Weekly Atlanta intelligencer. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1865-18??, September 25, 1867, Image 2

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UJrrhli) ^ntclligfUfrr. ATLANTA, GEOBGIA, Wodnesday^SeptoiTibar 20, 1867. *• KAD WAY'S KEAD1 BELIEF !” ICadlral Reconstruction Belief! Wbat “ Had way’s Ready Relief” is to the physical system, so is the Relief proposed by the Radical Reconstructionists of Georgia to the body politic—both quark remedies, the fir*/, for all “ the ills that llesh is heir tothe last, for all the financial distress prevailing throughout the State; and both potent alike for what each pro fesses to care. Of the two, we give decided pre ference to “ Iladway’s Ready Relief,” for, at the worst, it can only kill, while the other when “ swallowed ” inflicts disgrace upon memory even after death. Two of these precious “ Radical Reconstruction Relief ” measures, we have now before us, and will place them in parallel lines for the benefit of our readers and the public. It will be seen that the one oc cupying the left side of the parallel col umns is fathered, by Mr. E. Hulbert, Superin tendent of Registration in Georgia, when not en gaged in the discharge of his duties as Superin tendent, or Agent, of tho Southern Express Company, an institution that owe9 so much of its success to our Southern merchants, and which, wc believe, has resumed its connection with the “Adams Express Company” of the North. Whether the two positions are compati ble, the one with the other; or whether the po litical doctrines enunciated by Mr. Hulbert in iii.s circular meet with the approval of the Com pany lie represents, is a matter of some conse quence at least to our Southern merchants, and they will he sure to take some note ol it. The other “ Radical Rcconstraction Relief" measure occupying the right of the parallel col umns, we clip from the Savannah Republican.— That paper says it has been posted extensively in Chatham county, and is very sevefe in its strictures upon if. In justice, however, to Mr. Markham, we will state that he has through the columns of the Era denied auy knowledge “ of the call,” or of the “ names therein announced” and regrets “ that any one should attempt to anticipate political opinions for” him. We also see it stated that Ex-Governor James Johnson and C. H. llopkius “ deny any complicity what ever in the movement.” Be this as it may, all the parties referred to arc members of the Radi cal Republican Party of this State whose leaders expect to radicalize it in the coming election by the cry of “ Relief" or nny other that will pro mote that end. THE TWO SCHEMES. The Savannah Call. Halbert’s “Convention and Eelief.” Let the motto of the Be- eoimtruction Tarty In Geor gia he “ Convention and Be lief.’’ The country 1b heavily in debt. Multitude of executions are ready to bo granted. The Stay Law is practi rally dead. Several Superior Court Judge*. Hon. Hiram Warner amoug the number, hnvo BALLY, RALLY! A Grand Republican and Rtlief Mass Meeting in Chippewa Square, Savan nah, Oa., Monday, Sep tember 3Oth, 1867, comment, ing at 11 o'clock, A. M. All the white and colored people in Effingham, Chat ham aud Bryan counties are requested to attoud tain meeting who love the Unt- ruled the Stay I.a\v, uncon-'ted States and are in favor stitutloual. jof a State Convention, equal Judge Warner is now right* to colored voters Chie^JuBtlce of the Supreme and poor white persons Conrt of the State. General Tope has reAised to grant any relief in the premises. Executions will now be levied and thousands will be sold out aud rendered bank rupt, unless something be done speedily. Good men will suffer se- without property, or the readingand writing qualifi cation. Homesteads for all men of families in the county and town in which they belong (paying tho State in seven years), to stop pauperism and dignifly labor. Eight hours shall he a riously unless some aid isjday’s work-after honrs paid *oon granted. f°r. The Convention is now We would reduce rents our only hope jin cities to ten per cent, on Lot the platform of all Bo-the taxed value ot houses construction candidates for let; and no arrests should the Convention be “ Con- be made on mesne process. vestion and Rolief," and we! speakers. hi . „ , „ .Ex-Gov. James Johnson. . will sweep the State by thou- It ilhain Markham, G. P. I sands. L., Georgia. Seethe ball in motion. Hon. C. H. Hopkins. Aaron A. Brauley, Esq. E. IivEBERT. Wnlter L. Clift. Esq. Voters of Georgia, be not deceived by such appeals as these! See you not whither they will lead? Are you prepared for the consequences which must inevitably lollow the success of the Radical party in this State at the coming elec tion ? The adoption of the reconstruction mea sures themselves will not suffice that party. ’Tis but “a drop in the bucket” that must be filled to overflowing ere that party will l>e content. “Mild and partial confiscation” which the man Clift, whose name is appended to the Savannah call, advocates, will give to the homeless,homes; labor and rents will be regulated, contracts inter fered with ; the business of the country impeded ; aud finally,anarchy prevail. As the Savannah Re publican sax's,so do “we now invoke,in behalf of a powerless people, the aid of Gen. Pope, whom,we understand, has been placed in command of this district, not only to enforce the laws of Congress, aud sec that the provisions of its reconstruction programme are faithfully executed, but to pro tect the citizens of this Territory from all need less persecutions and outrages. Surely a general who will deem it his duty to virtually close to the uoors of an educational institution because a y outh on commencement day is indiscreet enough to deliver a panegyric on the State Rights doc trine, and who believes that the cause of rceou- Btruction can be advanced by starving out all journals or getting rid of those editors who fail to agree and endorse his individual views on re- I construction, will certainly be brave aud mag- I nanimous enough to see that the distress and i woe of a defeated and impoverished people is ! not increased, aud that tliev are not publiciy iu- A Remarkable Cane. The following communication has been re ceived at this office. The writer of it is one of the oldest, most prominent, and most respecta ble ol our citizens in Upper Georgia. Assuming that in the case of the individual now in mili tary custody, the statement of our correspondent is correct, it presents, to say the least of it, one of the most remarkable instances, in the exer cise of “military authority,” that has occurred since the close of the war, and since General Pope assumed command of this military dis trict Purely General Pope does not refuse to recognize that principle engrafted in the Consti tution of the Lnited States which declares that no person shall “be subject, for the same offense, to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb.” And yet it is clear, if the statement of our correspon dent be true, that in the case of Light, who is now under military arrest and in confinement, he does refuse to do so. Why is this? What warrant i3 there for it? Will any one say who can speak “by authority ?” Our correspondent asks—“why ha# not the Press noticed and condemned, in proper terms, this great violation of the Constitution ?” We answer that the case has not been made known to the press till now. It has had no informa tion—no authentic information in proper form— of the facts connected with it. Having them now, it will not fail to perform its duty in the premises. With regard to the other queries of our cor respondent, to-wit: “flow is the Government, or any one else to be benefitted by this survey ?” — the survey to which he refers—and “can you give your readers any light ou the matter V”— the matter of sending a military guard to Car- tersville during the session of the Court—we have no information, not being in the confidence of the military authorities at these headquarters. Below is the letter of our correspondent, to which we invite public attention; [COMMUNICATED.] Cartersville, Sept. 14, 1807. lion. J. I. Whitaker : Dear Sir—Some time since, at a special term of the Superior Court of this county, three men were tried for murder, am. were acquitted. A short time thereafter one of them was arrested and confined in jail for the same offense. He was kept in jail a short time, and was sent from this place to Rome in irons. This man is still in prison. I am informed that he was arrested and put in prison by the order of General Pope.— The murder is alledged to have been committed during the war, and the persons accused, tried, and acquitted, were Confederate soldiers, and were paroled at t lie end of the war. Their pa rol protected them from the military, as I under stand it; and the Constitution of the United States declares that no person shall “ be subject far the same offense, to he twice put in jeopardy of life or limb." It is said that General Pope ad mits that lie can not try Mr. Light again accord ing to the Constitution, but yet he keeps him iu prison. Of all tho orders of General Pope, I think the arrest of Light and confining him iu prison, un der the circumstances, the most indefensible; and yet there are men mean enough to attempt to excuse it. General Pope’s soldiers guarded Light and others while he was in jail; guarded him while on trial; and when he was acquitted he was then arrested again by General Pope’s order and cast into prison. 1 suppose the ver dicts of juries and the judgments of the courts will he allowed to stand; provided, they please the military! Why has not the press noticed and condemned, in proper terms, this great vio lation of the Constitution ? A number of soldiers are now in camps near Cassville, surveying the line of battle and de fenses ot the Confederates under General John ston in 1804. What is this for? Iiow is the Government or auy one to be benefitted by this survey ? Can you give the readers of the Intel ligencer any information on this subject ? Wc are informed that some one has written to General Pope, and requested him to send an offi cer and some soldiers to this place as a guard during the sitting of the court, and this request lias been complied with. But what can any citizen want with a guard? The people are quiet, peaceable, and orderly. There is about as much use lor a guard here as there is in the Intelligencer office to prevent insurrection among your employees. Can you give your readers any light on this subject ? Subscriber. “ Republicanism and Relief.’’ Under tiie foregoing heading, the Columbus Enquirer of the 20th inst., contains the follow ing sensible article: “This is now the rallying cry of the radical party in Georgia. It has associated with the question of reconstruction according to the plan ot Congress an issue by which every debtor in (he State is invited to cote himself out of debt. The Atlanta New Era, a little more moderate than the out-and-out repudiating radicals, insists that it is only for “temporary relief,” and not for an entire wiping out. But in the view which we take of the matter, its plan is as impractica ble aud deceptive as the other. “ These 1 relief’ advocates take the position that the Stay Law of the Legislature will be pro nounced unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of Georgia, and that the decision will go to the extent ot denying to the Legislature any author ity to pass a Stay Law. Therefore, say they, the Convention must take the matter iu hand and grant, the ‘relief.’ sought for. The decision may be such as they anticipate; but, if so, it will be upon grounds that will estop the Conten tion, as effectually as t lie Legislature, from grant ing the relief. The Constitution ot the United States provides that 4 no State shall pass any law impairing the obligation of contracts;” and the similar provision in the Constitution of Geor gia is only responsive to and concurrent with this prohibition of the federal constitution. The Geor gia Convention, then, to legalize any plan of relief not permitted by the present Constitution of Georgia, must do away with the prohibition in the Constitution of the United States also. It seems to us that it will have some difficulty in doing this. Moreover the idea has found a lodg ment in our brain (“ rebel ” though we may be called) that it is not very intense loyalty to the Constitution or authority ol the United States to urge such a course bv a State Convention. Ii the Georgia Convention can disregard and set at naught this prohibition of the Federal Constitu tion, wliy may it not nullify any other part of that instrument, not even excepting the lately incorporated amendment abolishing slavery? Let the freediuen beware of a party that claims the right in State Convention to set at defiance the Constitution ot the United States! “The law of North Carolina, which Judge Chase of the Supreme Court of the United States pronounced unconstitutional, was a Stay Law. He did not pronounce it inconsist ent with the Constitution of the United salted by a roaming band of political advenlu- States. How, thi n, would a Stax - Ordinance ot rers and experimentalists ” On Wednesday last, in San Francisco, a be between two gentlemen, named Higgins and ltayes, on the election, that the loser should play n hand organ the entire length of Montgomery street, was decided. No such crowd was ever lief ore seen in that city. Collections were taken up along the route by prominent men of both parties for the benefit of the orphan asylums, and many thousands ot dollars xvere received. the Convention ot Georgia stand in the Federal tribunal that set aside this law of North Carolina? Or. it the Georgia Convention incorporates in the new Constitution of the State a section or clause declaring that the Legislature of Georgia shall have power to p i" “a law impairing the obli gation of contracts, notwithstanding the prohi- btton in the Fe leral Constitution, how will Congress deal xvith a State f7, reconstructed ? “It really seems to us that this demand for “relief by the action oi a State Convention Silver was showered from the windows and I might very consistently have come from a party housetops, and business wa —Savannah Advert! suspended for hours. A Wisconsin lmsUuid,. alter knocking Lis wife down and stamping upon her, picked her up tenderly and asked her forgiveness. We are pleased to learn that he then hung her. Referring to Wilson’s Speech the New York Herald says that “if Republicans can give the working to defeat reconstruction in accordance with the plan of Congress. But for a party pro fessing to favor that plan v> connect with it a proposition to nullity a clause oi the Federal Constitution, <eems to as ..a inconsistency such a* no politicians but the run mad radicals of Georgia could be rrulltv of.” Walter T. Colquitt. The following interesting sketch of this distin guished Georgian—a man, who, once seen and heard, will never be forgotten—appeared recently in Harpers Magazine. Strange that it sbonid appear in that vile defamer of the South and of Southern men ; still such is the fact. 3fany of the readers ol the Intelligencer had personal knowledge of the distinguished Georgian—some of them an intimate acquaintance with him.— All these, and others of our readers, we feel sure, will thank us for devoting the space we do in these columns to-day, to a sketch ot one, who, in his day and time, exercised an influence over the people—the masses of them—rarely attained by any other of Georgia’s most distinguished sons, excepting two whose fame is wide spread in our land; we mean Alexander H. Stephens and Robert Toombs. The latter still survive, xvhile their great competitor who so often met them in political strife before the people, is gone “ from whence no traveler returns,” happily re lieved from witnessing the present degradation of his native South, and the sufferings of its peo ple—a South whose rights none of her sons ever vindicated with' greater eloquence and power. Intellectually, Colquitt was simply a wonder. With an intellect which grasped a mastered ev ery subject, with so little seeming effort as to take the appearance ot intuition, he possessed, in a variety and perfection seldom if ever equal ed. what may perhaps be termed the accompa niments which at once adorn and give availa bility and range to pure intellect. The tones aud modulations ot his voice expressed and aroused, or soothed at his will, eveiy passion and feeling of our nature. When for the pur pose of preparing the way for reaching the un derstanding, he would quiet all passion and feel ing and remove all prejudice, his tones were as soft and sweet as the breathings of the jEoliau harp; as he spoke of virtue, purity and peace, they were as gentle and tender as the first coo- ings of inlancy. Would he move you to sad ness ?—they were as plaintive as the wail of the whip-poor-will at the approach of night. Would lie awaken feelings of cheerfulness ?—they were :is glad and joyous as the notes of the mocking bird, as, from the topmost twig of some lofty tree, she pours forth her melody in greeting to the opening morn. Would he cheer and inspire his friends in political contest?—they swelled out as shrill, clear aud as loud as the clarion’s blast that calls the embattled hosts to the con flict of arms. Was it his purpose to arouse feel ings of anger and rage?—they were as harsh and as fierce as the yell of the wounded tiger. Would he inspire feelings of woe?—they were as majestically solemn as the voice of the roll ing thunder. His face was expressive and as much under his control as his voice; his talent for mimicry brought everything xvithin its range; he was a consummate actor, and would render you farce, comedy, or tragedy with all the truthfulness of life; or, if it suited his purpose better, exagger ated into broad and ludicous caricature, or dwarfed into ridiculous and distorted diminutive- ncss. With an intuitive perception of the char acter he measured men at a glance, and weighed them as in a balance, rarely failing to estimate them at their true value. With a power of ob servation which saw, and a memory that retain ed everything, he possessed that rare power ot drawing at pleasure upon bis store, which seem ed unlimited in variety and inexhaustible in quantity; for be never was at a loss for an apt illustration to enforce and fix an argument, to give point to witticism, to add zest to a ludicrous conception, to gix r e force to ridicule, to make sar casm more biting, or irony more pungent and bitter. Nc man ever possessed greater poxver to win and hold the attention ol an audience. His ser vices were sought in all the important criminal cases within his reach; the court house was al ways crowded when he spoke; xvhile the others xvere harranguing the jury the people might amuse themselves in the court yard, or adjourn to the neighboring bar rooms, or go ofl to attend to some little matter until the others were done; but wlienex'er he arose to address the jury, the bouse xvas soon filled. It not unfrequently oc enrred that at the close of these cases the trials ran into and sometimes through the night. As Colquitt always made the concluding argument on his side, it was frequently very late, or per haps it would be very early when he commenced speaking on these occasions. Visiting the conrt house at 12 or 1 o’clock up on one of these oecasions you would find groups of men standing in the yard and sitting on the steps, waiting to hear Colquitt. Entering the iiousc you see the Judge sitting “ like patience on a monument smiling at grief.” Before him stood a laxvyer engaged in the hardest work that ever fell to the lot of man, making, under, a sense of duty, a speech to men evidently feeling no sort of interest in what he is saying, but shoxving unmistakable signs of weariness and listlessne3s. Some ot the jury are yawning and stretching and rubbing their eyes to keep them selves awake frem mere courtesy. Some are oc casionally nodding, and perchance two or three are actually fast asleep. Around the room are stretched on the benches all others who, from choice or necessity, have remained. At length the time arrives for Colquitt to be gin. The first sound of his voice arouses the sleepers; the house begins to fill, and in five minutes the appearance of the jury gives do ev idence that they had been weary and sleepy a few minutes before, nor any indications that they would ever be so again. They were no longer prisoners of the law for the performance of a necessary but irksome duty; they were the fa vored guests at a rich banquet. Words have no power to convey an idea at all approaching the reality of his powers as an advocate. No pow ers of description would succeed in producing more than a faint and far oft conception of one of those great jury speeches, which Colquittjhim- self could never conceive but under the inspir ing influences of the occasion, nor produce af ter the inspiration of the hour had passed away. None of these speeches have ever been report ed, because they could not be. The phonograph- er who could have recorded his words must have had the ability to do it blindfolded, for it was impossible to keep the eyes oft him while he was speaking. And even if he had the words they xvould not be the speech. A painting of a thunder storm, without the splash of the falling raiD, the rush and moan and howlings of the contending winds, the sudden leap, the vivid flash aDd the lurid glare of the lightning, the startling burst and the distant roll of the muttering thunder, would convey to one who had never witnessed it about as correct an idea of the reality as wonld the words of one of Colquitt’s great jury speeches without the sounds, the intonations, and modulations of his voice, the expressions ot his face, and the action of his body. The one might be a better storm than anybody else could put upon canvas, the other a better speech than anybody else could put upon paper; but, “to compare great things with small,” the spirit of the maker of the storm would not be iu the one, the spirit of the maker of the speech would not be in the other. It never entered into the head of the listener to suspect that he xvas attempting to make a dis play, or was speaking for what is usually termed effect. It seemed to be the earnest effort of an earnest spirit, forgetful of itself, careless of all outward surroundings, and laboring only to im press upon others its own deep and fervent con victions. His words were of the simplest and most common sort; his illustrations drawn from the most familiar things; he disrobed the great principle of the law of all mystery; dealt with them as things of plain common sense, made for and applicable to the every day affairs of life, aud brought them within the comprehension of the commonest understanding. His speeches were unique in their structure. They exhibited nothing ol that order and ar rangement establishes by ruie, to which ordi nary men are compelled to resort He took no noil's either of the testimony or the arguments ; yet it was never known that auy important point of either escaped him. Everything con nected with the case appeared to be spread out bodily aud visibly before him, and he picked up one piece here and another there, as he found he could work them into most advantage, and the result proved that he placed them where they contributed most to the strength of the structure. He never permitted the minds of his hearers to become fatigued. If in the discussion of the law or the testimony he discovered in the jury symptoms of weariness, he took caie to fix some strong point upon their minds, and then he left his work and led them ofl to play ; but neither he nor his hearers ever forgot where the}- left off. He frequently found it necessary to make these digressions ; but his digressions Were the gambols ot a while, and when he re turned to his subject he grappled it w ith the strength of a lion. When he closed his speech everylaxly felt that it was a finished work, ft is rarely that an argument is made upon any subject but somebody thinks lie could have made some part of it stronger. Men sometimes, perhaps, U.ought that some part of Colquitt’s speech might have been omitted without injury, but never that he had omitted anything that might have been said with advantage. [COMJtCNICATED.] Repudiation. Mr. Editor: I have seen the “ Hulbert Repu diation electioneering document,” a copy of which was given in yonr paper of the 19lh inst It is indeed a precious document! I wonder how Negro Supremacy The Springfield [Mass.) Republican, hitherto a coustant champion of the principles of the Radi cal party, has an important and seasonable artx cle upon that threatening question of “negro su prcmacy,” which cannot be killed by the scoffs or jeers of Radical papers in either the North or many men in Georgia will be gulled by such pthc t>outh. As far and as fast as reason retnrns, , a CJ TOI , ,, fr>r I the sentiments of the Republican will find re- chaff . What does Hulbert care about relief f s p 0nses ; n the North ; and, when common sense the people? What does his party care - Just j reslltues its sway, the Radical party will meet about as much as the hawk cares for tbe cries ot 1 the little chicken, or about as much as the wolf cares for the relief of the lamb which he is seek ing to devour! That precious document never emanated from the brain of Huibert. It is the abortion brought forth by Gaskil? Farrow, et al, which was be gotten by the Era and other radical sheets a few weeks since. Hulbert is only the tool—the mid wife who officiated at its delivery! He says “ that the Judges of the Supreme Court will hold the Stay law unconstitutional ; that Gen. Pope has refused to interfere ; and that the only relief for the people will lie with a con vention.” Did you ever see an owl sitting on a beech tree limb? How wise he looks until he hoots ? Then his only cry is lioo—lioo ! There is your man! Pity that he has suffered himself im posed upon by the tricksters. Auy niuney ought to know that a Convention can give no relief! If a Convention were to take any action interfering with the relations existing between debtors and creditors, it would be ex post facto, ami would be set aside by the courts. Besides, a' Conven tion if one is called, dare not interfere with these things. Congress would - - not allow it! Congress conceives that in the passage of a general Bank rupt law, she has extended all the relief neces sary for debtors in all sections of the country, and auy interference iu these matters by a Con vention called under the reconstruction acts, would be foreign to the objects of the Conven tion, and would be rebuked and disailoxved.— This was strongly intimated by both Senator Wilson and Judge Kelley in their speeches in Atlanta. They told the freedmen that two-thirds of the real estate of the South xvould have to be sold under the hammer and otherwise within three years, and advised them to save their money aud be prepared to buy it. The pet scheme of the Radical party North is to force the southern people to sell their lands, hoping thereby that it will fall into the bauds of Northern adventurers and the negroes. They know that they cannot legally confiscate one dol lar’s worth of Southern property; therefore, po litically, they are seeking to create a reign of ter ror in the South—a St. Domingo—the baneful influence of which is spreading throughout the whole couutry. Many of the Southern new light Radicals are cheek-by-jowl with them in these hellish designs. They don’t care a button for re lief lor the people, it they can only stand iu fa vor at the Radical court! The only way for the Southern people to obtain permanent relief, ami avert this dire calamity, aud thwart this Radical scheme, is to defeat their nefarious, reconstruc tion programme. Men are misguided when they think that by supporting radicalism they are supporting the Republican party. They are do more the same than were the glorious old Whig party and Know-Nothingism. The Republican party died with President Lincoln. Had he lived, then the Republican party might have lived. Events have proven that he was the only man that could have saved it. Had his and President Johnson’s magnanimous views been adopted and carried out by Congress, to-day our people xvould have been rejoicing over a restored Union under the Constitution of our forefathers. The whole country would have been prosperous and “blos soming as the rose.” Our national debt would have laded away under the general prosperity, bore alike by all sections of the country. Instead of this pleasing picture, under the mad scheme of Congress, our national debt is being increased. Troops are quartered throughout our land in time of profound peace. Taxes are more onerous. One halt of our country is paralized, and it is fast extending to the other half. A few days ago a prominent Radical of this city expressed his platform to be,— 1st. Unqualified negro suffrage and social equaliiy. 2d. Repudiation of all private and public debts. 3d. An eight hour system of labor throughout the country, and extra pay for every minute’s work beyond that. 4th. A homestead for eveiy man. 5th. A reduction ot rents in all cities. This is a startling platform, but one that will no doubt be popular with Radicals. Let us trust that the good sense of the Northern people will come to the rescue and save our whole country. Sidney. A Platform Upon Which Southern men Can Stand. We lay before our readers the following “ de claration ol principles ” recently adopted by the Democratic State Convention of Wisconsin. It embodies a platforqi upon which Southern as well as Northern men can stand, and as such we commend it to the observance of every Geor gian, in the forthcoming political contests: The Democrats of Wisconsin, by their dele gates assembled in State Convention here, do solemnly declare that the objects of their organi zation are: 1. To preserve civil and religious liberty to tbe people. 2. To enforce the Federal Constitution as the supreme law of the Union. 3. To defend the sacred and unalienable rights of the States to their own local governments. 4. To repeal the existing tariff laws, enacted tor the protection of a few at the cost of many. 5. To protect the right of labor to adequate reward. 6. To guard capital from public disorder and partisan misrule. To resist the attempt of the dominant party to abridge the right of representation and the elecjve franchise. 8. To promote the equality ot the Slates and people. 9. To abrogate the present reckless aud profli gate system of public expenditure and unequal taxation. 10. To oppose the aggressive efforts of the legislative power to govern the conscience and dictate the business pursuits of the individual through arbitrary aud unconstitutional enact ments on the subject of temperance and religion, and to repeal laws conflicting with the spirit ot this resolution. The Democracy of Wisconsin, bv their dele gates in convention assembled, do further declare that the present Republican party, by its palpable determination to perpetuate the supremacy ot the military power in the United States; by its at tempt to preserve the ascendency of a minority party through the subversion of the government; by its unceasing aggressions upon the freedom of speech and of the press; by its open and ac tive friendship lor the despotic forms of govern ment ; by its invention of false excuses for ty ranny ; by its unscrupulous taxation of the peo ple for the aggrandizement of its power and the enrichment of its leaders; by Hs odious alliances with the traditional enemies of Republican insti tutions ; by its shameless assaults upon the elec tive franchise; by its substitution of partisan de crees for the supreme law; by its intended abro gation of the reset ved rights of the States, and the permanent maintenance of a national stand ing army to enforce compliance with its usurpa tions, has proven false to all its pretensions of patriotism, false to the government and the peo ple, and deserves the reprobation of tbe friends of freedom throughout the civilized world. A “ Stumper.”—The Macon Telegraph says: In an article copied elsewhere this morning, the the fate oi all venal revolutionists. The Republican says; Some ot the Northern papers attempt to allay the fears of the Southern whites on the subject of negro supremacy by telling them that it is im possible as a permanent thing; that.the white population of those States is largely iu the ma jority ; and after reconstruction power will grad ually return to their hands. So it must at last, but how long aDd miserable the conflict will be no one can tell. The mistake of disfranchising tbe most intelligent portion of the white men of the South, while giving suffrage to the mass of ignorant negroes, becomes daily more apparent. The prospect is that things will be much worse before they begin to mend ; that the new State Governments will be in the hands of men who will disfranchise nearly all the whites, and inaugurate schemes of taxation that will practically be nearly as bad as confiscation itself. The white Republicans ot North Caroli na expected to control their recent State Con vention, and did elect its officers; but the negro majority voted down resolutions reported by the committee against confiscation aud in favor of larger amnesty to the xvhitcs, and were poorly content with a compromise agreeing to such confiscation and other measures of reconstruc tion as Congress shall decree. The speech most applauded was made by a young mulatto named Galloway, who advocated a school tax heavy enough to compel the sale of the land by the present owners. The most popular leader among the South Carolina negroes is now a nc gro named Williams, a religious maniac, who declares himself to be the spiritual essence of Thad. Stevens and Fred. Douglass, and tells the colored men that they whipped the rebs, that they are the most powerful nation ou the globe, and they must vote for no one who is not for their own color; that Lincoln promised them forty acres ot land, a hundred dollars and six months’ rations apiece, and they must have it, if they had t,o whip the blue-bellied Yankees to get it. Another ambitious negro, named Charles Brown, writes to the New Orleans Times: “We intend to show to this city, State, and the world that we are capable of governing, not only ourselves, but white men. My former master (and he was a good man) told me that white men xvould govern, take care of and pro tect the niggers, because God gave them the right and made it their duty so to do. We are willing to do the same by you. We shall have no use for Goldman or W aples, or any of their class, after our next State election. It ib not an easy matter to disfranchise us after we once have the elective franchise. Hancock will be pow erless for evil if we only keep up our secret poli tical organization. We have commenced orga nizing our Fire Department, and one year will find the $120,000 per year now paid to white firemen, transferred to worthy reconstructed citi zens of African descent. In a few years it will not be a question whether there will be schools for colored children, but, it will be whether white children will be admitted to our institu tions ot learning. The bottom rail is on top, and Yankee, as well as all the minority, must take a back seat.” For such folly as this the white demagogues who misled the negroes are most to blame. For the present, however, they have almost exclusive control of the freedmen, and Republicans who talk honestly to them are met with suspicion. The Savannah Republican, as sound a Republi can paper as there is in the country, is threatened by the freedmen because it is against confisca tion and disfranchisement. The facts of the sit uation iu the South are too plain and manifest to admit of any misunderstanding. And there seems to be no remedy now except to mitigate the anticipated evils as much as possible by en deavoring to inspire the freedmen with xviser counsels. The Radical organs now fear that they cannot carry their most extreme measures, and advise their leaders to moderate their tone and temper. This advice comes too late! Thad. Stevens & Co. will stand or fall by the most ultra doctrines of their party.—Charleston Mercury. From the Memphis Avalanche, 17th. Sketch of George Blekley, tbe Orlffinator of the Kiifsht* of the Coidea Circle— Hi* Genius aud Incapacity, etc., etc. ■several of the papers notice the death, recent ly, in Baltimore, of a singular personage, from whose life instructive lessons might be drawn.— This was the notorious George Bickley, the tounder of the Knights of the Golden Circle—a man to whom more properly belonged the title of adventurer than auy other individual in this couutry. He was a man in whose character there were many flaws, but his best justification would be a truthful statement of his life, and some time when the history of the early stages of the great rebellion are fully written, the true character of the talented, handsome, vain and unscrupulous George vV ashington Bickley may serve to illustrate it. Few lives have been more eventful than his. An orphan boy in Virgi nia, he ran away at the age of twelve years, and went to Nexv Orleans, and from that time to his. death, when considerably over forty years of age, he lived a life of adven ture, success, reverses and vicissitudes. With grand ideas, great projects, immense specula tions, he held that success in great undertakings xvas scarcely more difficult than in those of more limited character, and in some respects results justified his theory. Beginning life with many disadvantages, lie attained a good English and a fair classical education. He wrote a very good work on poisons and their antidotes; he became a succesful professor in a respectable medical college; he wrote a number of excellent medical works, of which another party got tbe credit; he established, and for some time edited, a very able mechanics’ paper; he wrote many credita ble articles in medical journals, daily papers and literary magazines; be edited for some time a lady’s magazine; he originated the foundation of a great institution of learning: he was on terms of friendship and intimacy with many distinguished politicians, professional charac ters and literary gentleman. He engaged, at one time, in agriculture and vine growing. He founded, and by years of labor, made the Knights of the Golden Circle to grow until it had branches in fourteen States, and comprised an aggregate membership of seventeen thousand individuals. Lastly, he married and ran through tbe fortunes of three wealthy women. A man who could do all this must have been a person of more than ordinary activity, and it cannot be said that his life was wholly a blank. Before the war he had many grand projects. At one time he expected to realize a collossal fortune by the grant of coal mines in the Dominican Re public; at another unbounded wealth was to be obtained by a monopoly of the introduction of American agricultural implements into Russia. In the formation of the Knights of the Golden Circle, his inspiration probably came from Gen. Quitman and Mr. Yancey; but Mr. Bickley did uot intend to be the tool of any political combi nation. He actually planned, and his remarkable success for a time seemed to justify his hopes to found a great military government in Mexico, ot svhi-.h he should be Emperor. The care with which bis plans were elaborated, the curious sys tem of laws, institutions, checks and balances which he had devised, showed that the hope of grasping an empire was the ruling idea of his life. Fate stood iu his way. We have seen let ters written to him by both"Miramon and Juarez, proffering co-operation, grants of land ami other greai advantages. They wished to have the help of his Knights without incurring the odium ot publicly inviting them into the Mexican country. The failure ot a negotiation to purchase steam ships from George Law, and the decided stand of our government in forbidding armed emigration to Mexico, delayed B’ckley’s plans. Then the war broke out, aud the order of tbe Knights of the Golden Circle being composed of Southern men who were unable to leave the country, drifted into the rebellion movement, and became’ for a time one of its most efficient promoters.— I From the Birhmnnd Enquirer & Examiner, 17th instant BHIpenlnc of tbe Hmilnc* Court—Tho Military Jaige Sworn In. Yesterday, for the first time since the death of the lamented Judge Lyons, the Hustings Court, so long devoid of a judicial presiding officer, was re-opened by Judge Advocate H. B. Burn ham, who has been detailed by Gen. Schofield for this duty. The occasion was a most remark able one in the eventful history of our city, and in the annals of the Richmond bar. About 10 a. m. the officer, the Mayor, the commonwealth’s attorney, and nearly every member of the city bar, had assembled in the office of the Clerk of the Court, where, amidst the most intense interest, the imposing ceremony of administering the oaths took place. The new incumbent was duly sworn to the following, to which he subscribed his signature, by the Hon. Joseph Mayo, Mayor: I, H. B. Burnham, do solemnly swear that I have never voluntarily borne arms against the United States since I have been a citizen thereof; that I have voluntarily given no aid, counte nance, counsel or encouragement to persons en gaged in armed hostility thereto; that I have neither sought nor accepted nor attempted to exercise the function of any office whatever un dor anv authority in hostility to the United States;"that I have not yielded a voluntary sup port to any pretended government, authorities power or constitution within the United States hostile or inimical thereto; and I do further swear that to the best of my knowledge and ability I will support and defend the Constitu tion of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that 1 will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that I take this obli gation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion, and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am about to enter, so help me God. (Signed) |H. B. Burnham. Sworn to before me this 16th day of Septem ber, 1867. Joseph Mayo, Mayor. I, H. B. Burnham,swear that I have not, since the tenth day of January, one thousand eight hundred and sixty, fought in a duel, the issue of which was or probably might have been the death of either party; nor have I been knowing ly the bearer of any challenge or acceptance to fight a duel actually fought; nor have I been otherwise engaged or concerned ..directly or in directly, in a duel actually fought since said time; nor will I, during my continuance in of fice, be so engaged, directly or indirectly, so help me God. (Signed) H. B. Burnham. Sworn to before me this 16th day of Septem ber 1867. Joseph Mayo, Mayor. 1 H. B. Burnham, swear that I will faithfully perform the duties ot my office of Judge of the Hustings Court for the city of Richmond, to the best of my skill and judgment, so help me God. (Signed) H. B. Burnham. Sworn to before me this 16th day of Septem ber 1867. Joseph Mayo, Mayor. The Judge then entered the court room, which was densely crowded, when, atter opening court, the clerk read the following order from General Schofield, and the above oaths : Headquarters First Military District, ) State op Virginia, v Richmond, Va., Sept. 11th, 1867. ) Special Orders, No. 124. Brevet Colonel H. B. Burnham, Major and Judge Advocate, United States Army, is hereby detailed for duty as Judge of the Court of Hust ings for the city of Ricnmond, Va., and will be obeyed and respected accordingly. By command ot Brigadier and Brevet Major General J. M. Schofield. William Ennis, 1st Lieut. 4th U. S. Art. A. D. C., Act. Asst. Adjt. Gen. Kerscliel V. Jolunon. CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THAT GENTLEMAN AND THE HON. JOHN S. BARRY, OP MICHIGAN. Constantine, Mich., June 18,1867. Sir—Our last interview, as you will recollect, was in 1860, at the Fifth Avenue House, and Jones’ wood, New York, where you and Mr. Douglass spoke. I need not call your attention to what has since occurred, further than to allude to the total overthrow of constitutional govern ment, according to your predictions then made; and I may. add, in view of the fact that all ad ministrative power is in the hands of Puritans and fanatics, little prospect exists of its restora tion. Any government outside of the constitu tion, or under an enforced constitution, is usur pation and tyranny. * * * * I am, etc.. Jno. S. Barry. Hon. Herschel V. Johnson, Augusta, Georgia. Augusta, Ga., June 24,1867. John S. Barry, Esq., Constantine, Michigan: My Dear Sir— * * * Your allusion to our interview in New York in 1860, calls up many memories—some pleasant, and more that are sad. I remember bow faithfully, in my fee ble way, I warned my countrymen of their im pending calamities. I had, at that time, well defined conceptions of the perils that threatened our then happy and prosperous country. My forebodings have been realized; tbe South has been overrun, our prosperity destroyed, our labor system overturned, our capital swept away, our social organization fatally remodeled, and our civil governments substituted by military despo tism. The whole country—North, South, East, and West—feels the shock, and constitutional liberty writhes in tbe throes of expiring dissolu tion. The future darkness is scarcely relieved by a single ray of hope. And it seems that we have not reached the “lowest deep” of our woe. The ruling powers seem bent upon our still greater humiliation. The theme is one on which it is too painful to dwell. Reason seems to have surrendered the sceptre of statesmanship to blind and vindictive passion. What is to be the result God only kpows, and He only can rescue the country from the worst fate that ever fell upon a once free, prosperous and happy people. Perhaps you may be, in some degree, interest ed in wbat is personal to myself. As you per haps know, I resisted secession as long as it was an open question. But when my State resolved upon it, 1 cast my lot with the fortunes of my people, feeline confident that we should “ reap the whirlwind.” I have not been disappointed; and, though I never cherished an emotion of hostility to the Constitution, or the Union of our forefathers under it—though I have spent quar ter of a century in trying to uphold both—yet now I find myself, at the end of such a career, disfianchised and assigned to a position, in re spect to political and civil rights, inferior to that of my former slaves. My home is in the track of Sherman’s march. His army destroyed near ly everything I possessed, including my private papers and title deeds, and reduced me from comfort to poverty. If I were young, and could be let alone, I might rally from my prostration; but at my time of life, in view of the present surroundings, and the darkness that curtains the future,! scarcely hope to be able to feed and clothe the family. I say these things in no spirit of unmanly repining. Poverty is a misfortune; but I would welcome it if, by the sacrifice, I could bring back to life the liberties of my coun try and the glories of tbe old Union. But “ 11- lium fuil." I am, very respectfully, your obe dient servant, Herschel V. Johnson. New York Herald propounds a most trouble- some question to Thad. Stevens, Mr. Bingham. . age these traits in his character. It would not be The Thomasville Enterprise has the following: and their brother Radicals who maintain that three-fourths of the represented States are com petent to pass a constitutional amendment. It is this: 'If the amendment fixing the terms for the admission of the Southern S'ates, proposed last year, be a part of the Constitution, by wbat authority did Congress pass the Military bills, which are clearly in conflict with said amend ment? We would be glad to see some of the Radicals answer it. Tbe Coming of Kelly. Refering to tbe coming of Kelly, the Mobile Advertiser & Register says : “Kelly is coming South again on an agitation tour. We trust he may come soon enough to make the acquaintance nf Bronze John and Yomito Jack, who take lovingly to fellows of his kidney.” We will bet our Moble coteinporary a L ‘pump- Tjie City Council of New Orleans have elect ed three negroes As ..staul Recorders of that city people no better reasons than these leaders give j —an office somewhat similar in its jurisdiction for the life of their party, it must go.” ! to that of Justice ol the Peace. , , , , , i 7pn me," or a wooden nutmeg, that neither A gentleman who kept account send* us worn j ‘ _ 4 , , , , ' Bronze John, nor votmto Jacs, wni shake that .9 o.iya, cm.mg tx-j.L ml -r loth, Dune ha.! been only eleven fair days. The entire crop tea- sou has been unusaiiv wet and it is scarcely pos sible to estimate tbe damage done to the crops. The weather is still unsettled, and some are ap prehending a gale before the rains moderate.” ii.ciiy in Moh'.fe, or New Orleans, dr Galveston, this season. He is too smart to let them have a chance to extend to him their cor dial welcome. Not for the Ridieal Party even much use for any man who was not unscrupulous and unprincipled to aspire to be an Emperor. He had warm Southern sympathies, but sokmeala turn of mind that he appreciated fully the blunders made by both great parties of the country. This brief sketch does not exhaust—id fact, it scarcely does more than suggest the eventful life and cu rious character of the subject oi our sketch whose fecundity of prospects has been rarely equalled. The suggestion of a new discovery- in science, or some new application in art at once inspired him with some grand scheme for controlling it. The most ordinary incidents were seized by him as representing El Doradoes for adventures. Chancing to be detained at Na poleon, Arkansas, on one occasion, he was in formed by an intelligent gentleman from Litlle Rock, of the lamentable condition of the State finances and the general desire to repudiate the State debt. Bickley at once suggested a com bination to buy, on time, an interest in every paper in the State, the other proprietors to have entire control and profit, except that they should advocate measures to advance the State credit, raking advantage of this, the parties combining would hriy State indebtedness at low figures and hn’i it, up so as km'eniize millions on ihe opera tion. Mi e could give dozens of similar illustra- tjons, but we liav*>, perhaps, exhausted the pa tience of our readers and said enough about this Negro Supremacy. The Radical organs, tbe National Intelligen cer of the 19th instant says, “ are exulting over the announcement that their majority in Ala bama will be from 40,000 to 50,000. Let them have the full benefit of the fact; but let the white men of Pennsylvania and Ohio also remember that this majority is secured by the excess of black voters over white, and these black voters are, in the main, non-tax-payers, and that artful demagogues have been already instructing them how, by moderate taxation, they can effect a confiscation more universal and more deadly than can be secured by any confiscation law of Congress.” It is reported in this city, that, according to the registration books, the white vote will exceed the black some three thousand votes only. We did not anticipate such a result, and think the repoits are unfounded, notwithstanding the ex tent of disfranchisement in our State. Our own information and figuring must have led us great ly astray, it the result of registration does not show a majority of the whites over the blacks in this State of not less than fifteen thousand— probably over twenty thousand. Time, however, will tell. Scraps. In Providence, Rhode Island, last Thursday, Joseph A. W. Camm, formerly a cotton broker in Boston, murdered Benjamin W. Aldrich Camm had been living with Aldrich’s wife, anu a party of officers, accompanied by the husband, went to the house to arrest the adulterous pair! They were found hidden in a closet, the woman taken out, and when Aldrich looked in, to see if Camm was there, he received a pistol bullet through his head. The murderer was commit ted for trial. The Countess Pontalba, (who lived manv vearsago in New Orleans), recently received iu Paris $113,000, remitted to her by her agent in New Orleans, as the proceeds ot some lands in the suburbs of the city, which she had forgotten that she owned, and which, after some difficulty she remembered as a swamp that in her day was wholly under water. In St. Louis Patrick Fitzgibbon discovered a man lying on the pavement at a late hour. He woke him up and suggested the propriety of his going home. At this the man drew a revolver ou Fitzgibbon and discharged it, the whole con tents entering his left shoulder. He then ran and made good his escape. In anticipation that the yellow fever may reach Mobile, and the place be abandoned by the government officials, General Spinner, Uui- ted States Treasurer, has, from prudential rea sons, thought proper to withdraw all govern ment funds deposited there, and place them in some city further North. Oakes Ames, of Springfield, Massachusetts, has been awarded the contract for extending the Union Pacific Railroad eight hundred miles westward from Cheyenne City at the round sum of fifty millions. The steamer Oriental, from New Orleans, is anchored at quarantine near Boston, with three cases of yellow fever on board. Returns to the Attorney General’s office sho w that large numbers of Southern people are taking the oath under the recent amnesty pro clamation. Miss Harriet Chapman, ot Decatur, Illinois, sued Isaac Vantrees, last year, for breach of pro mise, and was awarded $5,000. The gallant Vantrees found this sum inconvenient to pay, so a few days ago he married his creditor. Fred. Wreckman, aged 54, who had been married only six days to a lady of 26, died sud denly in .Cincinnati, Sunday night. The wife was horror stricken on awakening in the morn ing and finding that she had been sleeping by the side of her husband’s corpse. The yellow fever is abating at the Tortugas, and all the officers are out of danger. There have been 35 cases of cholera among the troops at Governor’s Island, New York. Madam Goldschmidt, ot Cincinnati, was frightened to death while at the market on Sat urday, by the sudden announcement made to her by a servant that her children, whom she had just left home in good health, were all dyiDg. Mr. D. S. Harris, of the firm of Gilbert & Harris, Memphis, disappeared last Tuesday in a mysterious manner, and all efforts made to ob tain information of him having been unsuccessful, it is feared that he has met with foul play. A Norfolk lady, while taking a short sea voyage, last week, struck her $500 diamond brooch with her fan and sent it flying into the sea. A California cucumber, raised in Rock Island county, 111., measures three feet two inches in length, and one foot one inch in cir cumference at the butt. Eight million dollars lias been raised tor the construction *f the American Central Railway, running from Omaha to Fort Wayne, Indiana. It is commonly called the “Sundown Railway.” The Indian agent Wright, from Fort Benton, Montana, is in Chicago. He acts as agent for 13,000 Indians. He says the Indian war is a great humbug, gotten up and fostered to put money in the pockets of speculators. Frederick Hobbs, a young man doing busi ness in Boston, who has failed twice before, and who is one of the shining lights in society. at Charlestown, where he resides, has been detected - in forgeries to the amount of $10,000 to $20,000. The Best Two-Mile; Race Ever Run.— Our special dispatch from Lexington gives us an account of a brilliant race over the Association Course yesterday between Lancaster and Lee Paul, in which the former was the victor, mak ing the quickest two-mile heat ever run—in 3:351 —and beating the famous time of Asteroid one and a quarter seconds.—Louisville Courier, Sep tember 13. The Victims of the Conspiracy.—In the proposed improvement by the tearing away of the penitentiary building, tbe remains of John Wilkes Booth will be reached. The remains of Mrs. Surratt, Payne, Harold, aud Atzerodt, with Wirz, are buried in the order named South of the eastern portion of the old building, and will not probably be disturbed. The scaffold, as it was on the day of the execution of the conspira tors, is still standing. The Yankee has been using his jack-knife on the lower beams and posts, hacking off pieces as relics. It is not known what disposition will be made of this structure, nor of the bodies of those interred in these grounds.—National Intelligencer, Sept. 16. White Men all Liars.—It is a melancholy fact, that since the laws ot the State have been amended so as to allow negroes to appear as witnesses in all cases, white people have sud denly stopped telliDg the truth. Not one white person can be found who regards the sanctity of an oath, aud wlio hesitates to tell a lie. That this is the case, it is only necessary to visit the Mayor’s Court, and listen to the witnesses who daily appear there. If the most respectable and highly esteemed citizen of Richmond appears as a witness, there will be half a dozen negro wit nesses present to swear that, he is not telling the truth. Some of these are professional witnesses, and aie always on hand ready to be called for in any case that may come up. It is very bad that white men are incapable ot swearing to the truth in these latter days!—Richmond Enquirer. Henry Cosby, a colored gentleman, who, in his indignation at the rascality practiced on him by the Loyal League at Mobile, last week, dis persed the leaguers, has been arrested and fined $50 by the loyal Alayor Horton, and put in' the stocks in default of payment. So it would ap pear that matters are not getting on swiinmiDgly with the leaguers in that city. The eyes of the negroes are gradually opening to the scoundrel- ism of the institution. The Buffalo Courier thinks “ the bureau of military justice has bred more crime than it has punished, and more peijury than ever heaven will forgive or the country forget. Nat. Williams, a negro lecturer, has been arrested and carried to Darlington, S. C., charged with preaching incendiary doctrines. He will take his chances before a military commission. The Bainbridge Argus reports the crops in that county as anything but promising. The heavy rains have drowned cut the crop on the lowlands and prevented picking on higher ground. In addition to this, the caterpillar has made its appearance and is doing a vast amount of damage. Ex-Mayor Withers, of Mobile, accompanied by a delegation of Alabamians, is now here, urging the removal of General Pope. They urge that the removal of General Sheridan was prompted by a policy which absolutely demands the displacement of their military rulers. With- — — e— re-installment.—New York ers is anxious for Telegram. would tbe valiant Pennsylvanian risk so much j singular fellow, Bickley, who was for some years as that. j a military pioneer and has lived in obscurity since. Anticipating the Telegraph. The following “speeial despatches to the Louis ville Democrat” are about as reliable as any that we have received lately: Washington, Sept. 25.—The registry in all the Southern States will be re-opened if the States vote Democratic. September 25.—A surgeon is operating on Gen. Boiler’s eye, to enable him to see the Black Crook. At present he sees more than is intended. September 25.—There was great excitement in the naval department to-day over the an- nonneement in the private dispatches of the Demo crat of -the surrender of Lord Cornwallis to Gen. Washington. The success of the rebellion grieves Secretary Wells very much, and he has issued orders for the fleet to go to Yorktown to briDg oft Lord Cornwallis, and to bombard the town. If Washington is caught, he will be hung at the admiral’s yard arm. The whole cabinet is alive to the necessity of quelling the rebellion. Mr. Sumner has sent to Egypt for a copy of Pharaoh’s order destroying the infants, intending to have it enacted. No rebel children shall be born. Orders to (hat effect will be promptly issued. The Money Market, and Politics.—The panicky feeling in the money market is a theme with most of the journals. The New York World’s financial article say3: The tightness in tbe money market is said to have been engineered by leading stock firms locking up greenbacks, and the coincidence of their movements at the same moment when the government sales ol gold were larger than usual is commented upon freely by Wall street, in terms anything but complimentary to the Treas ury Department. The event is considered to be long to the same class of “curious financial strat egy” which induced Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase, when Secretary of the Treasury, in April, 1864, to use all the power anil influence of tbe government to break the New York city banks and all the Wall street brokers, by locking up greenbacks. The result of all movements like that ot to-day and the Salmon P. Chase stock panic of April, 1864, is to work permanent in jury to the credit of the government The repu diation speeches of Gen. Butler and others will undoubtedly check the sale of our bonds in Eu rope. The moment is, therefore, not well chosen to trifle with government credit by injudicious measures on the part of the Treasury Depart ment The more gold the government holds the higher will stand its credit. All sales of gold by government are a direct injury to American in terests, and benefit to those of foreign nations, chiefly British. Killed.—The Montgomery Sentinel learns that a Mr. Pritchard, a railroad bridge builder, was killed on the Mobile and Great Northern Railroad Friday, about five miles below Pollard, by the whole train passing over his body. It is believed that he was drank, and asleep at thq time, lying on the track.