and call you friend, and talk
about your friends, but they will pull you down
’to degradation, to sorrow, to poverty, and to
sliamc. They have white skins but black hearts,
anil will ruin you? characters if you associate
with them. They are creatures horn of jiolitical
accidency and treasonable conspiracy’, and are
the enemies of all good governments and of all
decent jieople. [Applause.]
And now, my friends, of all races, of all colors,
ot all nations, of all sexes, of all ages—let us re
solve to stand - by our Constitution, and surren
der it to no enemy. This is our country. Let
us resolve that we will never he driven trom it,
nor ostracised in it.
Mr. Hill concluded amidst rajiturous and jiro-
longed cheering. When it had somewhat subsi
ded a gentleman in the rear of the audience pro
posed three cheers for vhe only mau South of
Mason anil Dixon’s line that has jiroclaimeil the
truth from the seaboard fo the mountains, which
the vast assembly gave with a hearty will.
The Fresldeut’i Menaage lu Regard to tlie
Ex|ieiue ot Heconatructlon.
In obedience lo a resolution, tlie President sent
into Congress a few days ago, a message, and ac
companying documents, in relation to the ex
pense, past, present, aud to come, actual anil in
cidental to the great work of reconstruction.
Some suggestions contained iu that jiaper seein
to have stirred the gorge of the more bilious radi
cals iu the Ilall, and called additional maledic
tions on the head of the occujmnt of the While
House. The telegraphic report was imperfect
and unsatisfactory, and we therefore copy from
the Washington pajiers such’portionsof the mes
sage as are necessary to a clear understanding of
its tone and fuels. Tlie President says:
In answer to*that portion of the resolution
which inquires whether the sum of money here
tofore ajipropriated for carrying these acts into
effect is jirobably sufficient, reference is made to
the accompanying report of the Secretary of
War, It will life seen from that report that the
ajipropriation of five hundred tlionsand dollars,
made in the act approved March 30,. 1867, for the
purpose of carrying into effect the “act to pro
vide for the more efficient government of the re
bel States,” jiassed March 2,1867, and the act
Supplementary, passed March 23, 1867, has al
ready been exjieuded by the commanders of the
several military districts, and that, in addition,
the sum of $1,648,277 is required for present pur
poses.
It is exceedingly difficult at the jiresent time
to estimate the probable expense of carrying iuto
full effect the two acts of March last, and the
hill which passed the two Houses of Congress ou
the 13th instant. If tlie existing governments
of ten States of tho Union are to lie deposed,
and their entire machinery is to be placed under
the exclusive control anil authority of the re
spective district commanders, all the expendi
tures incident to the administration of such gov
ernments must necessarily be incurred by tbe
Federal Government. It is believed that iu
addition to the two millions one hundred thou
sand dollars already exjiended or estimated for,
the sum which would be required for this pur-
jiose would not lie less than fourteen millions of
dollars, the aggregate amount exjiended prior to
the rebellion in tiie administration of tlieir re-
sjiective governments by the ten States embraced
in the jirovisions of these acts. This sum woufd,
no doubt, be considerably augmented if the ma
chinery of these States is to be operated by
the Federal Government, aud would be large
ly increased if the United States, by abolish
ing the existing State Governments, should
become responsible for liabilities incurred by
them before the rebellion, in laudable efforts
to develop their resources, and in no wise created
for insurrectionary or revolutionary purposes.—
Tlie debts of these States, thus legitimately in
curred, when accurately ascertained, will, it is
•believed, approximate a hundred millions of dol
lars, and they are held not only by our own citi
zens, among whom are residents of portions of
the country which have ever remained loyal to
the Union, but by persons who are the subjects
of foreign Governments. It is worthy the con
sideration of Congress and the couulry whether,
if the Federal Government, by its action, were
to assume such obligations, so large an addition
to our public expenditures would not seriously
impair the credit of the nation ; or, on the other
hand, whether the refusal of Congress to guaran
tee the payment of the debts of these States, af
ter having displaced or abolished their State
Governments, would not be viewed as a viola
tion ot good faith and a repudiation, by the Na
tional Legislature, of liabilities which these
States had justly and legally incurred.
Andrew Johnson.
General Grant and tbe Presidency.
“ Mack,” of the Cincinnati Commercial, in his
letter from Washington on the 11th instant, thus
gives General Grant’s notions about his'own oc
cupancy of the Presidential chair: i.
“ A good deal has been said about Grant’s po
litical opinions, but I think it would puzzle any
one to point to an authorized expression of them.
He no longer conceals the fact that he wants to be
President—or as he says it, that he ‘ would like
to be President some time or other.’ Speaking
to a friend the other day he said it he were sure
of it ten years hence he would rather wait. ‘ As
it is,’ said he, ‘ if I am elected now I will be an
ex-President while I am a young mau. My pre
sent position suits me and pays me liberally—
nearly $20,000 a year. I can’t lie President more
than eight years, jirobably not more than four,
and at tbe end of that U ni8 I’ll be out of office,
with nothing to do and no private fortune to live
on.’ But a bird in tlie hand is worth two in the
bush, and Ulysses is more willing to be President
in ’69 than to take the chance ten or twelve
years hence.”
But General Grant will not lie President in
I860, unless the Democrats take him up anil
nominate him. His studied and owl-like silence
upon everything of public imjiortance, suffering
himself to be claimed by tlie various factions
now plotting for the succession, is doing him no
good; and he will probably meet with tlie fate
of the asinine animal that starved to death be
tween two fodder-stacks while determining upon
which it should feed.
The Fort Harker Fight.—A full report
of the Fort Harker fight lias been received from
Gen. Wright, Chief Engineer of the Kansas
Pacific railroad. It appears that sixty Indians
kept lour hundred and fifty-four of our cavalry
at bay, killing and wounding several, and at
length got away without sustaining any loss so
fsir as could be ascertained. It is reported that
the red skins mutilated one of the soldiers who
fell into their hands. The Indians are well
mounted and armed, and as this army civil
engineer admits, without any shame, altogether
too much for our cavalry.
flUiwT