Newspaper Page Text
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IPcfKIt) JtttfltiflfMffr.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wodnertay, August 7, 1867. i
lion. A. II. Stephen* and the New York ,
Correspondent.
We liavc before stated that we did not believe j
Mr. Stephens said everything which Swinton,in
liis recent letter to the New York Times, attrib- !
utes to him. Our cotemporaiy of the Augusta j
Constitutionalist takes the same view, and gives
the Bohemian some gentle taps, which we hope [
will not lail to be appreciated. It says no doubt
Mr. Stephens “landed that he was entertaining
a man who had some breeding and some discre
tion; but. the published narrative of 3Ir. Swin-
Mp'r two weeks’ stay at Liberty Ilall must have
convinced him that of all vexatious and intolera
ble ]>eoplc in the world a Yankee peripatetic is
the most incorrigible and untrustworthy.”
The Constitutionalist then adds:
We have reason to believe that the letter Mr
Swinton wrote fbr*the Timer, concerning Mr.
Stephens’ views of men and measures, is inaccu
rate, distorted and deceptive in many important
particulars. When a man gives his shallow re
collection ol a conversation which, coming lrom
Mr. Stephens, must have been carefully worded
and deftly guarded, he.should, at least, see to it
that no-important matter had been omitted which
may materially change or compromise the entire
subject. In the c.ase bclore us, Mr. Swinton has
egregiously departe<l from the public declarations
of Mr. Stephens, and while he appears to reflect
the opinions of his distinguished host, he gives hut
the heel taps of much generous mental wine
which, like a crafty servant, he has purloined
from the master’s table.
It is sufficiently annoying for a public man, in
the full leather ot Radicalloyalty, to be the vic
tim of one of these scribblers, but when a man
iu Mr. Stephens’ peculiar position is made the
.poil nf a literary vampire, annoyance is hardly
the word to characterize the wrong. lie cannot
defend himself against this injustice by contro
versy, and it is hard to shut the door of Liberty
Hull in the faces of those mountebanks who
come with such shining teeth and such pockets-
fnil of credentials.
We do not credit this letter of Mr. Swinton’s,
therefore, because it is incomplete, indigested and
at variance with Mr. Stephens’ well-known views
on several important topics.
We caution the public to receive this letter
and all similar contributions with large grains of
allowance. We have reason to so caution, and,
once lor all, declare that Mr. Stephens is not re
sponsible for ideas purporting to have come from
him, unless under iiis name or by bis sanction.
At the proper time, the people of Georgia will
boar from him whom they always delighted to
honor and in wUum they still confide. We be
lieve that time to be not far distant, and pray
ilnit heaven may vouchsafe liitn the necessary
strength and illumination to make his words
worthy of himself and worthy of his country.
Dull Timex.
The annexed article is from the Houston Tele
graph. It is so appropriate that we appropriate
it, though times are not quite so dull here a#
there;
“We hear a great deal of croaking and evil
foreboding these dull times. Some say till 1
country is ruined ; others that, the city is going
down ; and others that we shall never see pros
perity again, Business is dull, money scarce,
and prospects gloomy all over the country, we
admit; but men do not make things better by
their everlasting complaining. Indeed, they do
barm, and make matters worse. When the
country is in trouble she needs and should have
the united and cheerful energies and labors of
all her sons, not their impotent and unmanly rc-
piuings. Some talk of going out ol business,
some of removing to another place, and some ol
one thing and some of another. If more men
would engage in tilling the fertile soil, in raising
corn, cotton, wheat, meat, potatoes, wool, and
everything that feeds and clothes a people, and
supplies the staples of the commerce of the
country, we think much good would result from
it. Business is immensely overdone. Entirely
loo many men are engaged in it, and too lew in
agricultural pursuits.
But of one thing everybody may rest assured :
this place will continue to prosper and grow;
ami become a great city, despite all Such dull
limes as these. Those who now lose that faith
will make a great mistake, aud will rue it when,
perhaps it will he too late. Business is stagnant
all over the United (States, as well as in this di
rection. And this is not the first time any of us
have passed through dull times. We liav<? seen
many such seasons before, and iu all such sea
sons wc have heard the same complainings aud
prophesying of evil wc now hear. It is time to
quit it, aud to set about, by hard work aud eco
nomy, to remedy our present evils as much as
possible. Very lew can make any money now.
The majority should he well satisfied if they can
make a living and pay their way as they go. We
can all do this, aud iu so doing, let us be satisfied
and patiently wait for better times.”
Trade l'roxpertN in New York.
The New York Repress is encouraged, li
says there is an improved feeling in trade circles,
and rather more disposition is manifested on the
part of its merchants to stock up in anticipation
of a good fall "business with the interior. There
has been some hesitancy about entering into
new engagements uutii the exteut of the grain
crop was thoroughly developed, but this is now
disappearing, as it is a settled fad that the har
vest will Ik) the most abundant for years past.
The wheat crop has been secured in many part?
of the country, and generally in fine condition.
TI13 extent of the crop will be even larger
than was anticipated, owing to the increased area
Mt land planted in the Southern States. Calitor
nia promises well, and will have a large amount
to spare, both for shipment to Europe and the
Atlantic States.
The hay crop is likely to be the heaviest ever
known in the country, and the small grains pro
mise almost as well. Indian coni is looking
finely in nearly all directions, and there have
been no grave complaints as yet against the
growing cotton.
In view of all these facts, our merchants natu
rally look to see old debts settled up to a great
extent, and a good trade throughout the balance
of the year.
The only drawback is the unsettled state ol
politics iu tim South, owing to the extreme radi
cal legislation of Congress, and the excitement
always consequent upon the approach of the
Presidential election.
The Cholera.—A New Yoik journal says of
cholera, that the disease is stalking around on
the plains, aud with seven-league bools follows
the line of immigration, leaviug sad foot prints
But it may not take long lor him to turn bis
course to uswards, and this hot, humid weather
is the temperature he loves—it is his native cli
mate, and he assiduously seeks it out. It be
hooves us, then, to beware of immature or over
ripe lruils, ot unripe or stale vegetables, or
" gaiucy” meats, ot acid drinks, of excessive al
coholic beverages. " Clean hands and a pure
heart,” are recommended by the Psalmist, hut in
these days the cleanliness which approaches
Godliness must be more thorough. Fresh water
and fresh air are King Cholera’s worst tins.
Sooth Carolina.—The Marion Crescent of
a day or two ago says :
In riding through the District a few days
since, we were pleased to see the general good
appearance of the crops. Judging from what |
we had heard, we had come to the conclusion j
that little or nothing would be made. It is true j
many farms bear the marks of the injury occa
sioned by too much rain, and too little work, j
but we hope with good seasons and labor that
our planters will yet make fair crops.
tV e were gratified to sec some of our youth, j
who, though brought up in luxury, and unac
customed to labor, are neither too indolent, nor
ashamed to drive the plough aud earn a liveli j
In Kid by the sweat of their brow.
tTONkwaI-I. Jackson's Horse.—The Uicli '
moud Jtispatch says that Mrs. Jackson has dis- 1
posed of the horse given the General by the citi- |
zens of Augusta county, Virginia, which he sel- i
dom rode, but has no idea of ever selling the 1
two splendid animals which so often bore him
ou the march and over the battle field.
A Labor of Lore.
For several weeks past Dr. J. M. Trotter,
who, according to the Memphis Apjsal, “has giv
en his time aud talents” to plans for relieving the
destitute in our land; and who, according to the
Louisville Courier, “ gave his able services and
liberal means for the relief of the destitute sol
diers and their families daring the war”—has
been laboring to the same purpose in this State,
and a day or two ago reached this city. The
gentleman is a native of the “ Old Dominion,”
and is justly entitled to be recognized as one of
the philanthropists of the present age. His stay
in our city will be short, as he does not design
to make any movement in accordance with his
benevolent plans at this point At his request,
wc publish the following result, or rather notice
of the organizations he has perfected, in order
to carry out his benevolent plans for the relief of
the destitute in this State :
Terrell County: On the 17thof April last,
the people of this county, after being addressed
at Dawson, by Dr. Trotter, iu behalf of the
destitute widows, and orphans, and crippled
soldiers, organized an aid society, consisting of a
President, Vice President, Secretary, Treasury,
Commissary and a committee whose duty it shall
be to receive all supplies that may be contribu
ted by the Southern Aid Societies that have lxit-n
organized, or that may hereafter be organized,
by Dr. Trotter in the United States. It shall
he the duty of these societies to appoint a com
mittee, whose duty it shall be to visit every
family in their county, and learn their condition,
and the amount of their destitution, and report
the same to the Presidents of their respective so
cieties; whereupon, he or she shall transmit said
report, with the names of the destitute, to the
furnishing aid societies, asking for such supplies
as may be on hand for shipment, which, when re
ceived, shall be fairly distributed to such appli
cants as are known to be needy, at the discretion
of the officers of the society, to-wit: President,
•T. F. Nelson ; Vice President, Leroy Brown;
Secretary, J. C. F. Clark; Treasurer, Miss A.
Walker. These are certified by the clerk of the
Superior Court of the county in which these
societies exist, that they are honest, faithlul and
reliable, with the seal of thecounty, and J. C. F.
C’ark, Clerk of S. C. C. C.
The society at Bainbridge, Decatur count}',
Georgia, is composed of the Rev. W. E. Hamil
ton, President; William N. Bruce, Vice Presi-
di nt; D. McGill, Secretary; Dr. B. J. Call,
Treasurer; 1). Brad well, M. D., Commissary;
and certified to by the Clerk of the Superior
Court, J. A. Yeglum, the 25th of May, 18G7.
The soociety at Warren ton, Warren county,
Georgia, is composed of Hon. M. H. Wellborn,
President; H. C. Fitzpatrick, Vice President;
R. F. Jones, Secretary; Louis Fowler, Commis
sary; William Stevens, Treasurer; aud certified
to by lift* seal atfh signature of R. W. Wilder,
Qierlfcof Superior of said county, July 12lh, 1867_
■PtIh; society at •r^^boro’, Green county, was
organized and is composed of the following ol
ficers: Judge W. G. Johnsop, lha^cnt; Dr. J.
E. Walker, Vice Presj^t^'.IgBTwinfieid, Se
cretary ; Coionqjk JpflBjTfi. ,^Trei|tarer;
H. C. Johnson, Commissary ; and certified to by
the seal and signature of Isaac R. Ilay.Ulerk
of Superior Court, the 19th day of Juljt 1867.
The society at Madison, Morgan court,/, G€|le.
gia, was organized and is composed of the fol
lowing officers, to-wit: John F. Patterson, Pres
ident ; A. A. Bell, M. D., Vice President; G. B
Strall, Secretary; Dr. W. H. Burr, Treasurer;
J. W. *fc W. II. Bearden, Commissaries; and cer
tified to by the seal and signature of the Clerk
of the Superior Court, P. II. Andrews.
The society at Lawrenceville, Georgia, was
organized and is composed of the following offi
cers: B. E. Strickland, President; P. II. Mitch
ell, Vice President; J. P. Spence, Secretary; M.
L. Adair, Treasurer; John Mills, Commissary.—
Certified to by P. M. Byrd, Judge of Inferior
Court, August 1st, 18G7. The furnishing socie
ties will ship the supplies for this committee to
Stone Mountain, Georgia.
The society at Conyers, Newton county, Geor
gia, was organized l>y the following officers: J.
A. Stewart, President; J. R. McOrd, Vice Presi
dent; P. F. Jones, Secretary; Joseph Negan,
Commissary; Thomas Treadwell, Vice Commis
sary. Certified to by the signature of Joseph
Negan, Judge Inferior Court.
The furnishing aid societies that have been or
ganized by me, who receive the paper that con
tains these reports, will please forward such ar
ticles of supplies as they may he able to spare,
to the officers of the above organizations, and
oblige, very truly,
(Signed) J. M. Trotter, M. D.
Tiic 'Tennessee Elections.
Wc shall not trouble our readers with details
of the Tennessee elections. All the better por
tion ot the people having been disfranchised
aud the negroes enfranchised, it required no gift
of prophecy to tell that the Radicals would have
it all their own way, and re-elect Brownlow,
Radical members to Congress, and to the Legis
lature. Such is the result. We copy a short
paragraph on the subject from the Chattanooga
Union of Friday.
The Conservative party of Tennessee have
made an experiment. They have, and we con
fess ourselves as much responsible for it as any
person, attempted to reconcile the black race
and the white. They have yielded up their pre
judices, although in many cases under protest,
and have striven earnestly to obtain for the black
men equal lights with themselves for the white
men. They have failed, and the lessons will
nut be lost upon them.
It has not taught them to proscribe the black
race indiscriminately, tor some of that race have
shown themselves tit for freedom by their wil
lingness to assist the white men in their efforts
for freedom.
But if there is one lesson which the result of
this election has taught the people ot the State,
it is the great danger of extending the right ol
suffrage to the ignorant and degraded portion ol
a race the most excitable of all races, and the
most easily influenced by designing demagogues.
1 lias shown them that when unprincipled men
can obtain the control of affairs by influencing
the prejudices of ignorant negroes, the good ot
the country imperatively demands that igno
rance and vire shall be excluded from tlie ballot-
box. It has taught them that although while the
negroes remain among the Anglo Saxons, the
principle ot justice demands an equality of the
e’.e'*ti\c franchise based upon intelligence, it is
almost impossible to harmonize the two races;
and that it would he far better for both races,
e ther that the blacks could be induced to peace
ably emigrate and form a colony of their own.
under the protection of our government, or that
the Anglo Saxons in their midst should give up
tiie country to the negroes and depart hence to
a country where it is no disgrace to be white.
Arrest of the Traitor Lopez.—From a
private correspondent at Monterey, we learn of
the arrest of the traitor Lopez by the Governor
of Oaxaca. He. says : “His treason to the Em
peror purchased his pardon from the supreme
Liberal Chief Juarez; but it by no means pur
chases his ransom from the bloody talons of the
Governor of Oaxaca. The proof against him is
said to be sufficient to convict, aud the prevail
ing opinion here is that lie will be executed,
which God grant may l>e true.” The charges
against Lopez are of an atrocious character, and.
whether trumped up or true, are just such as
might be expected to he charged against a traitor.
Lynch I^aw in Illinois.—Alonzo Tibbets
was arrested some months ago on the charge of
having murdered Mr. Thomas Page, in Morris,
Illinois. He was acquitted, his brother, who
was believed" to l>e cognizant of the crime, re
fusing to testily. On Friday, of last week, a J
meeting ot the prominent citizens was held, at j
which it was resolved to hang Alonzo. The
sheriff committed him to jail for safety. On I
Saturday the crowd broke open the jail in the J
absence ot the sheriff, took Tilibets in & wagon !
across the river, and hung him to a tree against *
the protestations of the Mayor and others. He !
asserted his innocence to the last.
Himciu Homes.—The Rmne Courier notes ;
that a large number of persona from different j
parts of the State, and from Alabama, are now
looking out homes in Floyd aud the counties ad
joining.
Tire article below is from "the pen of a
gentleman, who, under another nom de plume,
has hitherto attracted the attention of our read
ers. YY'e yield much of our editorial space to
our correspondent’s first article on
FRANCE AND THE UNITED STATES:
The under currents of national life is little un
derstood by the masses which constitute it, and
scarcely comprehended by the few that claim to
make them a study. To collect knowledge from
any field is one thing, and to methodize it an
other. So to philosophize upon it when reduced
to order and utilize—to apply it tp the purposes
of civilization, are essentially different tasks.
The great body of society executes neither
the one nor the other of these four offices. The
“ forlorn hope ” that attempts the work rarely
accomplishes it One contents himself with
collecting; another becomes exhausted in me
thodizing; the third, perhaps, rises to the level
of a philosophical view, whilst the last reaches
the plane of utilization. Rarely a single mind
aims at the conquest of all. The co-operation
which teems with broad results is, therefore,
measurably wanting, aud the harvest of much
fallowing nods not with a luxuriance of golden
grain.
Nations, like plants, though feenud with con
sciousness, lake no note of their laws of growth.
The instincts with which humanity is endowed,
blindly guide them to their destinies, glorious
and inglorious. The grand intelligence that
suggests the conditions of life, and either im
proves or impairs them, is obscurely recoguized.
Like the electric three, it may send sensation
after sensation through the social fabric, without
its presence beiug acknowledged or its subtie
power gauged.
To project a measure; to prepare a people for
it; to introduce it, and to secure its adoption;
are four distinct achievements, each requiring
xui generis qualifications seldom fouud in the
same person. To take these steps, even with a
llourish of trumpets, as is the fashion of the
world, demands in the individual extraordinary
versatility of talent; but to make them success
fully, without these adventitious aids, calls for
the capabilities possessed by genius alone.
Statesmen, like poets, are ..born—not made.
The statue lies in the marble—the chisel only
reveals it. The tool does not create, but un
covers. „
These reflections have been suggested by a
contemplation of the character and policy of the
French Emperor. Upon seizing the helm of
state, he declared the empire to be “peace.”—
Cabinets aud parliaments construed it to import
“war.” Nearly twenty years have been requir
ed to prove the sincerity and the wisdom of his
words. France has engaged iu no protracted
conflict during the period—none single-handed,
none imperiling her power, none which exhaust
ed her resources or oppressed her industry. The
Crimean, Italian and Mexican campaigns scarce
ly rubbed the rust from her bayonets, aud pre
served the spirit of her military prestige. To
day the Empire is richer aud stronger than at
any epoch of her history. Production, manu-
taetures, transportation, exchange and consump
lion have been largely increaseed, whilst capital
and labor, science and letters have expanded
into beneficent proportions.
►—The fear that “smote the nations” as the
nephew of the Corsican took his seat upon the
throne of France, and that saw the haudwritin
upon the wall, has at length comprehended the
“situation,” and the imperial mind which fash
ioned it into “destiny.” It now sleeps with
hardly a disturbing dream, aud iu its prurient
moods approaches the sphinx and hears its
voice when the sun-burst of the morning greets it.
The late civil war iu this country, taken with
the Monroe Doctrine, so-called, awakened some
apprehensions concerning our “ancient ally,’
and bred some misunderstandings. We claimed
in our agouy the sympathy and aid of European
powers, and become grieved aud mad because
wc could not dictate the mode and measure of
their manifestations. We had set ourselves up,
iu the interest of a British Cabinet, as the guar
dian of the bastard republics of this continent,
aud denied to nations aggrieved by them, the
right to redress their wrongs in their own way,
and to the limitations of their own justice.
But our civil war, it is believed, has closed,
and the Mexican imbroglio is solving itself, un
der our particular care, into a victory over law
and order, religion and civilization. The expe
ditionary corps are on their return to Europe,
and the face of the “Great Republic” is assum
ing its wonted serenity, as the mongrel and
usurper, J uarez, restores once more the reign of
anarchy aud bloodshed.
Iu the presence of events so auspicious to our
vanity, if not to our character, it may be well to
profit from its lessons. Perhaps, iu the settle
meat of our own little difficulties, and in the
adjustment of affairs in the domain of the Mon
tezumas, we may find ourselves prepared to do
justice to ourselves, it we cannot extend it to
our neighbors.
The obligations of this country to Frauce are
neither slender nor circumstantial. In the “days
that tried men’s souls,” her purse aud sword
were placed at our service; without these our
independence could not have been achieved. In
the administration of Jefferson, the Louisiana
purchase was thrown, into our lap, out of which
we have carved eight States, and in a decade will
cut as many more. Nearly one-half the lands of
the United States is, in effect, a gift lrom our
“ancient ally”—the fruit of a friendship felt for
our fathers. We are to-day living upon the her
itage of French valor and French enterprise.
Nor have these obligations been permitted to
lessen in the growth and aggrandizement of our
republic. Within the last seven years, and spe
cially within the last two, French capital and
talent have taken hold of three of our most stu
pendous enterprises and are preparing to carry
them through alone in all their magnificent pro-
portions. The First Napoleon received from us
815,000.000 whilst he conveyed to us the title to
an empire. The Third Napoleon, through his
manufacturers, merchants and bankers, ha9 con
tracted to furnish at least ten times the price of
the Louisiana purchase, for the development of
our resources, and the advancement of our ma
terial interests, whilst he claims not so much as
the glittering bauble of a national thank.
These tacts, well known to the corporations
subsidized, should recall the memory of olden
days, and iuspire grateful sentiments. France
under Louis XVI, Napoleon the First, and Na
poleon the Third, has proved her friendship by
her acts, aud at each display of it has doubled
the evidences of its sincerity aud its value.
What have we done to invoke these benefac
tions ? What are we doing to-day to deserve
them ? %*
Keifiiitratlon-Tbe Final Result.
The total summing up of registration iu the
city of Atlanta is now, after a careful overhaul
ing of the books, ascertained to be as follows:
Filter Ward.—White 523
Colored 396
•iiWabd.—White 2S0
Colored 220
Tuikd Ward.—Whites 1S1
Colored 203
Fourth Ward.—Whiles. 343
Colored . oil
Fifth Ward—Whites 43S
Colored . 2S1
Total regist.aliou 3,336
Of the above names enrolled, 1,7G5 are whiles,
and 1,(521 are colored, making a majority in
favor of the whites of 144.
Death of Proffkssou Anthon.—Profes
sor Charles Anthon died in New York Monday,
July 29, aged seventy. Mr. Aulhoa graduated at
Columbia College in 1815, and was in 1819 ad
mitted to the bar of the Supreme Court. In 1820
he was appointed adjunct Professor of Languages
in Columbia College, aud in 1805 was placed at
the he vl of the classical department of that in-
stitruiun.
Prentice says: Radicalism is what was the
matter with Sodom and Gomorrah. The reign
of Radicalism is a reign of fire and brimstone.
'[muavu it rcqhrst.)
Review of R. H. HUl>i Notes oa the Situ
ation.
BY JOSEPH E. BROWN.
To the Editorg of the Chronicle & Sentinel:
Yon have lately published a senes of “Notes
on the Situation," by B. H. Hill, in which he has
thought proper to make an attack upon me by
name, which makes it proper that I notice them
appropriately. As the attack was published, in
your paper, I rely upon your sense of justice
when 1 ask permission to reply through the same
medium. I also most respectfully request. all
other editors who have published Mr. Hill’s
no^ps to publish my reply. I think I can safely
promise, iu advance, to occupy less space than
he fes done. If any of my articles should be
^4M*er than his, they shall be less numerous. Iu
number 14 of Mr. Hill’s notes I find the follow
ing language:
“Sumner and Stevens, and Brown and.Hol
den are not accidents—nor are they original
characters. They have figured in all mad revo
lutions, from the fall of Greece and the destruc
tion of Jerusalem, to the present day. Such
men have ever been treacherous to principle—
faithless to trust, and deceitful in professions,
but always consistent in the common end of de
struction to government. And as these Military
bills have no character but opposition to.all the
provisions and principles ot the Constitution,
and can have no end but its uttef and final de
struction, such men and all their ilk, in both sec
tions, will write in their support”
Whether all the persons named support. the
military bills or not, Mr. Hill’s intention is plain—
to denounce all who support or advocate a. settle
ment ot our unfortunate political difficulties, un
der the military bills, as treacherous, faithless and
deceitful. Coming from a source entitled to re
spect, this would be a serious charge. As it is
intended, however, as a political document, and
was written for political effect, to deceive and
mislead, before attaching importance to it, I
consider it not inappropriate to Inquire into the'
political respectability of the author.
If I am correctly informed Mr. Hill started his
political life profaAing to be a Democrat. In
1855 he was the^now-NothiDg candidate for
Congress in his District, and was defeated. In
1856 he was on the Electoral ticket, supported
by the Know-Nothing party of Georgia, and was
defeated. In 1857 he was the Know-Nothing
candidate for Governor, and was defeated. As I
was the Democratic candidate, probably the lat
ter deteat had not been forgotten by him when
he prepared his “ Notes on the Situation.” In
1859 he took position in advance for war, with
out waiting lor an overt act of oppression by. the
Federal Government, in case the Republican
party should elect their candidate for President
tlie next year. In the fall of 1859 he was elected
Slate Senator from Troup county, for two years,
the most distinguished honor ever conferred up
on him by popular vote.
After Mr. Lincoln was elected President, he
backed down from his position for war, and was
a candidate in the winter ot 1860 for the Con
vention on the Union or Co-operation ticket,
lie was elected aud took his seat in the Seces
sion Convention. He at first opposed secession.
Before the passage ot the Ordinance of Secession,
after it was known that a majority ol the Con-,
vention favored it, it began to be discussed in
private circles who should be elected to the
Provisional Congress in case the State seceded.
The Ordinance was put upon its final passage
and Mr. Hill voted for it and signed it. A few
days afterward he was elected to Congress by
the Convention. Whether by voting for the
Ordinance he betrayed the people of Troup
county, whose voice was against secession for the
causes then existing, I do not pretend to inquire.
At any rate he was not elected as a secessionist,
tor the then existing causes; he voted for the
Ordinance, and was elected to Congress by a
majority of secessionists. What important
measure of practical statesmanship he inaugura
ted, or carried through Congress by his ability
or influence during his whole term of service, I
have never been able to learn.
When the Secession Convention was in session
at Savannah, Mr. Hill, then a member of both
the convention and the provisional Congress,
made a speech to the people, in which he said:
“ The North would not fight. There would be no
Star. But if the North should be so foolish as
tf> go into the contest, there never was a people
on the face of the earth so well prepared for it
as we were. It should be an aggressive war.
The war should be carried into'Africa; and
when the cities of the North were laid in ashes,
and the country devastated and laid waste, then
we should find that the people of the North
were the ones to ask for terms and sue for peace.”
He pictured the risin/glory of the new Confed
eracy, and went on to say, that while this be
came more compact and secure, disintegration
would come as sureTts fate upon the old Union,
and they would seek entrance into this. And
he very graciously added that, “ If they came
humbly enough as 4 hewers of wood and drawers
of water,’ they might come.”
When the next Legislature met, {here were in
it a majority of the old Know-Nothing party,
and Mr. Hill was elected to the Confederate
Senate over General Toombs.
While in the Senate he voted, under oath,
against the first Conscript bill. As is well
known, I opposed the measure when made pub
lic as unconstitutional. Not long after this was
kuown, Mr. Hill made a speech in Milledgeville,
in which he intended to be very severe on me
for my opposition to a measure against which
be had cast his vote under oath; and said the
country would have been ruined if it had not
passed. After that time he became the zealous
advocate of the conscription policy, and de
nouuced all who opposed it.
During the war when a call was made upon
the people, not subject to conscription, to volun
teer and organize for home defense, when it was
doubtful whether they would be called out for
active service, Mr. Hill made a speech in La-
Grange and encouraged all to volunteer, and as
a means ot giving force to his appeals, and of
showing his own patriotic devotion to the cause,
lie enrolled, or authorized Ids own name to be
enrolled, as a private in one of the companies
beiug formed, and pledged himself to go it they
were called out. Soon afterward, upon the ad
vance of the Federal army, the company was
ordered to the field for active service, and Mr.
Hill not being one of the “dupes who showed a
will to lose blood” backed out and refused to go.
The reason reported at the time, as given by him
for his refusal, was that he was a Confederate
Senator drawing a salary, and that while in this
condition it would be unconstitutional for him to
draw the pay of a private soldier. So it appears
the present is not the only occasion when Mr.
Hill’s motto has been to stand by the Constitu
tion as his only safety. As he would certainly
have been entitled to the pay of a private soldier
if he had shouldered his gun and gone with the
company, and as it was wrong for a Senator to
violate the Constitution, he was not arrested and
compelled to serve.
All true Confederates are expected by him to
admit, that Mr. Hill’s denunciation of those who
wilfully encouraged desertion or evasion of ser
vice, by any who could enter the bullet depart
ment, without a violation of the Constitution, is
most just and proper. But no one is expected
to blame a Senator for refusing to shoulder a mus
ket as a private soldier, in violation of the Consti
tution, alter getting “ our people,” whose “ in
telligence and virtue,” he says he has “ often
overrated ” into the service, any more than the
world was expected to blame the lame captain
for starting in the retreat in advance of his men.
It may be, in view of the above incident in his
life, that Mr. Hill exclaims in No. 14 of his notes
n 1 never felt 1 made war on the Union.”
Mr. Hill now says, “ I was willing every hour
of the struggle to stop the fight and negotiate.”
When and to whom did he proclaim that wil
lingness during the struggle? All remember in
Georgia that he was stumping the State when
General Lee surrendered, assuring our people
that there was no possible danger of subjugation,
and exhorting them to accept nothing but “ in
dependence or extermination.”
W hile I admit that our position as a conquered
people is not consistent with our former position ;
and that the sword having settled the construc
tion of the Constitution against us, the position
of individuals who adopted the State Rights the
ory prior to the war, and the one they now oc
cupy under the amnesty oath by which they are
sworn to support the “Union of the States,” are
not consistent; I have felt justified, as the assailed
party in recurring to this outline-—before and du
ring the war—of the political character of this
reckless calumniator, who denounces the Con
gress of the United States, again, and again, till
the tautology is fatiguing, as a “fragmentary
conclave,” and its members, without exception,
as perjured triritors and “libelers;” who charges
the President of the Uuited States with having '
committed “the most fatal and dangerous error of
this generation, not excepting secession nor coer
cion, or even fanaticism itself,” because he has
agreed that it is his duty to execute laws passed
over his veto by two-thirds of Congress, which
have not been declared void by the Supreme
Court; who boldly proclaims that it is the duty of
the President to suppress Congress; who arraigns
the Supreme Conn of the United States for hav
ing in a late decision, as he sayssimply affirmed
what is called the ultra State-rights doctrine ot
South Carolinawho asserts that Generals
Beauregard, Longstreet and Hampton, are lar
more to be despised than a burglar, because they
“counsel submission to the Military acts;” and
who denounces General Lee, General Johnston,
General Gordon, aud almost all other of the
Generals ot the Confederate armies, each, as an
“c/jt :ug to i in* Constitution,” and “an enemy of! and wilfully voted for Moody war, ,.nrl in ihc
every citizen whose rights are protected by the j Comederaie Congress voted to sustain bloody
Constitution,” because they u passively submit” to I war, against the Government of the united
the same acts of Congress. i States, whose Constitution he had sworn to
Doubtless these great men, if they should read I support. Y\ hen Mr. Hil. did all this if he
Mr. Hill’s bombastic fulminations and asper j believed, as he now says, that we always were 1
sions, would be “exceedingly filled with com!
tempt.”
number 2.
In Mr. Hill’s Atlanta speech he says, as he
had before said in substance, in his notes, that
all who vote for a Convention and encourage
others to do so, are “morally and legally perjured
traitors.” This is a very sweeping and unjust
denunciation of a large majority of the people
of Georgia who will vote. Why are they per
jured traitors f Because the Convention is called
under the Military bills, which he says violates
the Constitution, which he and all others who
took the amnesty oath, and all who take the
voters’ oath, have sworn to support. In other
words, no man who has sworn to support the
Constitution, can vote for a Convention, called
by an act which Mr. Hill assumes to be uncon
stitutional, without being guilty of perjury.
And why is he perjured f Certainly not be
cause he votes for a Convention to alter the State
Constitution. This is the right of the citizens
of the States at any time, and has been repeatedly
exercised by the people of the different States.
Not because he votes for a Convention to change
the basis* ot suffrage. That has been done re
peatedly by State Conventions and Legislatures.
Then why is it perjury to vote for the Conven
tion ? The substance ‘of Mr. Hill’s reply to this
is : The act of CoDgress that provides for hold
ing the Convention is unconstitutional, and any
one who has sworn to support the Constitution
commits perjury if he acts under an unconstitu
tional act of Congress. All who register do cer
tainly act under this same unconstitutional law
of Congress. The first action which the Mili
tary hill proposes that the citizen take is to reg
ister. The second is to votq, for or against a
Convention. The one is as much action under
the military law as the other. And strange as
is the inconsistency, Mr. Hill advises him to do
the first act required, and denounces him as a
perjured traitor if he docs the second and votes
for the Convention. Before lurther^noticmg this
very extraordinary position, let us apply Mr.
Hill’s rule to Mr. Hill himself. When he was
released from prison and took the amnesty oath,
he swore to support the Constitution of the Uni
ted States, and in the same breath he swore to
support the proclamations of the President, abol
ishing slavery in the States, including Georgia.—
At that time Georgia had not held a Convention
and agreed to abolish slavery. The Constitu
tion protected it. The President’s proclamation
had declared it abolished, aud at the same time
Mr. Hill swore to support both, the Constitu
tion and the proclamation.
Aud he came home and favored the incorpo
ration of a provision into the Constitution of the
State forever abolishing slavery, which was pro
tected by the Constitution of the United States;
and when the Legislature met, he favored the
adoption, by them, of an amendment of the
Constitution ot the United States declaring it
forever abolished. The President required the
first, and Congress had proposed the second to
the States, which the President also required the
Southern States to adopt. Mr. Hill swore both
to support the Constitution and to carry into
effect the proclamation of the President, which
abolished, or declared it abolished, over or “ out
side” of the Constitution. We were then acting
under the requirements of the President. Now,
compare that with the present requirement.—
The President then required us to do two things;
First, to amend our State Constitution so as to
destroy some three hundred millions of dollars of
our property, which the Constitution of the Uni
ted States protected ; and, second, to ratify an
amendment of the Constitution of the Uuited
States putting it forever out of the power of the
State to restore our property to us. The present
requirement of Congress also exacts two things
of us: One to alter the Constitution of the State
so as to give suffrage to the Atrican race, and
the other to ratify an amendment of the Consti
tution of the United States disfranchising certain
officers (Mr. Hill among the number) who en
gaged in the rebellion, as our amnesty oath com
pelled us to call it, not forever, as in the case of
the abolition of slavery, but till they may he re
lieved by a vote of two-thirds of Congress, and
to do certain other acts which were, also, re
quired by the President, as the repudiation of
the State war debt, &c.
Now, if it is a violation of the Constitution for
Congress to make a voter, upon which Mr.- Hill
puts so much stress, and to require us, as a con
dition precedent to re-admission, to incorporate
it into our State constitution that he shall be a
voter, was it not as much a violation of the Con
stitution for the President, by proclamation, to
abolish slavery and require us to incorporate that
into our State Constitution? And if it is uncon
stitutional lor Congress to require us to ratify an
amendment of the Constitution of the United
States, taking lrom certain officers who engaged
in the war the right to hold office, was it not
equally a violation of the Constitution for the
President to require us to ratify a similar amend
ment, taking from us hundreds of millions of
dollars worth of property, without a dollar com
pensation *? Is Mr. Hill’s right to hold office any
more protected by the Constitution than the citi
zen’s right to hold property ? If it is a violation
of the Constitution to require the State to de
prive him of the one, is it not equally a violation
of the same Constitution to require us to deprive
the citizen of the other ? If. he had sworn to
support the Constitution of the United States he
favored the one, and he now denounces as a per
jured traitor any man w'ho supports the other.
He says he “ shall never get done shuddering,
and horrors will never cease to rise up in his
mind, when he sees men taking an oath to sup
port the Constitution, and then legislating to put
in force measures which arc outside of it.” He
also says, “ I shall discharge the obligation of
the amnesty oath. It requires me to support the
Constitution and the emancipation of the negro,
and I do.” The Military bills require an oath
to support the Constitution and the enfranchise
ment of the negro. Where is the difference in
principle ? Mr. Hill swallowed the one without
gagging, and saw the measure put in force “ out
side” ot the Constitution without “shuddering.”
But when his inordinate ambition for office
is about to be interfered with, “ horrors con
stantly rise before him.” And I regret to see
that be is not the only one ot the former leaders
a ad office-holders in Georgia, who after having
aided in, and even presided over, the doing of
acts, quite as humiliating and as violative of
principle, and of constitutional guarantees, seems
willing now to see the country pluuged into irre
trievable ruin, rather than submit to the disfran
chisement which the conqueror requires on ac
count of his acts of disloyalty, llather than
have their unholy ambition for office thwarted,
such men seem determined to drag down with
them those who have been their followers and
heed their advice, and to subject them also to
disfranchisement, and their families to want by
confiscation.
Again, in his notes, and in his Atlanta speech,
Mr. Hill says, he “earnestly begged and urged
Georgia and the South not to secede. He also
says you are already in the Union “and always
were.” And in his notes he says “I never felt I
made war on the Union.”
It seems but one inference can be justly drawn
from these expresions, which is, that Mr. Hill ad
vised and urged Georgia not to secede, and that
he never believed Georgia was out of the Union,
and consequently that he never made war' on it.
If Mr. Hill’s language means anything this is his
position. Let us compare these professions with
his acts.
In 1859, in his Dudley letter, of which I have
no copy, and speak from memory, the substance
ot which I am satisfied I give correctly (it 1 err
its publication will correct me,) Mr. Hill, iu an
swer to the question what the people of Georgia
should do iu the event the Republican party
elected its candidate for the Presidency the next
year, most emphatically advised “war, war, war,
in every sense in which the tevgn is defined or defin
able.” And in the event that Douglas was elect
ed, or any one holding his opinions, the same
course is recommended in most earnest terms.—
I think no word iu the letter indicated the desire
or intention of the writer to await an overt act of
oppression by the Federal Government, or the
co-operation of all the Southern States, as a con
tingency on which hostilities should depend. To
this position of war, tear, war, he committed his
party, his friends, and his honor, and defended
and justified it in his speeches that fall, when
ever he alluded to it.
After the election of Mr. Lincoln be had not
the moral courage to stand by bis position, but
backed down from it, and as be now says, in
1860 “earnestly begged’ and urged Georgia not to
secede. In January, 1861, he again changed,
and voted for and signed the ordinance of seces
sion. He now says he told the people that seces
sion would produce war. Of course he predict
ed all the evils that have lxTalleu us, none of
which would have happened if his advice had
been taken.
Prior to I860 he had taken the oath to sup
port the Constitution of the United States.
As a member of the Confederate Congress he
aided in the formation of the Con federate States,
and afterward swore to support it. He also
voted lor a virtual declaration of war against
the United States. He voted to raise and sup
port armies, aud equip them to be hurled against
the lorces of the United States, to set up by
force an independent government within the
territory of the United States. He now de
nounces those who told the people that secession
would be a peaceable remedy, and says, injthe
teeth of his Savannah speech, he always pre
dicted it would produce the state ot things that
followed. Then, according to his own state
ment, when he voted for secession he know the
Uon-
Uafs
r tJfr-
ipd,
in the Union, he sinned against conscience, tight,
and knowledge, and is “legally and morally a
perjured traitor J* , ,
If the State had no right to secede, and did
not secede, the conclusion is inevitable that all
who believed secession would produce war, anil
ought not to be attempted, and so belie ring, voted
for or voluntarily aided secession, are traitors
against the Government which they believed
had rightful jurisdiction over them ; and all
who so believing took an oath to support the
Constitution of the United States, and afterward
aided the rebellion, as it is called, are perjured
traitors.
There is but one mode of escape from the legal
and moral guilt of treason and perjury left to Mr.
Hill or any other man who look the oath to sup
port the Constitution of the United States, and
afterward aided in the war against the United
States. That escape is louud iu the position oc
cupied by the secessionists and those who hon
estly believed that the State ot Georgia had, un
der the compact, the right to secede and did se
cede. What, then, follows? After we seceded
we were a State foreign to the United States.—
We had war with the United States as a foreign
power. After a gallant struggle we were con
quered by the Uuited States aud became a con
quered people cut of the Union. Wo then ceased
to have any Constitutional rights till re admitted
except such as the conqueror chose to recognize.
We had only the rights which, hv the laws of
nations and the laws ot war, belong to the con
quered. What we term Constitutional rights in
this country arc not among the rights of the
conquered by the law ot nations. The amnesty
oath administered to our people at the dictation
of the conqueror, iu which each person is sworn
to support the Constitution of the United States,
neither restores the seceded States to the Union
nor imposes the duty on each individual in the
conquered Territory, to resist “the laws” passed
by the Congress of the conqueror, which no ju
dicial tribunal has declared unconstitutional.
It simply meaus that we, as individuals, will
obey all laws passed by Congress according to
the forms of legislation prescribed by the Consti
tution, till they are repealed or declared void by
the proper constitutional tribunal. In or out ot
the Union, the oath of the private citizen to sup
port the Constitution meaus no more than this:
When a law is passed by a majority ot Congress,
with the approval of the President, or by two-
thirds of Congress over the veto of the Presi
dent, every citizen and subject is bound to obey
it till it is repealed, or the proper court has pro
nounced it unconstitutional and void. The Mili
tary bills were so passed, and they have never
been declared void by the proper constitutional
tribunal. Till this is done, or they are repealed,
every citizen of the United States, and every con
quered subject of a foreign • State held by the
United States, is bound to submit to them. He
supports the Constitution by submission to the
laws passed according to the forms of the Con
stitution till they are repealed or set aside by the
proper constitutional tribunal.
Every man of common sense must see that
any other construction of the oath would lead
to endless confusion, bloodshed, and anarchy.
Our people often differ about the constitution
ality of acts passed by Congress. Courts of high
authority differ. If Mr. Hill’s position is right,
each citizen is sworn to act upon his own con
struction, and resist every law which lie deems
unconstitutional, and defend all rights which he
believes he has under the Constitution ; and iu
his own language," Talk for them, and, if need
be, before God anil the country, fight and die for
them.” Adopt this construction, that each citi
zen is bound to resist all laws which lie deems
unconstitutional, aud we must have constant
fighting and constant dying. In other words,
anarchy and confusion must supersede all law
and all order, whenever we differ about the con
stitutionality of the acts of Congress.
In his Atlanta speech Mr. Hill exclaims :
“O how sorry a creature is the man who cannot
stand up for the truth when the country is in
danger. There never was such an opportunity
as now exists for a man to show of what stuff
he is made.” How unfortunate for Mr. Hill’s
position, that this did not occur to him in 1861,
when he voted for secession, after having sworn
to support the Constitution of the Uuited States,
and alter having predicted horrible bloody war
in case of secession, and after having urged and
begged Georgia not to secede. YVliat an oppor
tunity he then had to show the stuff of which
he was made. Why did he not then stand by
the Constitution, our only hope, and fight for it,
and, if need be, die for it in, his effort to avoid
perjury, and put down rampant bloody treason,
which, if his present position is right, the Com
vention seemed determined to commit ? HqJ
unfortuuate it was for the country, and for
reputation of Mr. Hill, if lie be now ri u
when he wrote his Dudley letter, and when he
made his Savannah speguh during the session of
the Convention, and thrcdteRed the invasion of
the North with fire and sword if the people of
the Nortli attempted to prevent our peaceable
secession, and when lie voted for and signed the
Ordinance of Secession after having sworn to
support the Constitution; that the guardian
angel ot liberty did not sound in his ears louder
than seven thunders, the elegant! chaste! Ian
guage of Mr. Hill, marked in the quotations
below from No. 10 ot his Notes.
O, Mr. Hill, patriot, political prophet, foresee
ing great events after they occur, friend of liberty
remember your oath ! !
“I ask again and again, and I beseech all men
“to ask, it is the earnest, anxious piercing’
“ appeal” of the dyiug hope of liberty! ” “ Mr
Hill! are you witting to violate the Constitution '
Are you willing first to swear to support it, with
the intent at the same time of swearing to violate
it? Then I proclaim—all posterity will proclaim
your hell-mortgaged conscience will never cease
to proclaim, you are perjured, and perjury is
not half your crime ; you commit perjury iu ordc
to become a traitor.”
O, Mr. Hill, think ! think ! discard ambition
and turn a deaf ear to the allurements of office
stand by the Constitution ! vote against secession
and thereby avert the bloody war you have pi t
dieted. Remember your oath to support, the Ctn
stitution! ! “If you do not the hell-hounds’
which death by rape begot of sin, when flea
yen’s Almighty hurled down to Hell those who
by deceit and force sought to destroy His supre
macy, these very pretenses which hate begets
hypocrisy in this attempt to destroy the Constitu
tion will become ‘yelping monsters’ in the pol
tical hell into which the genius of constitutional
liberty will cast you and will ‘kennel’ in the
womb that bud them, and ‘howl and gnaw
and vex with conscious terrors f never.” Shade
of Milton ! ! !
NUMBER 3.
Mr. Hill in No. 7, in discussing the " law o
peace” between the Northern and Southern
States, lays down the claims of both at the com
mencement of the war. He says : The Southern
States insisted, 1st. “That the Federal Constitu
tiou was a compact to which the States were
parties as separate and independent States, and
therefore, were parlies with the right by virtue
of their separate sovereignty of withdrawal from
the compact, when in the judgment ol the State
withdrawing her interest or safety required with
drawal.”
2d. “That the administration of the common
government by a sectional party, sectional be
cause organized on a principle of avowed boslii
ity to a right of property held by 1 lie citizen
the Southern States, and recognized by the <
stitution, would endanger the interest and safety
of such States, and therefore justified the exer
cise of the right claimed to withdraw.” This
laid down as the whole claim made by il
Southern States. He then says in a note: “The
reader will observe that I do not claim the doc
trines and purposes ot the Confederate States as
constituting any of the terms ol peace. These
were att defeated in the fight aud abandoned by
the surrender.”
We then, Mr. Hill being the judge, “aban
doned by the surrender” as one of the “terms ol
peace,” the right of withdrawal on account of
the common Government being administered by a
sectional party “organized on principles of avow
ed hostility to a right of property held by citizens
of the Southern States and recognized by tbe
Constitution.”
After having admitted that these are the “terms
ot peace,” all that Mr. Hill says about the Con
stitution, and its guarantees, and our equality in
the Union, and about our rights, for which we
are to fight and die, is simple empty school boy
declamation.
If a sectional tpary, organized on principles
of avowed hostility to aright /j property held
by us, and recognized by' the Constitution, claim
ed the right to administer the common govern
ment, and we yielded that right by the surrender,
as part of the “terms of peace,” aud absolutely
and unconditionally gave up arid abandoned that
very right of property, amounting to thousands
ot millions of dollars in value, and consented to
meet in convention at the dictation of the con
queror, and incorporate into our State Constitu
tion a'clause abandoning and destroying the
very property, in “ avowed hostility to which
the sectional party was organized; which pro
perty was recognized and protected by the Con
stitution; and if at the like dictation ol the con
queror we consented to, and ratified, an amend
ment of the Constitution of the United States,
forever denying to the States, or the Congress,
the power to restore this property to us, what is
the value of tbe remaining lights ot person or
property, left us by the “terms of peace,” if we at
tempt to hold them in defiance ol the will of the
conqueror? If we were unable to sustain our cause
in the field, and were compelled to abandon and
give up, without compensation, thonsnn-'s of
millions ot dollars worth of pro]>erty “ ncogniztd
by the Constitution,” for the sake of peace, with
what possible hope of success can we now, im
poverished and disarmed, re-enter the field to
fight for Mr. Hill’s right to hold office ?
w If therewere no dishonor 1n theaots bv which
the Southern States incorporated into their Con-
stitutions clauses abolishing slavery, and thereby
destroying thousands of millions of cli>l],-,rs
worth of property, and we consented to its in
corporation into the Constitution of the Uiried
States, at the dictation of the conqueror, whin
dishonor is there in incorporating into the same
constitutions a like provision enfranchising the
freedmen aud disfranchising officers wlnT
gaged iu the war against the United States V li
the first did not. violate the Constitution, and
w'as not, “by legislation, the adoption of 'mea
sures “outside of the Constitution,” how ( j 1H - s
the last violate it? It he who voted for ilej Con
vention, called at the dictation of the conqueror
to do the first, did not violate his oath to support
the Constitution, how does he who votes for the '
Convention iu the second case, at the like dicta
tion, become a perjured traitor*
Mr. Hill’s statement in reference to the aboli
tion of slavery presents a strung^ medly of con
fused jargon; as will lie seen by the following
extracts: He says—“Mr. Lincoln’s proclamation
abolishing slavery, was declared to be a ivar
measure only.” “There was an agreement on
our part to emancipate.” “ riicretorc, the abo
lition of slavery may, in !act, though not in ],.
gal strictness, be counted as one ot the things
decided by the war, and as being part ot tin-
law of peace.” “But the States had not ratified
it (the constitutional amendment.) It was, there
fore, only a proposition undetermined at the tim,
of the surrender.” “Neither he (Mr. Lincoln)
nor General Grant, nor any' other power, allmi
ed to this (emancipation) as part of the terms
during the negotiations for, nor at the time, of the
acceptance ot the surrender.”
“I have shown from the official records of each
and all,that the only conditions demanded ot
Southern people, in laying down their arms,
were the preservation of the Union under tin-
Constitution; with the single change of the abo
lition of slavery, which single iTntnge was very
doubtfully anil imperfectly demanded, but was
very promptly and cheerfully yielded.”
Why, certainly, it was very doubtful whether
the couqueror demanded the abolition of slavery
as part of the terms of peace ! But the slavo-
holders of Georgia, to remove all doubt on that
subject, very promptly, O yes, and most cheerful
ly yielded it; and gave up three hundred millions
of dollars as an evidence of the cordiality with
which they accepted the terms; and adopted
the Constitutional Amendment, which was sim
ply a “ proposition undetermined at the time of
the surrender.”
The present propositions made by Congress are-
also undetermined since the surrender, and il Mr.
Hill aud all others in his condition, wifi accept
them and surrender their right to hold office, as
promptly aud cheerfully as he says the slavehold
ers ot Georgia surrendered their property, our
difficulties will soon be settled, and we" shall
have peace and returning prosperity. We shall see
capital come in and develop the country. Wc
shall have peace and plenty for tlio farmer, busi
ness for the merchants, employment for tbe me
chanic, and bread for the poor. Wc shall then
begin to receive part ot the benefits of the com
mon Government as well as its burdens. We
shall have representation with a voice in legisla
tion, and share in the appropriations made out
of the fund to which we, in common with the
people of the North, are contributors.
But who can tell, from flic above quotations
from “Mr. Hill’s Notes,” whether the abolition
of slavery' was one ot lhe “terms of peace ?” I
quote a little further. He says, while discussing
the terms of peace:
“I repeat, the only demand made by the
United States in the beginning was that Un
people of the Confederate States should lay
down their arms, and return to their homes, and
obey the laws.” Again, “The question is, did
the United Stales during the hear and before the
surrender make any other demands, or avow
additional purposes anil make them known to
the Confederates ?”
“I have been unable, to find any other, and
believe no other man is able to find any other
legitimate or official demand, or di dared pur
poses.”
After all this, Mr. Hill says: “Of all the
delusions of the revolution the greatest was that
of supposing that either party' to the late con
flict was fighting to preserve the Union under
the Constitution.” And again, “The result is
the preservation of a territorial Union, but. tin-
utter destruction of the constitutional Union. -
Consent was the beauty of tbe old Union, force
is the power of the new.”
From all these contradictory statements who
can gather from Mr. Hill’s notes what are the
issues settled by the war and what the law of
peace? In one breath the war was waged by
the United States to preserve the Union under
the Constitution, and in the next the greatest
delusion of the revolution, was that of sup
posing-*hat citl^H^g^iViii fighting to preserve
the Union unTb-rtiie Constitution. In one
number the Constitution is destroyed and a
union of force substituted for the constitutional
Union; and in another we are told t o stand by
the Constitution as our- only hope; and that we
arc still iu the Union and “always were” in it.
It seems, however, from all Mr. Hill says on
the subject, that lie does not insist, that the
abolition of slavery was part of the terms ol
the surrender, nor was if part.of the law or
terms of peace. Yet Mr. Hill most cheerfully
yielded it,’and in violation of the Constitution,
it his present position be correct, favored il
Convention to make 1 fie sacrifice of this vast,
amount of property which was protected by tlie
Constitution, nil to be done by legislation “out
side ot tbe Constitution.” Blit there was no
perjury in that, for while the legislation de
stroyed the people’s property, it did not interfere
with the right ot ambitious men to hold office.
Mr. Hill pretends to quote from a writer on
the law of nations to show that no terms of peace
can be enforced by the conqueror, that are not
made kuowir to tin: conquered before they lay
dow r n their arms, lie is careful not to give tin:
section, page or edition of 1 lie work from which
lie quotes on this or oilier points. But what if
the conquerorsl impose other terms ? YVliat
is the penalty for so doing? Mr. Hill says it
makes him infamous, and is a just cause of war
How does this help us? Mr. Ilill tells us again
and again that lhe govern ment, of our conquerors
is now infamous. That they who control it are
perjured traitors, tricked- traitors, libellous, Ac.
Then the penalty of becoming inlamous, accord
ing to Mr. Hill, has no terrors for them, and will
not relieve ns. lint, it, is just cause of war if they
impose new terms. This may be, but how does
this relieve us? YVhat, do we gain by another de
claration of war? We are disarmed, with no-
means of supporting tiie war. The Government
has its vast armies, anil navies, and boundless
armaments, and resources at command. Why,
’lien, advise ns of our right to declare war again ?
Is Mr. Ilill not yet satisfied with I lie shedding ot
blood? It is simply worse than madness, as any
man of sense well knows, to attempt further re-
lress ot oui grievances by war. Il our means
are exhausted, and wt- h ive no further ability to
maintain war, w hat is left, to ns but submission
This disposes, without further notice, or all Mx.
Hill’s subtle argument to prove that we are not a
conquered people, subject to lhe will of the con
querors. If we har e laid dow n our arms and
lurrenrfered at discretion, and have no further
ability to resist, w hy are U’e not subject to the
will of the conqueror ? Neither subtle ingenuity,
nor human reason, can change this plain, unih-
r.iuble fact. However much we may deplore it,
candor compels us to admit that it is a stern re-
d:ly. We area conquered people, unable in
make further successful resistance, and are sub
ject to the will of our conquerors.
Brazil. — The following article, (printed in
English) from one of the leading journals of Rio
is worthy of note;
“The most remarkable occurrence since the
leparture of the last mail has lieen the arrival,
in one week, of upwards of 1,000 immigrants;
of these, 545 are from New Orleans and New
York, and the remainder nearly all from Portu-
d.
“Brazil is fortunate in receiving an addition to
her population of the highly educated, intelligent
and energetic class of (Southern planters whoso
ly contributed to the former wealthy condi
lion of the United Slates; the few who liavi-
been gradually arriving during the la-t twelve
nonthsare already giving evidence of their in-
mitable industry, by establishing saw and rice
mills, making a tramway, and producing, by free
ibor, larger crops than their neighbors, with
lave labor. With the continuation of such a
class of immigration, the country will soon rise
to a first class position among the great nations
of tiie world. The present Minister of Agricul
ture has done much to impress the immigrants
avorably with the country, by promptly caring
their comforts immediately upon their ar
rival.”
The Lincoln Monument.—The New Y*ork
limes, which pretty generally runs the radical
schedule, says cf the proposition to build a
Lincoln Monument” at Atlanta ;
This may lie a spontaneous outburst ol South
ern loyalty and a free-will offering of “gratitude
and praise,” front tiie “the vanquished,” but if
inks very much like the handle of that well-
known jug—all on one side. YYV are not be
lievers in the nauiby-pampy feeling and joy lest
they hurt the feelings ot those who tried to
destroy the nation. But this hears prima J’ach
evidence of being an absurdly unfair representa
tion of the feeling ot Southern men, and if it
be a real enterprise, (which is not altogether
certain,) is an ill-timed and uiun-cessay attempt
» perpetuate what all truly patriotic nu n wish
irgotten—the sores’, wound- <n tine war while
it helps to still farther postpone me result I- .
which the war itself Was undcrtaL-a and p"t
through. If Mr. Lincoln’s memory is to be
especially glorified in the South, let us wait
until it can be done by the South.