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'syM/.
VOLUME XIX.
ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”—Jefferson.
WttMy JtuteUigennr.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wodnosday, August 14, 1867.
ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 14, 1867.
NUMBER 33.
“Oar Neighbor’’-Fraace.
The footfalls of the French Emperor, like the
j tread of French capital, are heard and felt, not
in the confines of the Empire alone, bat npon the
tracks of two continents. The sun to-day never
; sets upon the steps of French enterprise, and
lu Kentucky and Ten. forever rises upon bold, broad and victorious Na-
neaaee. polconic ideas. Whilst England and Prussia,
The result of the recent elections in these two j Austria and Russia have turned hucksters and
■States will not surprise any one who has lieen ob- brokers—invested in the securities and dabbled
The Bleettona
servant at all of passing events, or of the course
pursued by Congress in regard at least to Ken
tucky. Side by side they stand, with interests
almost identical, in a political as well as a mate
rial sense, and yet how wide the difference lie-
t ween the two peoples, judging from the results
of the two elections! Of the result in Tennes
see, a New York cotemporary, the Times, truth
fully says: “The triumph of the Rrownlow fac
tion proves only the success with which it has
manipulated the registration of voters. As an
indication of State feeling or policy it amounts
to nothing. When a man in office possesses the
l»ower of disfranchising his opponents, his elec
tion, or re-election, can be considered only a sign
of thorough, unscrupulous work—not of moral
strength or personal or political popularity. —
A ud when he outrages propriety by appointing
candidates as registrars, and so enabling them
to adapt the lists to their own convenience, the
tact of their election follows as regularly as night
follows day. Indeed, the Tennessee election
was, mi the whole, a meaningless formality.—
With four-fifths of the whiles disfranchised, and
witli the registration altogether in the hands ol
Rrownlow and his men, wiiat signifies the vote
of Thursday last?”
We have it here in a nutshell, as it were.—
Four-filths of the whites disfranchised in Ten
nessee, and how could the result prove other
wise than it was? A Governor in office possess
ing the power of disfranchising his opponents,
himself a candidate for re-election ; and himself
unscrupulous as to the means lie would use to
secure that election ; with au armed force at his
command to overawe his opponents; and how
could the result be otherwise than it has been ?
The great body of the people ol Tennessee are
not unlike those of Kentucky. They have ever
proved as patriotic and as bold in maintaining
their rights, and are not the less so now though
Rrownlow has triumphed over them. Ten
nessee is not dishonored by the triumph of
the faction in it over the majority cf her people.
Hbe is still to he regarded as the time-honored
sister of Kentucky, whose people have not yet
tell to its fullest extent the despot’s heel, nor
suffered disfranchisement by the decree of Con
gress. How long she may remain so, is matter
of serious consideration now to her people. The
recent rebuke she has given the Radical Congress
and the Radical party, places her in an attitude
which may, and probably will, be deemed a re
bellious one against “the powers that lie,” and it
is not unreasonable to suppose, will briug upou
her that wrath which has overwhelmed Tennes
see, and under which tlie people of the latter
Rlate now groan. There is u wide range tor
speculation as to the future political status of
both these States. While the people of Tennes
see have the work before them of striving with
patriotic zeal, to remove the disabilities and ty
ranny imposed on them, the people of Kentucky
havs now the work before them of striving to
keep them both off, for -ye predict, the attempt
will be made ere long to place them in the same
disfranchised condition the people of Tennessee
and other Southern States now occupy. In line
with the Radical programme, Kentucky must
come, or Kentuckians will be disfranchised.—
This decree has already gone torth. That she
will bravely resist it—that she will do so with
the same triumphant success that has marked
her recent triumphs over the radicals in that
State, we shall most fervently pray. All honor
to her now, and may we so write of her in her
last approaching eventful future!
The Parle Kx position—Important to the
Financial World.
The “ Imperial Commission ” appointed by
Louis Napoleon to report upon the unit value of
golden money, that it may be uniform in every
nation on both continents, we learn through tiie
Paris correspondence of the New York Times>
have made a report embracing the following
resolutions:
“ 1. The first condition to be adopted by the
various governments interested in this question,
is the unit of their golden money.
“2. It is desirable that this money be of the
same denomination.
*• 3. It is desirable that every government in
troduce among its golden coins a piece of equal
value to one of the pieces in use among the other
governments interested, in order that thus there
may be a common point of contrast between all
systems, each nation endeavoring to assimilate
gradually its system of money to that which
shall be chosen as the uniform basis.
*' 4. The system of gold money now in use in
France and a large portion of Europe, is re
commended as the basis of the desired uni
formity.
“ 5. That owing to a circumstance accidental
but tortuuate, the most important monetary
units can be adapted to the French five franc
gold piece with the least possible changes, it is
suggested that this piece will serve as the most
convenient basis for a monetary system, and the
co»n struck on this basis will become, as soon as
the nations interested can permit it, the multi
ples ot this unit
"6. Jt is desirable that each goverumeut act
ing in conformity with this system, take proper
legal steps to make the issue legal.
•* 7. It would be extremely desirable that the
system of two monetary standards be abandoned
w here it yet exists; that the decimal system be
universally adopted, and that the money of all
nations should be ot the same form and denomi
nation.”
We know of no greater benefit that could ac
crue to the financial and commercial world than
some such regulation as the foregoing of the u nit
vaiue of golden coin, and it this should be one of
the results of the “ Paris Exposition” it will be
blithe tent of itaelt to render it ever memorable,
aud secure Tor it a brilliant chapter in the history
of that passing event. It requires but an under
standing on the part of the several Governments
to adopt the decimal system, and attach a value
to some piece of coin, by which the value of all
others may be computed, to briug about what is
now a grand desideratum in finance and com
merce. We profess but little knowledge of the
embarrassments that attend the various values
placed upon golden coin, in different natious, and
to what extent they affect financial intercourse,
the one with the other. We only know ih&l the
embarrassments are great, and impede very often
financial transactions to a very considerable ex
tent. Bankers and brokers who deal to any ex
tent in coin know this belter Ilian we do; and
although this is a day of greenback* and not of coin
iu " the best government in the world,” looking
to a better luture, we thiuk it would not be unad-
viaable for our government to direct some ot its
attentions to a reconstruction of the value of gold
that may promote a uniform waif value of golden
coin, while it is reconstructing also the Southern
States.
The Coioued Poi.ice.—The military Mayor
of Mobile, who is a radical of the rank which
Mwlli to heaven, lately removed a score ol
•Ainic meu from the ]H>liee and pul twenty
ut er.K-b in their places. Last Monday' morning
tin* ol Ui< s«* sable guardians of the people were
»i t signed la-fore the Mayor, to answer lor being
caught in a profound slumber on their beats,
ou Sunday night. They were fined from ten to
twenty dollars each.
in the stocks of this and other countries—France
has projected and carried forward outside ot her
dominions, in the East and in the West, the
grandest enterprises ot modern times.
Confessedly and indisputably she has done,
aud proposes to do, for the industry and civiliza
tion of other peoples and the world at large,
more than any and all the continental nations
combined, England included. The evidences of
her gcuiiis and beneficence are seen in the con
struction of the Suez Ship Canal—a work which
will speedily save to the commerce and con
sumption of Europe and Asia, not less than
if-100,000,000 per annum. The prophetic traces
of tlie same “gifts” have swept across the Isth
mus of Darien, and, at this moment, outlines
if sell ina living offer to unite the Pacific and
the Atlantic by a magnificent artificial channel,
and thus save to the navigation and industry of
tlie I >rient and the Occident $200,000,000 more a
year.
Before the babe now born shall flush with the
passions of youth, the forming brain and teem
ing purse of the French Empire will send her
navies and her merchant marine around the
world, within the belt of the tropics, and render
the doubling of the capes at the southern pro
jections of Africa and South America a venture
for the gratification of an idle curiosity, or an
expedition for the naturalist and antiquary.
Not content with having consummated the
marriage of the Mediterranean with the Red
Sea, thus making the pulsations of the Atlantic
and Indian Oceans responsive to each other;
not, indeed, satisfied with having offered to open
a like communication between the Gulf of Mex
ico and the Pacific, aud to foot one-third, or
more, of the bill, she has contracted, through her
eminent capitalists and engineers, to connect the
Pacific aud Atlantic coasts within our oxen terri
tories — iu other words, to construct and stock tlie
Southern Pacific Railroad, stretching between
the eastern shore of Texas and the harbor of
San Diego, California, and is •prepared to execute
this gigantic undertaking at an outlay of $100,-
000,000.
Hitherto she has sought to link the Great Seas
—the lungs and heart of the hemispheres—on
the paths of their greatest activities, with liquid
bauds, ou which to glide the commerce of half
the world ; now she seeks to lay an iron track
as a highway for the East and the West—to
unite oceans 2,000 miles asunder—and to startle
us with the “ringing hoof of the iron horse” of
the Tuilleries in his flight over the great plains;
his dashes through the mountain parks and his
panting sweep over the serrated crests of the
chains of the Cordilleras.
"Nor has French sagacity, direqted by the
French Bphyux front, his imperial chambers,
rested at even this project. It has entered the
lists against our home capitalists, and is filling
contracts to build, at a cost of $5,000,000, the
American Central. Railroad, running from Fort
Wayne, Indiana, to Omaha, Nebraska, thus de
scending the eastern slope of the Mississippi ba
sin and ascending the western to connect with the
Union Pacific Road, now pushed over 300 miles
toward the mountains, and to reach the foot hills
of the Sierra Madre before tlie dawn of a twelve
month.
The shadow of tlie same far-reaching hand is
seen also in a contract to complete and operate,
upou au expenditure of $40,000,000, the James
River and KaOawha Canal and improvements,
thus cutting a drain east to our sea board for the
products of the Appalachian Range and the val
ley of the Father of Waters.
These roads and canals, it is hardly necessary
to add, are but links—three links—in the chain
of vast enterprises projected, through the Messrs.
E. Bellot des Miuieres, Brothers & Co., by our
‘ ancient ally,” and to be carried out in tlie im
mediate memory of the living.
Other peoples have bought our securities, and
greedily suck the substance from our labor by
drawing au exhorbitant interestthereon. France
holds no traffic in our distresses, bleeds no pores
of the republic; but, true to her inspirations,her
traditions, and her destiny, steps forward without
cant or philanthropic whine, and, guaging her
words hy her acts, proposes to help develop our
resources, stimulate our industry, strengthen our
capital, and, casting her lot with ns, to accept in
return a patriot’s share in the fruits she has plant
ed and reared.
In the face of facts like these, it behooves us
to recast our views upou the “ friendships ” of
the cis-Atlantic world, and to see that no injus
tice be done to our sense of gratitude, and espe
cially to the beneficent ally in the aggrandize-
meut of our resources and enterprises.
Presidential Politic*.
Tlie Wyoming (Texas) Democrat proposes
Mayor Hoffman, of New York, for President.
The St. Charles (Mo.) Sentinel nominates Sena
tor Henderson as the Republican candidate for
next term, and a Kelamazo paper hoists again
the flag of Fremont
Wendell Philips is out in his Anti-Slavery
Standard with another blast against Gen.
Grant He says :
“Who shall be the next President?,” becomes
one of great moment to us aud to the colored
race, fii Gqperal Grant, as a candidate for that
office, we do not believe. He is, it is true, a
mau of lew words. His words have been alto
gether too few to entitle him to confidence or
support from intelligent, earnest Radicals. We
require in our present national situation pro
nounced and unmistakable opinions. The period
through which we are passiug is too critical, as
involving the liberty of a race and nation, to
admit ot anything doubtful or equivocating.
But Gen. Grant's action on the wrong side has
been louder Ilian his words.
We do not forget the shameful ‘whitewashing’
mission which Grant, at a most important crisis,
consented to perform in the interest of the John
son ‘policy.’ A distinguished Major General
who proceeded him had given us a candid report
of the state of affairs at the South—a report,
which was at the time startling, but, as subse
quent events have shown, only approximated to
a full revelation of the actual state of things.—
To his everlasting discredit Grant sought by the
prestige of his military fame, in the interest of a
treacherous executive and of a horde of bloody
couspirators, to cover up the real situation by a
‘whitewashing’ report, and to betray the nation
into submission to a ‘policy’ which had it been
successful, would have made freedom for the
blacks a mockery, ending tor the nation inevit
ably in irretrievable ruin. This alone is enough
to prevent any sincere radical from recognizing
Grant as a fit Presidential candidate.”
Tbe Cornucopia of 1867.
Tlie following from the St. Louis Democrat
will be read by tbe whole country with more
than ordinary interest:
The country laughs with an abundant harvest.
Throughout the greater part of Illinois, this
State, and Kansas, the crop already partly har
vested lias lieen very large; the promise of the
crop not yet gathered in, not only in these States.,
but to the northward, is very bright; and from
the South and East all reports concur in repre
senting the yield as exceedingly abundant. Spe
culators in grain count their losses, and const]
mere already rejoice in a fall of prices. The
country is richer already, and feels it. Some
estimate that the crop of 1867 alone would more
than half pay the national debt.
It is not merely in the actual increase of wealth
that this bountiful harvest will do good. It will
make life easier for all laborers and consumers.
To the poorer classes, especially, the abnudance
of provisions, bringing low prices, will be pecu
liarly grateful. But this is not all. Agriculture
is the basis of all our prosperity. When this
fails, everything stagnates. The blood in all the
veins and arteries of business flows feebly. With
a bountiful harvest, it bounds gladly through the
pulses, fresh.vigorous, and full of •><©, the atrcugUi
returns, and activity becomes a necessity.
Millions of dollars have lieen locked up wait
ing for this harvest. Business ot all kinds has
waited; enterprise of the utmost importance has
been checked; financial depression has prevail
ed; Mr. McCulloch has looked gloomy, and the
receipts from internal revenue have fallen off
nearly forty per cent. Everybody was sailing
under close canvas expecting a squall. Tlie
storm cloud lias passed. Tlie Wall street ba
rometer, with rising stocks, predicted fair wea
ther. The sky is clear again, and every one feels
that business must now revive. Confidence, the
parent of prosperity, returns. The farmer re
ceives a handsome sum, and puts no small part
of it into circulation at once. Tlie money starts
machinery that had stood idle; revives trade that
had been dormant.
The crop, once harvested, must be moved and
manufactured ; the great army of people engaged
in transporting from producer to consumer, or
preparing the food for consumption, already an
ticipate a brisk business. Prices fall, and profits
now become possible in many branches ot busi
ness that have stagnated because of the cost of
living. So the magic influence extends through
all tlie arteries and veins of trad.eand commerce,
just as tlie sunny glow of the rich wine dances
through the blood, even to the tips of the fingers,
until ever}* part ol the body feels the genial stim
ulus. And we only hope that the country, in
stead of bending its new energies to the work of
increased production, may not rush wildly into
speculation.
ling the New York
i from its neighbor, the
Under the for
Repress quotes as
Tribune :
“ We can have eve# State in the South if our
friends are wise, and show to the people that Re
publicanism means peace, economy, good govern
ment, general prosperity.”
To which quotation it makes tbe following re
ply:
“ Let us see bow Republicanism means ‘peace:
“ On its accession power it helped to in
volve the country in tfifivil war, arraying one-
half tbe country against tbe other half in dead
ly hostility, and filling tens of thousands of
graves, upon which the grass has scarcely had
time yet to grow.
Let us see bow it means ‘ economy.
It has helped to ran up a national debt of
nearly three thousand millions of dollars, im
posed taxes upon the people the like of which
were utterly unknown before, and mortgaged
Labor and Industry to Capital at least for a gene
ration to come.
“ How does it mean ‘.good government ?’
“Let the present polhf:£ and social condition
of at least ten States or^he Union testify. The
only government there » a government of guns,
with no prestige of popular sanction to give it
dignity ot respectability. The governors do’not
derive their powers from the consent of the gov
erned, but from the nterest caprice of a rump
Congress.
Finally, republicanism means * general pros
perity,’ by paralyzing trade ana commerce,
through the operation of ruinously high tariffs,
under the false pretense of affording protection
to home industry. The almost total annihila
tion of oar once great shipping interest is nota
bly a feature of that ‘great prosperity’ of which
we expect to have a great deal more, before we
have less, if this thing called Republicanism is
to be continued.”
[PUXI.I8HXD KT REQUEST.]
Review of R. H. Hill’s Note* ob tlie Slsn-
atlon.
. BY JOSEPH E. BROWN.
NUMRER 4.
Far Wester-S^owns.—The manner in which
tar Western towns accommodate themselves to
exigencies is amusing. Nebraska City, having
been damaged by diversion of travel by the
Union Pacific Railroad, is gradually disappear
ing, ami the North Platte Index says that that
cit} is disappearing as if by jugglery. It says:
“ It is a novel sight to see a whole town packing
up and “ walking off ” iu a single day. Nearly
every man who has been engaged in business
here is going into business at Julesburg. The
next number of the Index will be published at
julesburg.”
The Charleston Mercury.—We are grati
fied to learn that this sterling journal is meeting
with a degree of support among the people
commeusurate with its merits. There is no
more ably conducted or higher-toned paper in al]
the country, and we record the evidence of its
prosperity with no little satisfaction. In the
issue of the 5tli the editor says:
Since our resumption of the publication ot the
Mercury, in November last, every day has added
to the number of its subscribers. Its progress
from the first has been steady and encouraging,
but during tlie past month of July its increase
iu the subscription list has lieen so great and
rapid that we cannot defer tbe returning of our
thanks to our friends for the large measure
of patronage with which we have lieen favored.
The principles that have hitherto guided our
conduct will continue to be adhered to: “ The
Charleston Mercury will address itself to the
state of the country, its wants and its interests,
in the Present and in the Future.”
Confiscation and Repudiation.—A writer
in a South Carolina paper says that “ Confisca
tion is the ghost that still haunts many of the I
landholders in the State. It rises up in fearful
apparitions to disturb tlieir dreams by night and
their more philosophical reflections by day.”
All this too, notwithstanding tbe fact that we
have had repeated proofs that the vast majority
even of the Radical party in Congress are totally
opposed to confiscation iu any shape.
The New York Times says Northern bond
holders might just as well be baunted with the
ghost of repudiation, because one or two unprin
cipled men have had the audacity to propose it,
covertly or openly. We believe that one of.
these ghosts might as well be feared as the
other, and we have no doubt that if Phillips’
system of confiscation were carried out, it would
quickly be followed by an agitation in favor of
repudiation.
Horrible Disaster.—The columns of the
European Germau papere are filled with particu
lars ol the greatest disaster that ever desolated
any mining district:
On the 1st of July last the wooden framework
of a 1,500 feet deep pit. of a coal mine in the
neighborhood of Lugan, in Saxony, gave way,
blocking up with an impenetrable mass of tim
ber and rock, the pit at a depth of about 300 ells
from the top. At tlie moment of disaster 102
men, uearly all of them the supporters of large
families, were working in the bottom of tbe mine.
Their provisions were only calculated tor one
day. On the 15th of July, the date of our latest
news by mail, the place where the fallen masses
had stopped the pit being such a solid structure
that the water was standing on it many feet high.
From all sides the most available help was of
fered, bnt'the conviction that nothing could be
done soon enough to save the unfortunate miners
weakened as it seems, any energetic efforts.—
They were doomed to die of starvation and want
of fresh air. On the 4th of July all attempts to
reach the bottom of the mine by any quick pro
cess were abandoned, and a sure but slow plan
was devised by which at least the corpses of the
perished could be extracted. Iron tubes of
about two- feet in 'diameter were to be sunk
through the obstructions down to the bottom of
the pit. Among the dead are forty-four married
meu, one of whom had a wife and nine living
children. The scenes at the entrance of the pit
are described as lamentable without a parallel.
Currency and the National Rank*.
The following list embraces some of tbe sus-
pensions and failures of National Banks since
January, 1867:
March 2.—The National Bank of Newton,
Massacbosets, failed with liabilities amounting
to $110,000.
Marcli 2.—The National Bank of Hudson, N.
Y., discovered an embezzlement by- the cashier
to the amount of $50,000. The concern revived
after several weeks suspension, and resumed
business.
March 4.—First National Bank of Medina,
Missouri, failed with liabilities ot $82,000.
March 4.—The Merchants’ National Bank of
Baltimore, broke down from the effects of a
series of defalcations, carried on for a long time
by two officers ot the institution.
July 25.—The Weedsport, Cayuga county,
National Bank closed doors, its liabilities being
$125,000.
July 26.—The National Bank of Unadilla,
Otsego county, failed, its liabilities being $200,
000.
July 27.—The Pequonnock National Bank of
Biidgeport, Connecticut, suspended business and
offered a reward of $500 lor the fugitive cashier,
W. Hamilton Barman, who absconded with
$50,000.
General Robert E. Lee.—The following
extract is taken from an interesting letter writ
ten by a lady in Liberty, Bedford county, Vir
ginia, to a friend in this city :
“General Lee, accompanied by his daughter,
Miss Mildred, slopped here tor a night on his
way to the White Sulpher. While here the
General's old officers proposed giving him an
entertainment in the shape of a dinner or a sap
per, but be declined all public demonstrations.
As he rode through the village on his departure
the citizens assembled, and while he was pass
ing along the streets every man raised his hat
and stood with bowed head. The General also
raised his hat, and this silent tribute of the peo
ple to their favorite General was indeed beauti
ful. A gentleman riding with the General at
the time says ‘that he fell like weeping, it being
such a solemn tribute of respect—so silent and
sad—not a voice was raised—’twas the heartfelt
love of a conquered people for a beloved hero.’ ”
A man advertises for “competent persons to
undertake the sale of new medicine,” and adds
that “it will be profitable to the undertaker /”
If anything could confound “Old Horace,”
the foregoing apt reply of the Express, truthfully
illustrative as it is of what Republicanism has
done lor the country, would have that effect
upon him. The term itself lias become indica
tive of anything else than “peace,” or "economy,”
or “good government,” or “general prosperity.”
Instead of “peace,” it brought upon the country
war; instead of “economy,” its rule lias been at
tended by licentious extravagance in all of its
expenditures; instead of “good government,” it
has given the country a government which par
takes more ot the natnre of jacobinism in the
days of Danton and Marat, of French revolu
tionary memory, than of American Republican
ism in tbe early history of the United States;
and instead of “general prosperity,” it has given
to tbe countiy, East, West, North, and South,
general prostration of every interest, manufac
turing, commercial, financial, agricultural—all
prostrated eov under Republican rule. Well
may the Express remark that the Tribune’s Re
publicanism arrayed “one-half the country against
the other in deadly hostilitythat while it “has
helped to run up a national debt of nearly three
thousand millions of 'dollars,” it has imposed
upon the people taxes, “the like of which were
utterly unknown before, and mortgaged labor
and industry to capital at least for a generation
to come;” and well may it cite as evidence of
the “good government” the present “political
and social conditio? of at least ten States of the
Union.” “Good government” indeed! The Con
stitution set at naflillt; the Executive and Ju
diciary dep&rtmja&t ignored, their respective
heads treated wiOglbntempt; the military de
clared superior iorflfe civil authorities; this is
the Republicanikm'ufThefiresent day which Mr.
Greeley says means “peace, economy, good gov
ernment, general prosperity.” To what will
not fanaticism lead ? In defeat, it becomes ob
stinate and persevering; in triumph, it perse
cuted and destroys. Established as the Govern
ment of the United States originally was, it was
the “best government in the world;” now, it is a
Republicanism fathered by such men as Sumner,
Wilson, and Greeley, instead of Washington,
Jefferson, and Madison. Who can tvonder at
the doleful change ?
What a Farce.—What a nice affair that
Tennessee election was, to be sure. Tlie fol
lowing is from the Paris Intelligencer :
The whole pack of contemptible Radicals in
this county are exercising themselves already hy
denying that they bad anything to do with the
high-handed proceedings of Tuesday last, by
which about three hundred of the African race
got certificates banded them by a militia lieu
tenant by the hand-full, while our best Union
men—men moat loyal and true to the Union
throughout the war, were told by a militia sol
dier with a musket in his hands, to stand back,
and were forced to retire. AU in the name ot
liberty!
Unless the people speedily unite and organize
for self-defense, instead of becoming listless and
distracted over dead issues and unimportant an
tecedents, scenes like that recorded above will
occur at no distant day in the Military Districts
of the South. _
Virginia.—“ Leo,” of the Charleston Courier,
writes in reference to the condition in Virginia.
“ I have the best reasons, also, to believe that the
very large portion of the intelligent white citi
zens who have held back from registration, have
not done so from anv desire to defeat any plan
for the restoration of the State to the Union, bat
from a conscientious opposition to the principle
which governs the measure. The clas° of citi
zens now holding aloof from reconstruction, will
not obstruct the movement, but will support and
maintain it, should it, contrary to their expecta
tions, be a success. In case of iailure, they say
they wiU be enabled, from their position, to
place the responsibility of the failure on their
opponents.”
Popular Sovereignty Exemplified.—In
1866 the people of Texas had an election for
Governor, which resulted as follows: Throck
morton, 48,671; E. M. Pease, 12,051. Pease
was the Radical candidate, and the people inti
mated that they did not want him by a vote of
four to one. But of what avail is the vote of a
people of a sovereign State ? The choice was
not satisfactory to that most important person
age, General Sheridan, known as “Philip, Duke
of Orleans,” who is now governing the South
west after tbe fashion of an Emperor. By tbe
Duke’s fiat, Mr. Throckmorton is set aside, and
Pease substituted in bis stead. The Cincinnati
Enquirer thinks this a heavy commentary upon
the glorious idea of popular sovereignty.
Another Threat of Confiscation.—A dis
patch from Washington says: A recent letter
from Hon. Thaddeus Stevens to a Radical
friend in this city states that a biU will be
presented at the opening of the November Con
gressional session for confiscating the property
of all Southern ex-slaveholders who dismiss the
freed men for voting the Republican ticket.—
Senator Wilson, it is understood, strongly fa
vours this course. The names of such ex-rebels
are to he collected by the military commanders
for reference.
The foregoing is bad news for people who
grew rich and fat daring the late war upon tbe
blood and misery of tbe country.
Gen. Sherman.—Some ot the papere west are
again beginning to talk of Tecumseh Sherman, in
connection with the next presidential nomina
tion. He has recently been heard from as agree
ing, “in the main, with the reconstruction pol
icy of Congress,” which ought to give him addi
tional claims npon the Southern heart We be
lieve, however, aa yet no Southern paper has
been silly enough to run np his name for the dis
tinguished position.
—’ NUMBER 5.
The following language is found in No. 8 of
the “Notes” of Mr. Hill: “No surrendering peo
ple ever did more promptly, more absolutely,
more submissively or with one-tenth of the
sacrifice of property, and hope, and pride, and
feeling, comply with all tbe terms demanded on
their part, than did the Southern States and peo
ple. They laid down their arms; they gave up
the great principles of government which their
fathers taught them never to yield; and to main
tain which they fought so long and endured so
much; though already impoverished they gave
up four billions more of property—the descended
patrimony of centuries,” &c.
Now, if Mr. Hili’s statement is true that the
people of the South, in the surrender, consented
to so much sacrifice of hope, and pride, and
feeling, and after they were impoverished gave up
four UUions more of property; and in addition
to all this laid down their arms and gave up the
great principles of government which their fathers
taught them never to yield, what did they have
left ti»*t they could hold independently of the
will of the conqueror? I had always understood
the Constitution to be the embodiment of the
“great principles of government” transmitted to
ns hy oar fathers.
After we gave up these great principles ot gov
ernment, which “our fathers taught us never to
yield, what constitutional rights did we have
left? What equality in the Union did we retain
when we surrendered the great principles of
government? What right to regulate suffrage,
contrary to the will ot the conqueror, does a
State retain when she has surrendered these great
principles? Why has not the conqueror, to
whom these great principles have been surrender
ed, as much right to regulate suffrage and dis
franchise persons who have incurred bis displea
sure, as be has to dictate the destruction of “four
billions more of their property” after he has
“already impoverished” them ? Thus impover
ished and perfectly powerless, Mr. Hill advises
us still to resist, fight for our rights, and stand by
the Constitution. W hat part of the Constitution
is left for us to stand by, after we have surren
dered the great principles of government em
bodied in the Constitution ? What rights have
we left to fight for that were not protected by
those great principles, and which were not lost
by their surrender ? How can we claim equality
To the Editors of the Chronide <fc- Sentinel :
The writer of the notes of Mr. Hill seems to
have in view these objects:
1. To abase and denounce all who differ from
him in opinion; as dishonest traitors, and those
whom he most dislikes, because they may have
been in the way of the gratification of his am
bition, as the most dishonest and the greatest
traitors.
2. To oppose universal suffrage, as well of
white as of black men.
3. To give vent to his indignation at his own
disfranchisement.
He evidently has a very poor opinion not only
of the black race, but also of that part of the
white race, who have been too ignorant or stupid
tQ appreciate his merits,-and have not, therefore,
been his followers. He. says, “I frankly admit
hay opinions heretofore have not- been accepted
by a majority of the people.” “My political life
has been a struggle against prevailing opinions
and policies.” The same will again be true.—
His opinions will not be accepted, because they
are unpracticable and productive of still greater
misfortunes and miseries to onr afflicted people.
And he is again making an imprudent and mis
chievous assault upon opinions and theories that
must prevail.
In his number 5 he uses the following lan
guage :
admit I have often over-rated the intelli-
f ence, and virtue and endn ranee of our people.
Iverything they have done from the suicidal re
peal of the Missouri compromise, to the criminal
and factious demoralization which compelled
our surrender, has been contrary to my wishes,
and against my protest.”
How unfortunate for Mr. Hill that his lot has
been cast among such a wicked and perverse
generation, possessing so little intelligence and
so little virtue. During the whole period from
the repeal of the Missouri Compromise to the
surrender, they have never done right in a single
instance! “Everything they have done,” from
the one event to the other, has been “ contrary
to his wishes and against his protest! ” How un
fortunate for the people, as well as for Mr. Hill,
when they have a political prophet and an oracle
of wisdom among them, that they should never
take his advice, and never do right in a single
instance! Is it not enough to make Mr. Hill
lose his temper, and denounce them as perjured
traitors, when lie finds they are determined to
disregard his advice aud go wrong again ? What
better could he say of a people who, having had
the benefit ot his teachings for years, disregard
his wisdom and never go right ? Truly it is a
severe trial of his patience.
Again, it is very provoking to a pure patriot
like Mr. Hill to see by what agencies the people
have been misled and ruined. These are as he
says:
1st “Demagogneism or thirst for office.”
2nd “Fanaticism or the bigotry of extreme
opinions.”
Now all the world must know the great con
tempt Mr. Hill has for the demagogue, or any
act of demagogneism and his entire freedom
from anything like thirst for office. His constant
political consistency, the elevation and beauty of
his style in debate, the chasteness aad elegance
of his language, his aversion to the style of those
who garble Milton and other poets, and present
disjointed figures of hideous monsters and hor
rid nonsense, which are ludicrous and inap
propriate; and above all, his dislike of sophistry,
and his effort-never to deceive or mislead the
people, most certainly acquit him of all dema-
gogueism and of all sympathy with demagogues ;
while his past modest, retiring disposition, and
the assiduity with which lie has avoided public
trusts or positions, must convince all that he has
no “thirst for office /” It cannot be jiecessary to
say anything to acquit liim of the charge of
fanaticism or bigotry of extreme opinions. A
fanatic is defined to he a person affected by ex
cessive enthusiasm, particularly on religions
subjects. I believe no- one ever accused Mr.
Hill of this.
After having stated the agencies by which the
people are misled, he says: “Ignorance, credulity
and want ot virtue among the people have been
the food for both agencies.” Again he says:—
“Therefore, the people of America have been
made to do with energy and great sacrifice
those very things which of all others they most
hate.” Of course the demagogues and fanatics,
who are so much abhorred by Mr. Hill, misled
them or they never would have done it.
After having reviewed all this depravity and
corruption of the white race, and the bad agen
cies by which they have been misled, Mr. Hill
exclaims, with great warmth, “universal, indis
criminate, ignorant, vicious white suffrage, has
buried a million of victims, slain by each other’s
hands, destroyed the peace and prosperity of
the country, and saddled an innocent and unborn
])osterity with burdens too grievous to he borne.
Will it he wise to extend the sacred but desecra
ted trust of suffrage to more ignorance, more
vice, and at the same time withdraw those trusts
from intelligence and worth ?”
Remember it, ye uneducated white men of
Georgia, when you go to' Vote, Mr. Hill, the self-
extolled patriot and political prophet, not only
opposes the extension Of the right of suffrage to
the Jreedmen, but he is in favor of taking “this
sacred but desecrated trust of suffrage?' from you
and limiting it to men ot intelligence and worth
like himself. His indignation knows no bonnds,
when it is proposed by the government to take
from him tlie right .to vote and hold office, on ac
count of his course in trying to destroy the gov
ernment. But while he is venting his spleen on
account of the act of the government in disfran
chising intelligent gentlemen of worth, who wish
office, he denounces “universal, indiscriminate,
ignorant, vicious, white suffrage.” And this is the
political teacher, who is writing and speaking
against reconstruction, under the Military acts,
and denouncing all who vote for the convention
under them as perjured traitors.
Whatever may have been our preconceived
opinions or prejudices upon this subject, under
the slavery system, we are obliged to yield them.
The tendency of the age in all free governments
is toward universal suffrage, and the sooner we
sacrifice our prejudices and, if need be, our con
sistency, on this snbject and adopt it, the sooner
the agitation will cease. Till then I am satisfied
it never will. Work as it may, we shall be
obliged to make the experiment Let ns all hope
for the best, and yield to the inevitable logic ot
events.
with tlie conqueror alter we have surrendered I their property interfered with, to avail tbem-
botli our property and the great principles of j selves of these remedies by suit, habeas coi-pus or
government at his dictation ? j indictment.
Hill, whose “client is the written Consti-
Mr. Hill denies the power of the Federal Gov
ernment to destroy the government of a State,
or even to regulate the suffrage in a State, and
urges to stand l»y our present State Government,
and at the same time tells us that we are anil
always toere in the Union. This involves a
strange absurdity. If the Federal Government
has no right to destroy the government of a
State, or to regulate suffrage in a State in the
Union, and if we always were in tlie Union, it
necessarily follows that tlie present State Gov
ernment is illegal, because it was formed at the
dictation of the President, upon the ruins of tlie
old government of the State, which he had set
aside by the arrest and imprisonment of its Ex-
exutive, by tbe refusal to allow its Legislature to
meet, and by its disbandment by military force.
If, then, Mr. Hill be right, the government of
the State, as it existed prior to the surrender, is
its only legal government; and the Constitution
as it then existed is its only rightful Constitution;
and both the present State Constitution and. the
present State Government are founded in usur
pation, and are necessarily illegal and void.
The admission that tlie President had a right
to establish the present State Government, is an
admission that the conqueror had a right, after
our surrender, to set aside our then existing gov
ernment and dictate to us another government
in its place.
If the Constitution did not protect our right
to retain our State government as it existed prior
to the surrender, what other right did it protect?
If the conqueror had the right to give us a new
Constitution and a new Stute government, abol
ishing onr old one, why did he not have the
right to regulate suffrage in the new ? And if
he had the right to arrest, and imprison, and de
pose the officers of the then State government,
why has he not the right to disfranchise them ?
Is it any more a violation of the Constitution to
declare that the Governor of a State, or a Judge
of her Supreme Court, shall not. hold office in
future, than it is to arrest, imprison and depose
Mm when found in office? Mr. Ilill admits the
right to do the latter, when he defends the pre
sent State government, which was founded iu
the exercise by the conqueror (the President act
ing as such) of his right to destroy the old. And
when lie has made this admission, he has no es
cape from the position that a conqueror, posses
sing the right to set aside the State government
which he finds in existence, and set up a new
government in its stead, lias a right to regulate
suffrage in tlie new government set up by him.
This being the right ot the conqueror, as ad
mitted by Mr. Hill himself, tlie only remaining
question is, what department"of tlie conqueror’s
government has the right to exercise this power?
Admit that the government ot tlie conqueror
has this power over us, and you admit that we
have no constitutional rights except such as the
conqueror chooses to allow. Then it matters
very little which department of the government
exercises the power over us. President undertook
to exercise it, and destroyed our old government,
and set aside our old Constitution, and dictated
the terms upon which we were to form new ones.
After this, Congress, which is thq war-making
power, denied the power of the President to
make peace with .us, regulate the terms of the
peace, and form governments for us, without the
consent of Congress, which must make all ne
cessary appropriations, aud pass all necessary
laws for the restoration of the States, and with
out even consulting the Senate, which is part of
the treaty making power.
All know the unfortunate controversy (very
unfortunate for us) which has grown out ot tlie
question between the President and Congress.—
And all know the result. The people ot the
North in the last elections endorsed Congress.—
There is now a majority ot over two-tliirds in
each House, aud the power of Congress is be
yond the control of the President.. It follows,
as we are subject to the will of the conqueror,
and Congress wields the power of tlie conqueror,
that we are subject to the will of Congress. And
tt also follows, if the conqueror had a right to
abolish our old State Government and give us a
new one, that the conqueror lias the right to
change the new one till its provisions have been
approved by all the departments of tlie conquer
or’s Government, or by the supreme power in
that Government. And as Congress has shown -
itself supreme in that Government, we, as the
conquered, arc obliged to submit to any changes
made by Congress, till the State Government lias
been approved and ratified by them.
Mr.
tution,” by which, under all circumstances, he
stands so resolutely and firmly, promises to aid
them without fee or reward whenever they see
him at a court! Is this practicable ?
Tiie act of Congress expressly prohibits any
judge of the United States Courts to interfere,
or to entertain jurisdiction in any case arising
under the execution ot the Military bills. And
the Supreme Court of the United States has, iu
the Georgia and Mississippi cases, refused to
entertain jurisdiction, and thwart the execution
of these laws, because the question is political
and belongs to the other departments of the
government. Then the United States Courts
would neither entertain the suit nor the indict
ment, or grant the habeas corpus. Nothing prac
tical yet. The act of Congress declares the pre
sent governments of the ten States illegal and
authorizes the commanding General to set aside
the Judges or other officers at any mom'ent of
their pleasure.
Suppose General Pope orders the arrest of
John Smith, in Atlanta, and John adopts Mr
Hill’s advice, and sues the General for damages
aud indicts him for false imprisonment. The*
Hon. John Collier, Judge of the Circuit now
holds his office at the will of General Pope, and
the grand jury set only at his pleasure. The act
of Congress expressly denies to Judge Collier
and the grand jury any jurisdiction in such case.
General Pope is placed here to execute this act
of Congress. Consequently, it is made his duly
to see that Judge Collier, who is subject to re
moval at his will, entertains jurisdiction of no
such case. Now, suppose the General should
order the suit and the indictment diamiaoj.,]. or
suppose tlie Judge should grant a writ of habeas
corpus for the release of John from imprison
ment, and the General should refuse to obey it.
The General, with an act of Congress in his
favor, has the army of the United States at his
bidding to execute his orders. The Judge has
the sheriff with whom to resist this army, who
also holds his office at the pleasure of the Gene
ral. Who must prevail, the Judge or the Gene
ral ? Unless Mr. Hill, whose client is the Con
stitution, should bo there to represent John, it
would seem that the General must he tho victor.
Aud it should not be overlooked by John,
when he institutes his proceedings, that Mr. Hill’s
promise to represent him is subject to the condi
tion that he sees Mr. Hill in court at the time.—
Now it is at least possible, that hero would be
an insuperable obstacle in the way of John’s suc
cess. Mr. Hill would, of course, have to ex
amine the written Constitution very carefully be
fore he appeared in court on that occasion; and
might conclude it to be as unconstitutional for
him to be there as it was for him to shoulder his
guu and go to the front with the Troup county
company, after he had volunteered and pledged
himself to go. What practical efficacy, then,
is to be found in this part of the remedy ?
The only remaining point in the remedy is
summed up in Mr. Hill’s own language in the
following quotation:
“ I earnestly hope the people of each of the
ten States will go boldly forward, and preserve
aud continue their existing State governments,
aud hold all elections in the manner and at tho
time prescribed by existing State Constitutions,
will choose officers qualified according to exist
ing State Constitutions and laws. If any citi
zen or offlicer shall be interfered with in exer
cising his rights under these laws, or in dis
charging the duties ol any office to which he
may be chosen, let him make the issue fearlessly.”
The law of Congress as already remarked, de
clares the existing State governments illegal,
and gives tlie military commander power to set
them aside at pleasure. It also confers suffrage
on the freedmen, and allows no election to he
held till they, with the white men not disfran
chised, are registered. The law also makes it
the duly of the commander of each military *
district to sec that its provisions are executed,
and gives him all the military force necessary to
that purpose. Now, suppose, on the first Wednes
day iu October next, the people of Atlanta, or
those within the reach of any other military
force within the State, deluded by Mr. Hill’s ad
vice, should open the polls and proceed to hold
an election for Governor, members of the Legis
lature, &c., aud should allow none but white men,
who are qualified under existing laws, to vote.
How long would the polls be open before all en
gaged in the election would he under arrest and
ou their way to prison ? They would, however,
have this single consolation, in their misfortune,
Mr. Hill advised them “ to make the issue fear-
number 6.
I pass by much the larger part of Mr. Hill’s
“Notes on the Situation, which consists ot vi
tuperation, defamation, denunciation, and ego
tism, without further notice. I also forbear to
comment upon the appropriateness aud beauty
of his expressions, such as: “The fiery flames of
sulphurious hell,” “ which seems determined
with an adulterous mania to multiply its liell-
visaged brood.” “Even this bitter cup of hellish
ingredients might be drunk but for the nausea
which makes us vomit.” “That devilish spirit
of treason” “the lowest of the damned spirits
which now inhabit your labyrinths,” “devilish
prompter," “hellish brood of honors” and other
like elegances of diction—not original, bye the
bye—and proceed to notice the remedy proposed
in his “Notes,” by which we are promised relief.
Now if the remedy is “ Constitutional' aud prac
tical, Mr. Hill’s labors may prove to be ot some
benefit; but if Mr. Hill’s object has simply been
to tear the gcab from the healing w'ouiul, to ap
peal to the bitterest prejudices, and worst pas
sions of our people, to keep alive sectional ani
mosity, hate, and malice; and to alienate as
much as possible those who are compelled to
live tOgether undcr the same government in the
future—and he has accomplished liis object,
without offering any sensible or practiced remedy
—he has done infinite harm; and the people of
his own section, who are the weaker and the
conquered people, must be the greatest sufferers.
In that case Ms labor has been tlie labor of an
enemy who comes in the garb of a friend, de
ceiving them to their injury and betraying them
with delusive hope. He caunot be your friend
who advises you to do that which must result in
yonr injury, and in entailing upon you still great
er miseries, without the possibility of practical
benefit.
Passing by all the fustian, and passion, and
self-laudation, and assumed wisdom and states
manship of the'writer of the “Notes on the
Situation,” let us look at the proposed remedy
stripped of all its bombast and verbosity, and
see if it contains a single suggestion that is
practical or even possible. If not, it is simply
the recurrence of a similar convulsion recorded
hundreds ot years ago, when the mountains
labored and a ridiculous mouse was brought
forth. What, then, is the relief which our po
litical prophet proposes, as a deliverance for onr
people, against the Military Bills and the power
of the conqueror, in the present emergency ?
A country clergyman is said to have announc
ed the division of his sermon nndcr three heads.
I propose, 9aid he, under the first head to show
what the Apostle did not mean; under the
second head to show what he did mean, and
under the third head to get up a rousemenl gen
erally. Now it seems that Mr. Hill’s notes were
all written under the third head, ami his remedy
hangs upon the following advice under that
head. He says : “I, therefore, beg-every citizen,
black and white, even the humblest of the ten
millions who inhabit these ten States, to remem
ber—never forget—tiiat it is liis right—his glo
rious, unpunishable, unimpeachable right, to
resist every interference hy any officer, high or
low, with his property or bis person, or his
liberty under these Military Bills.” And in the
Atlanta speech he advises them, before God and
the country, to fight for and if need l>e die for
their rights.
Is there anything practical in this ? After four
years of gallant resistance, when we have sur
rendered and given up our arms, when we are
“impoverished” and have, as Mr. Hill says, given
up “four billions more of property” “after we
were impoverished”—when the Government,
with vast resources, can bring a million of armed
men into the field against us, is it sensible or
practical to attempt to find a remedy in a re
newal of the fight. Will Mr. Hill lay aside bis
senatorial robes and dignity, this time, aud shoul
der a musket and go to the front and engage iu i . )as i or _ his sermon a trial one, and the congrega-
the fight recommended by Mm? We have not j p on ( (n e whose tastes ran in the direction of
even his pledge that he will. 1 hen I dismiss that j s j lor t services, his chances of being “ shepherd ”
part of the remedy as impracticable nonsense, j (> j flock appeared to be rather slim.
intended to fall under the third head. 1
Bat he proposes two other inodes of resistance.
Again, suppose the elections were held in dif
ferent parts of the State, without the knowledge
of the military, and the Legislature elected should
assemble and attempt to inaugurate the Govern
or elect. What does any mau, not blinded with
passion, nor demented with prejudice, suppose
would be the result ?
They would be treated as President Johnson
treated the existing government of the State at
the time of the* surrender. The Legislature
would he forbidden to set, and the Governor
would he arrested and imprisoned. And Mr.
Hill, should lie attempt either to vote or hold of
fice, in accordance with his notice to the people,
would share the same fate. All who know him,
are doubtless satisfied that he would not dare at
tempt to practice upon the advice Which he
gives others on this subject. Like the other
points in the proposed remedy, this, too, is ut
terly impracticable, delusive, deceptive aud
hopeless.
If Mr. Hill is sincere in this advice let him
“ make the issue fearlessly.” Let him have an
election held under “existing State Constitution
and laws,” and let Mm go and vote at it, or ac
cept office under it This will test the question,
and as lie advises it, let him come forward and
take the responsibility, and lead his followers.
Don’t he afraid. Try it. You say there is no
Constitutional difficulty in tlie way. Come up to
it like a man, “make the issue fearlessly,” yes.
fearlessly and independently. That is the way
to decide the controversy. If you succeed wo
will soon be rid of military government and ne
gro suffrage. If you fail your followers will see
your remedy is a humbug.
ITIllledgevllle item*.
We clip the following items from the Federal
Union :
Rain.—Alter a long dry spell, the rains last
week were delightfully refreshing and of great
benefit to the people of this city and vicinity.
Accident.—On Friday last, Mr. William
Reese, a young man from Putnam county, em
ployed as.a guard at tlie Penitentiary, accident
ly shot himself, inflicting a severe, though not
dangerous, wound in the left arm.
Macon & Warrenton Railroad.—Track
layiDg has commenced, and is progressing at a
very satisfactory rate at this end ol the road.—
Hopes are entertained that the road will be open
ed to this city early in the fall in time to move
this year’s cotton crop.
Hancock County.—All of the precinU in this
county, except two, have lieen visited by tlie
Board ot Registration, with the following result :
Total number registered, 1,951; colored, 1,387,
whites, 564—colored majority, 823. It is thought
the colored majority will be decreased when a
full registration is completed in the county.
A Word in Season.—There are some clergy
men who never appear to take note of the wea
ther. We met such a one a few Sundays 9iuce,
says a Philadelphia editor, at one of the lashiona-
ble churches. The exercises were opened by him
with a five minutes’ prayer, which was followed
by the reading of a psalm and a portion of the
New Testament, singing of a six verse loDg me
ter liymn, the reading of the Song of Moses, a
prayer of twenty minutes by the watch, singing
of six more verses, a dull sermon of forty-live
minutes, a four verse him, another prayer of rea
sonable length, and a few pulpit notices, the
doxology, and finally the benediction. Now,
when it is remembered that the day was hot,
and the preacher a candidate for the position of
Let US see under which head they fall. He again
says:'“Every officer, high or low, who seizes
tbe property of a cii'zen, under these Military
bills, is a tre^ptisser, subject to indict incut and
suits lor damages as individual*. Thai every
such officer who arrests a citizen, under these
bills, is guilty of false imprisonment, and subject
likewise as an individual; aud is amenable to
the writ of habeas corpus before any court, State
or Federal, having jurisdiction to issue the writ.”
He then advises all citizens, who are arrested or
Gen. Pope.—A Washington correspondent
writes :
Statements have been made recently in some
of the New York papers that a deputation of
people from Alabama, waited npon the Presi
dent aud preferred complaints against General
Pope. The only knowledge the President has
of tho matter is the statements of these news
papers. No such committee waited upon the
President, and no recent complaints have been
made against Pope.