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“ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN
>N IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT TT. n —Jefer*>n.
VOLUME XIX.
ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 25,1867.
Drthlp jtttflligtnffr.
ATLAHTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, December 25, 1857.
The Seventh Day’s Proeeedli|i
Of the unconstitutional conclave silting as a so-
called Georgia State Convention in this city,
will be found reported in these columns. The
moat important feature of these proceedings is
the audacious attempt on the part of one Rn.
Mr. Caldwell not only to depose Governor Jen
kins from office, but to nominate his successor,
a delegate like himself, one R. B. Bollock, of Rich
mond County. There is so much of “ aswmacy"
in this move ol the Reverend Mr. Caldwell; t l
much of brazen-faced Impudence; that we rathe,
wonder than feel indignant at the presumption
of the man. A “ pretty kettle of fish ” it would
be, if the State’s finances and honor should go
into the keeping of any Bullock or other ailiu.al
of Mr. Caldwell’s nomination. We should con
sider General Pope as having gone “ clean daft
were he to listen fora moment to such a “recom
mendation.” Other than this,the proceedings em
brace not much of public interest.
The Eighth Day’s Proceedings
Of the unconstitutional conclave sitting m Ibis
city, assuming to be a Slate Convention, will be
found in another column. The whole proceed
ings of the day embrace the action of the body
upou the fli'St plank of the Radical platform,
upon which the majority in it—negroes and
Northern white adventurers, with a few South
ern white scab wags— stands, to wit, the getting
of honest men ont of office, through the removal
of Governor Jenkins, and the putting
office of men who go in for the spoils. In the
adoption of the petition by the majority in the
so-called Convention of which we write, how
l'ar they have succeeded, or will succeed, in
their nefarious purposes, remains to be seen.
All depends now upon the action of Gen. Pope
perhaps not all, for Gen. Pope, too, baa liis supe
rior. whose advice, we opine, he will not disre
gard—but still a great deal depends upon him to
save the State from misrule and her treasury and
resources from plunder. Will he doit? The
warning given by the Opinion not long ago we
have not forgotten. In this Convention move—
the remove] c'* Govu^.-* see dis
tinctly a move in the direction of spoils and
public plunder. It is the Stntu Road and the
Slate Treasury that the white scalawags and
their negro dupes are after. Will they be al
lowed to seize and surfeit upou them? We
shall sec. . In the meantime, we, as the Opinion
k did sOBt" flgoj'TElBM *. wor-iing voice. tVc
tell Northern capitalists who hold Georgia Secu
rities to look to their interests. It is our duty to
do so. The danger is imminent, that, with all
her resources, Georgia will become utterly bank
rupt, aud that this radical-negro Convention,
now in session here, will make her so without
the hope of her redemption from it. It is for
the benefit of our Northern creditors we give
tins warning; and we warn also our own peo
ple that unless they rally to the rescue at the
proper time, they too will become the victims of
plunder, of negro and radical domination. The
proceedings of yesterday arc but the initiative to
measures of a character, most infamous in their
conception, and dangerous to property, liberty,
and all that is dear to the white race in the
South. Let those to whom we are indebted
abroad, and those ut home who have anything
to lose, take warning in time !
The N In tli Day’a Froceedlu*
Of the unconstitutional body now in session
in this city will lie found in another column. It
will be seen from them that the majority in that
ImhIj have succeeded in recommending Bullock
to General Pope, as the successor of Governor
Jenkins, should the General conclude to remove
the latter. The second plank, therefore, ol the
»p(>i>innen in the body has been adopted. Other
wise, the proceedings embrace but little of pub
lic interest, save that the hands of the body will
aoou be in the State Treasury, contrary to the
reconstruction acts ot Congress, and contrary to
law.
Ukal’i In a Name I
•• » MOSS BY AST tlTBSB NAME WOULD SMELL AS >WEIT.”
The Lousewille Daily Journal, the conduct of
which as a B'Aiy Journal by its veteran editor,
Gkorcik D. Prentice, gave to it a celebrity and
leadership no other paper in the interests of the
old Whig party had attained up to the beginning
of the late war, mistakes the design of the reso
lutions adopted a few days ago id Atlanta “ sug
gesting the assembling ot a national convention
at Louiaville on the 22d of February, to form a
party lor the restoration and preservation of the
Uniou on the principles of the Constitution.’’—
Perhaps the resolutions were not explicit
t nough, bat the design was any other than the
formation ot a party working outside of thi
Democratic party, but only auxiliary to it Thg
terra “Conservative" was used simply because
it embraced the Democratic party as well as
hosts ot the old Whig party, who, like the Louis
ville Journal itself, aud Mr. Prentice himself,
are prepared lo do battle for the constitutional
rights of the States, regardless ot what may be
in a name, for there is truth in the expression
that “ a rose by any other name would smell as
sweet.” Waving, however the proposition em
braced in the resolutions which are referred
to by the Louisville Journal and lo which it
dissents, in its issue of the 16th instant, we can
not too earnestly commend to the consideration
ot our readers—especially those of them who
would cavil about the name of the party with
which to array themselves, in the great battle
that must soon come off for the rights ot the
States under the Constitution—the following
just tribute paid to the Democratic Paktt,
and the patriotic utterances ot the Editors of that
“ Old Line Whig Joarcal,” the Louisville Jour-
the chief ot the staff of which is Georoe
D. Prentice. “The Democratic Party,” it
says, “ is the only hope lor the restoration and
preservation of the Union on the principles ol
the Constitution. And it is, we firmly believe, a
sure hope. Let the friends of the Union and the
Constitution everywhere rally around it. At
any rate let none of them directly or indirectly
countenance the radical slander that its aim is
not ’the restoration and preservation of the
Union on the principles ot the Constitution.’ Its
aim is this and nothing more or less. Another
party is not needed ; and, if it were, it could not
be had. But it is not needed. The Democratic
party can and will restore the Union of the Con'
Btitnlion. It wiil rescue and protect the public
liberties It is the people’s stronghold.”
“ There is stands, already formed, strong in
organization, stromg in numbers, strong in pre
stige, and strong above all in the unconquerable
cause to which it i3 dedicated. In no country
on the globe have the people, in the hour of
mortal peril to their liberties, ever before found
such a rcluge and defense standing open before
them. Let not the people turn from it. To torn
from it would be madness. Let them enter it!
And let no friend of the people blindly mar its
foundations or deface its pillars.”
More need not be written. The battle will be
fougiit by tbe “ Democratic Party,” and all
must enter it, if they be earnest in defeating that
radiealims which has brought so much distress
upon the whole land, and would, if it could
establish negro supremacy in the South, and thus
control a government originally designed to be
a government for the white man, and not one to
be ruled bj’ the negro.
NUMBER 52.
’■'he Troth Plainly Told.
The New York Evening Express, of the 18th
instant, in an article headed “ Their Pound of
Flesh,” says: “ At a time when, we are assured,
Fifty Thousand laboring men, mechanics, arti
sans, clerks, sewing women, and others of the
industrial classes, are out o'employment, in this
city alone—knowing not how they are to keep
body and soul together through the winter, we
learn from Washington—on Republican author
ity—that the Committee on the Freedmen’s Bu
reau will report to the House that the Bureau
could he abolished without injury to the South
ern blacks, hut that its continuance is necessary
for the ratification of the new (negro-created)
Constitutions in the so-called reconstructed
States. The House, it is added, will undoubt
edly vote in favor of the Bureau, and thus con
tinue to impose upon honest labor and industry
a Dx of millions and millions of dollars for its
support.
“ What care these Jacobins for the cry of
want and no work, aud no bread, that is coming
up in chorus with these pierciDg wintry winds
from the daily increasing ranks of the unem
ployed—so that the Degro, in the comparatively
comfortable climate of the South, is well taken
care of, work or no work,—so that the New
Englaud sclioolmarms and the canting, mischief
making preachers that have gone down from
New England to live off that Bureau, on the
pretense of teaching the negro “ great moral
ideas”—have their salaries, and their usual
emoluments?
“Nor is this all. Besides the Freedmen’s Bu
reau, which we hard working foolish white men
are, many of us, stinting our families even, to
support, there ore other money demands com
ing in upon us from the Five Military Despot
isms which the Jacobins iusist'upon maintaining
in the Southern States, at a cost of about Two
Hundred Millions per annum—and these de
mauds must be met by the Public Treasury and
tbe Public’s pocket. Paymaster General Brice
calls lor fifty thousand debars to complete the
f»yinent ■. *f iSSpeuL? . L-
the Bogti9 Election in what the Jacobi is call the
First Military District, but which was formerly
kuowu as the old Commonwealth ot Virginia.—
Besides that it seems there are “Deficiencies”
making the aggregate $1,202,254, for which ap
propriation must be made. General John Pope,
too, is calling for Fifty Thousand Dollars, “fob
Reconstruction Purposes,” in whatis known
as the Third Military District, making the total
appropriation immediately necessary for these
two ‘ Districts” alone, (there are five “Districts”
in all,) over a Million and a quarter
Dollars ! When the remaining three “Districts”
come in turn to clamor for their appropriations,
the render, if he be a moderately good guesser,
will hare no difficulty in footing up the enor
mous total.
“ Now, if anybody is anxious to see what we
are spending all this hard-earned money for—
this money wrung from the pockets of the farmer,
the laborer, the mechanic, the artisan, and the
poor, half-starved sewing girls, he can see the
whole thing graphically delineated in the South
ern letters, etc., we print in the Spirit of the Press,
on our first page. It all goes to build up the ne
gro, and put down the white. It is the first cash
cost of transforming these Southern States into
many Haytis, Jamaicas, Ashantees, Dahomeys,
etc. Nay, more: It is our premium for bringing
on a war of races, and our contribution to enable
the Jacobius to play off ten Negro-Reconstructed
“ Rotten Boroughs,” against white men’s Presi
dential electoral votes, in order that they (the
Jacobins) may bold on the Federal administra
tion for another four years to come. That is the
whole story in a nut-shell. That is why these
heavy appropriations are demanded —aud that is
why every Radical member of the Rump Con
gress will vote “ yea ” when bis name is called.
“We do not believe the people are all Fools
to endure these monstrous assumptions of power
much longer. We do uo*. believe that the fifty
tbousaud white men who are going about here
in New York to-day, with the thermometer down
below zero, wondering where their supper is com
ing from, are altogether convinced that tbe con
tinuance of the Freedman’s Bureau, and those
Military Despotisms, are essential to “ the life of
the nation.” We do not believe that the crush
ing taxes, big bounties, &c., which are levied, to
meet the appropriations necessary to their main
tenance, are looked upon as “ blessings in dis
guise,” nor anything of tbe sort—and hence, we
feel pretty sure, if it were possible to-day, to ap
peal from tbe Rump Congress, the servants ot
the people, to the people themselves, sucb a judg
ment would be the result, as would sweep like
i whirlwind that whole Military Reconstruction-
Freed men’s-Bnreau-Rubbish out of existence.
u It is a consolation to know that tbe time is
rapidly approaching, when that appeal will duly
be made—aud that while oppressed labor and
industry are waiting for the verdict, there can
be no reasonable doubt as to what tbe decision
will be.
“Meanwhile, let the Rump vote these appro
priations ; let them pamper their shoulder straps,
keep up their military monarchies, bold on to
their Freedmen’s Bureau, and take their pound
of flesh!”
Truth was never more plainly, nor more time
ly and boldly told, than the Express tells it in the
foregoing article. The same want of employ
ment that exists in New York arnoDg the work
ing classes, exists every where else in the North,
while the poor South is suffering not only
from the utter prostration of all industrial, as
well as commercial, pursuits, but from the mili
tary rule to which it is subjected, and tbe conse
quences in a political sense that flow from it.
Still, some little consolation is left us—that con
solation to which the Express refers, of feeling—
the Express says to know—that the lime is rapidly
approaching, when, upon the appeal being made
to redress our grievances, such a judgment will
result as will sweep like a whirlwind all
over tbe country, carrying not only the “Military
Reconst ructiou-Freedmen's-Bureau-Rubbish out
of existence,” but every other thing connected,
with the military rule to which the South is now
subjected.
To tbe Negro Delegates In tbe Radical
Convention now In Session In Atlanta.
I do not call you negro to offend you, It is
true, you are negroes. God made you so, and
yon can’t help it. To taunt you with it wabid
be unjust to you and offensive to your maker.—
Why should you be ashamed ot it ? It is your
nature, and even to regret it is sintuL This may
seem to you to be of small moment but you are
mistaken. Under it lurks danger. Before you
can act wisely you most acknowledge the truth,
you must keep it steadily before you—you are
negroes—you belong to an inferior race. Ac
knowledging that you but admit what God him
self has plainly declared by his works. On the
other hand, the white man, be to re he can act
wisely, must recognize the truth that he is of a
superior race. He is entitled to no credit for it—
nature made it so. He sins if he asserts his su
periority in pride. I would have him assert and
maintain it; not vainly or foolishly, but in
view of the duties and responsibilities that his
superiority imposes upon him. Suddenly treed
from slavery, a feeble man stands in his presence
asking justice. Let him beware that -justice is
done. God in his providence has thus brought
the two races face to face. He will watch them
and He will see to it that neither shall wrong
the other wilhoat incurring his displeasure.
1 address you as the representatives of your peo
ple, and it is true that you are tar different from
the most of them. You are farther advaced in
the scale of civilization. You bear, many of you,
unmistakable evidence of the fact that the blood
of the while man flows in your veins. From
that yon get your aspirations. It is a truth that
you should not forget. Why should you hate
the race, from whtcu in part, you are descended ?
Acknowledge your ancestry, white and black,
and do justice to both. How appropriate that
you should do so. Y ou, by nature, owe the
double debt. Discharge it like men. VV hen the
the white man basely betrays his raoe, how
pleasing the incident, aud how honorable to hu
man nature to see a negro rise in his place, as
was done the other morning, and denounce it as
pusillanimous. That was magnanimity, more
still, it was wisdom—deep wisdom.
As you are more intelligent than the body of
your people, you will be expected to look to their
u ue interest. How weighty the responsibility I
it may well tax you to tue utmost, in the his
tory of nations uo more difficult problem was
ever presented. Two sources ol danger are now
about you. First, you will over estimate the sin
cerity of proieaseU friends, and, secondly, you
will underestimate the strength of your supposeu
enemies. Tbe avowed object ot your friends, as
you call them, iB to get office. From the chief
of the party at Washington down to the village
aspirant tor bailiff, aLi admit that the first great
object is to fasten their hold upon power. That
alone explains what you constantly witness.—
The other day 1 chanced to be in the lobby, and
casting my eye over the body I saw three per
sons engaged in earnest conversation. On the
right stood a white man—he was lately a large
slave owner—a member ot an aristocratic lamii>.
He had subsisted on slavery, and lor geueration
alter generation his fathers before him had. been
slave owners, slave breeders, and slave drivers.
Next to him, and between the other two, stood a
negro delegate. He was receiving the sanies ot
both the others, Bad to him all they said was di
rected. Tbe third of the group was a white
man, and he would be selected from among a
thousand, as a professional negro overseer. It
is 6aid that such was his business, and that he
was one of the most brutal of his class. Such
has been his.conduct, that he has worn, and now
worthily wears, a sobriquet too offensive to ears
polite to be written here. That the negro who
was the object of their caresses did not bear
stripes made by their hands, was because he had,
by accident, not belonged to the one, or been
driven by tbe other. Tell me, do either of those
men Io»e tbe freed slave? No, it is not in hu-
nature that they should- One of them, I
doubt not, would purchase that vary negro dele
gate for a slave, if he could, and the other for
wages would drive him with the lash. The se
cret of their attention was this; They wanted
bis vote. Office they must have, and they need
your assistance in getting it. They will divide
office with you, but they will give you just
enough of the spoils to insure your support; be
yond that, they will never go. But. while all this
miserable scramble for office is going on, I call
on you to remember that your people are asking
for bread. Poor, ignorant, and friendless, they
cry for help. The grave is fast swallowing them
up, and those who survive go half starved and
half naked through the laud. Give them aid.—
You can do it. In the name of humanity act,
and act promptly.
Do you inquire how ? The way is plain. Your
people must five by labor. Let prosperity be re
stored, by giving peace to the country—restore
to person and property the protection ot the
law—revive the industrial pursuits, create a de
mand for labor—let the negro remember that he
is a negro; tbe white man that he is a white man,
and all- will again be well. Hasten to follow
my advice. If you fail to do so, before you have
aided a second time in giving office to the radi
cal white men, half your race on this continent
will be buried.
But you under-estimate the strength of your
supposed enemy. Compared with jthe whites
you are few in number. Our present surround
ings are calculated to mislead you. There are
those who would give you control of the South-
,ern States, but they are comparatively few in
number. Tbe great body of the whites, North
and South, are determined that you shall have
justice done you, and it is equally certain that
they are fixed in their purpose that tbe negro
shall never control the white man. Receive this
truth—I write it in your interest. You are in
the presence of the white man. He is your su
perior in wealth, in intelligence, and in numbers.
Provoke a war of races and your people will be
exterminated. Take warning. Seek for your
people tbe protection of the laws, and as you
value their happiness, their prosperity and their
existence, ask no undue, no unfair advantage. If
you permit these radical office-seekers to force
you into a position of antagonism to the whites,
the peopie of this nation will burl you and your
wicked ieaders into tbe sea. Your freedom came
in the fulness of time, uninvited by you. God
designed it, and you simply received it. You
did not struggle for it. Provoke not Providence
by unwisely and presumptuously attempting a
g -eat national wrong as the first of your acts.—
ide your time. If ever f. people needed super
human wisdom it is yon’s. Move cautiously,
solemnly, circumspectly. The world sympa
thized with you in your bondage—it will no
longer regard you it you abuse your freedom. I
earnestly desire your prosperity. Let designing
men mount to office, but don’t be foolish enough
to sacrifice yourselves for them! Do you sup
pose they treat your names as respectfully when
you are absent as when you are present ?
A Lobby Membeb.
PBocKXBinei
Georgia UnconstMoaal ^oirestieB.
riposted for thi atlahia nrrmuoKECEa.
SEVENTH DAT.
„ ATLANTA, Ga., Dec. 17th, 1867.
The Convention met pursuant to adjournment,
and was opened with prayer by Rev. George
Harlan.
The Journal of yesterday was read and ap
proved.
J. D. Waddell offered & resolution tendering
a seat to the Hon. Joshua Hill, during his stay
in the city.
H. K. McCoy, chairman of the special com
mittee of ten, appointed to inquire as to the
now striving to overcome the obstacle in the
path of restoration to civil law, and, therefore,
respectfblly petition the General commanding
this District, that a Provisional Governor be ap
pointed who wQl assist in this greet work, and
do recommend for that oppointment the Hon.
R B. Bulloch, of Richmond county.”
J. H. Caldwell asked the special attention of
reporters and delegates. He considered tbe reso
lution important, but not extreme. He was not
an extreme man; would punish no one, bat was
anxious to see Georgia restored. He had favor
ed every measure proposed for reconstruction
ainee June, 1865, to the present hour. He loved
Georgia, her rocks, her hills, her valleys, and her
mountains; he loved them all, and it was for
Georgia's interest he desired to see some man
Provisional Governor of Georgia not opposed to
ores,not men, and characterized the attack made l H. K McCoy moved to amend With $6 per
Legislative power of th* Convention, reported Ue**™**,. He respected GovernorJ*nSns,
as follows:
“All Ordinances or ctL r matter of a Legisla
tive character already introduced and pending,
are hereby indefinitely postponed, and in future
no ordinance or other matter of said character,
not necessarily connected with the fundamental
law, shall be entertained by the Convention-
Provided, that the foregoing shall not apply to
matter touching the general relief of the people
of tbe State.”
C. C. Richardson moved to postpone the con
sideration of this report till 10 a. m. to-morrow.
H. M. Turner, (negro,) thought it an important
measure, and moved to have 200 copies
printed.
who bad been uniformly courteous toward him
but it was important to have a Governor favora
ble to reconstruction.
A. Akerman greatly regretted that such a res
olution baa been introduced. It sprang inqui
ries too suddenly. Its passage would be an
unnecessary interference with the rights and
privileges of Gen. Pope, who, he had no doubt,
was watchful of the Provisional Governor’s ad
ministration. He had listened to the speech
favoring the resolution, but had not heard a sin
gle argument He called for the indictment
against Gov. Jenkins: fairness required that
charges should be preferred before removal was
made; it was a right to which friend and foe
W. H. Whitely opposed printing’and favored . are entitled. He said that a removal would de-
ad ^ P p°q°i r ?r )rt ^ th r , range the whole civil government, and it would
T. P. Saffold, said the Convention had assem- ^ ^ as it was only for a short time, to allow
bled to form orgame laws for the State-it was Gov . JenkinB to remain iQ offlce . He algo ob .
not called to legislate—he hoped the Convention jected to the person named in the resolution,
would keep in view that fact, and adopt the re-1 who was unknown to the people as a statesman,’
and that a due regard 1 to public opinion was
necessary. He would make no charge, yet it
port.
; J. L. Dunning objected to printing, which
would produce unnecessary discussion; he fa-
yored the report, because irrelevant matter
should be ruled out.
J. E. Bryant moved to amend by striking ont
printing. Carried
J. E. Blount said postponement of the ques
tion would cost the State $20,000, and asked if
delegates were-willing to face constituents they
had thus taxed.
The question ot postponement was submitted;
the sound being doubtful, the yeas and nays
were ordered. The Secretary proceeding with
the call, Aaron Alpeorla Bradley (negro) rose to
a point of order, and said he was of opinion
was reported that a combination had been formed
to secure office, and that the passage of this res
olution would be a demonstration of it. To illus
trate purity of purpose, required disinterested
action.
Aaron Alpeoria Bradley (negro) followed; but
the hour for adjournment having arrived, the
President so announced, and declared the Con
vention adjourned till 10 o’clock to-morrow
Eighth dat.
Atlanta, Ga., Dec. 18,1807.
Tbe Convention met pursuant tc adjournmen
and was opened with prayer by J. H. Caldwell
The journal was read, and the President an
nounced that the first thing in order was the an
that the yeas and nays could not be called after j finished business of yesterday, which was the
the sound had been taken—the point was not j con8 ideration of the petition, offered by J. H.
sustained. Caldwell, recommending the removal of Gover-
The Secretary proceeded witli the call, and I nor J cn ktn8, and that Aaron Alpeoria Bradley,
again Aaron Alpeoria Bradley (negro) rose to 1 floor.
From the Macon Telegraph cf the lfltt met.
Central Executive Committee.
By call from the Chairman, Hon. E. G. Caba-
niss, the Conservative Central Executive Com
mittee held their first meeting at the Lanier
House, in this city, yesterday afternoon. The
session was devoted to the work of organization,
and devising means for bringing tbe whole peo
ple ot tbe State to see the vital importance of
active and united efforts to save the State from
a revolution of government and the inaugura
tion of African supremacy over os as a people.
In organizing the committee for effective ac
tion, J. R Sneed was elected Secretary, and Hon.
J. J. Gresham, Treasurer, both of the county of
Bibb.
Steps were taken lor bringing the Committee
in communication with every portion of the
State, and thereby perfecting the work of organ
ization by counties. The Chairman was author
ized to appoint sab-committees in each Congres
sional or Senatorial District, according to his
discretion.
We are happy to state that the Committee
have gone to work in earnest, and intend to use
their utmost endeavors to promote tbe cause of
constitutional liberty.
N. B.—All communications designed for tbe
Committee, should be addressed, Conservative
Central Executive Committee, Macon, Ga.
Connected with the foregoing, we take pleas
ure in stating that assurances have reached ns
from many quarters of the State, that the efforts
ot the “Central Executive Committee” will
receive every encouragement essential to success
in the forthcoming contest for supremacy be
tween the two races in onr State. Tbe work of
organization—county and city .organization—is
rapidly ^progressing, and must progress, else
Georgia will be given up to degradation and
desolation, so far as the white race is concerned.
Bally! white men of Georgia, to the rescue, or
yon are lost!!
inquire the effect ot voting “yes.'
L. M. Tramriiell rose to a point of order; no
delegate could interrupt the call except upon
the sound ot bis name. The President explain
ed, and Bradley sat down.
H. M. Turner (negro) asked for an explana
tion of the question. The President explained.
J. L. Dunning rose to a question of privilege;
stated that he did not at first understand the
question a? expla’ne&^i^’ha chairvand juJmuI
permission to change his vote.
Motion to postpone was lost—yeas, 73; nays
75.
Aaron Alpeoria Bradley (negro) said he was
really sorry of the necessity for rising again, but
he must make a motion to lay the report on the
table; its consideration now would be violative
ot a rule, requiring all matter to lie on the table
one day. The motion “to lay on the -table” was
lost-ryeas, 75; nays, 78.
C. C. Richardson moved for a division ot the
question. Decided not in order, and L. N.
Trammell called for the previous question. The
call was sustained and the report adopted.
W. W. Whitehead, of Butte, introduced a res.
olution in regard to delegates holding seats con
tested, which was referred to Committee on Elec
tions.
The regular order was taken up and the roll
called for the introduction of new matter. Sev
eral ordinances, &c., were introduced in regard
to relief, privileges, franchise, and the Provision
al Government of Georgia.
Aaron Alpeoria Bradley (negro) introduced an
ordinance to prevent discrimination by common
carriers on account of color.
R H. Whitely said the ordinance waa of a
legislative character and could not be entertained.
Aaron Alpeoria Bradley (negro) said the ques
tion involved was one of great importance and
must be incorporated in the organic law of tbe
State; it had reference to an oppression, which
was intolerable, and if persisted in would bring
on war.
Tbe President decided tbe ordinance in order.
G. P. Burnett introduced a resolution declar
ing that this has been, is, and should be a white
man’s government. [Applause and excitement.
It was a bomb shell.]
Aaron Alpeoria Bradley (negro) said that this
resolution was violative of the Civil Right’s Bill
and the Constitutional Amendment; it was ap
plauded, hat the applause came from those who
had sought to break up the Government, and that
its entertainment would be an insult to tbe pow
ers that be.
C. C. Richardson rose to a.point of order.
Aaron Alpeoria Bradley (negro) said that he
was making a point, and that two points could
not be made at the same time, and continned to
speak.
C. C. Richardson moved to suspend tbe rale,
that the resointion might be expunged from the
Journal of the Convention.
L. M. Trammell regretted that tbe question
involved should have been sprang, and asked C.
C. Richardson to withdraw his motion, that the
resolution might take its regular coarse, and be
referred to the appropriate committee.
C. C. Richardson said he did not introduce the
resolution, but that he wanted to vote upon it—
not that he loved the white less, but because he
loved the image of his God more.”
H. M. Turner (negro) wanted to vote upon the
question and called for the yeas and nays.
T. G. Campbell (negro) wanted the Convention
to show to the world its condemnation of such
measures.
G. F. Burnett said ha would withdraw the re
solution.
H. M. Turner (negro) said the resolution could
not be withdrawn.
J. L. Dunning said it could not be withdrawn.
H. K. McCoy thought it could and so the Pres
ident decided.
J. H.'Caldwell offered the following:
We the representatives of the people of
Aaron rose and asked if the call of the roll
for introduction of new matter was not first in
order? The chair answered in the negative,
and Aaron proceeded to say:
He would begin, where he left ofl, in enumer
ating the reasons why Governor Jenkins should
not remain in the Executive chair. The Gover
nor bad never taken the test oath, and therefore
ought to be removed. He claimed that the ad
vocates of the. measure represented 69,000 con
atituents, and itfi opponents omy so,wo, de
clared the majority should rule.
He said General Pope had been recreant to
bis trust; .be had not discharged his duty in
such a manner as to advance the cause ot recon
struction. That none but rebels could get em
ployment on the State Road.
Foster Blodgett advocated the measure, noton
account of any enmity against* Governor Jen
kins, bat because the Governor was an impedi
ment to reconstruction, and because R B. Bul
loch was a loyal maD, in favor of reconstruc
tion.
Mr. Saffold here rose to a point of order. Tbe
resolutions ot Mr. Caldwell were, he claimed,
cot proper matter tor consideration, under the
resointion reported from the committee of ten,
and adopted yesterday—but was not sustained
by the Chair.
J. R. Parrott thought much irrelevant matter
had been discussed. Governor Jenkins had
done much to impede reconstruction, yet it did
not become tbe Convention to dictate to General
Pope ; nor would he make a political caucus o
the Convention. It had assembled for a specific
purpose, and should confine itself thereto. Their
friends at Washington and the great Republican
party were anxiously expecting a report of their
action, and it was important that the Conven
tion Bhould proceed with its legitimate business.
He alleged that the only objeb’ of tbe measure
was to secure office, and moved to postpone the
consideration of the matter until the 8th of Jan
uary, 1808.
J. L. Dunning said such a recommendation
would be improper—Gen. Pope was responsible
and conld act for himself.
J. E Bryant deprecated the assault made upon
Gen. Pope by Aaron Alpeoria Bradley, (ne
gro). The Republican party owed much to
Gen. Pope, who had, tn defiance of the Execu
tive, executed the will of Congress. He argued
the necessity of the measure, to insure success in
the approaching campaign. Their enemies, he
said, were powerful and well organized. Gov.
Jenkins was their tool; he was associated with
those who had murdered his brother and friends
at Andersonville, by systematic cruelty.
T. P. Saffold said, the Convention bad better
attend to its own bnsiness. He was a Georgian
—elected by negroes and therefore partly repre
sented the 69,000; bat the proposition under
consideration was not made in their interest; it
was for offlce—for spoils—(a sound from Aaron
Alpeoria Bradley (negro)—“ tbe Conqueror was
entitled to them”)—and if adopted would im
pede reconstruction (a sound again from Aaron
Alpeoria Bradley (negro) “ hear, hear, hear!)
that this effort to secure office by hungry, lean
aspirants was disgusting.
C. H. Prince said, be was from New England
and wanted the spirit of New England to pre
vail—he fought with the Union army and was
opposed to Governor and Ex-Govemors, who
had called ont the Militia in 1865 to oppose tbe
advanewof the Union army.
A W. Holcombe said, tbe sole cause of trouble
in the Convention was the presence of inter
lopers. He bad gone into it determined
to control bis prejudices and oppose everything
calculated to array the whites and blacks against
each other. (Aaron Alpeoria Bradley, negro,
said it was not in order to allude to race or
color.) He affirmed that tbe people ol Georgia
were earnestly in favor of reconstruction and
reconciliation, bat that they did not want for
Governor a man unknown; they would not
upon Gen. Pope as infamous,
Aaron Alpeoria Bradley, (negro,) said he want'
ed'ho man to call him infamous. He moved to
adjourn, and requested the friends of the meas
ure to meet at 7} o’clock.
The motion waa lo9t, and L. N. Trammell rose
to correct an assertion, that none but rebel sol
diers could get employment on the State Road.
He asserted most positively that 9-10tlis of the
men now employed upon that Road were Union
men, who endorsed the reconstruction acts,
many of whom were Union soldiers, and others,
who deserted Georgia when the war commenced,
and who did not return until it had ended. Ho
said that the only qualification required by the
Superintendent was competency.
Foster Blodgett called for the previous ques
tion, which was upon the motion to postpone,
made by J. R. Parrott. The call was sustained,
and upon this motion the yeas were 77; nays,
78.
J. H. Caldwell then moved to divide the qnes-
tion, that a vote might be taken upon the first
part of The proposition; this was allowed.
He then moved the adoption of the first part
of the proposition, to wit :
“ We, the representatives of that majority, are
now striving to overcome the obstacles in the
path of restoration to civil law, and therefore
respectfully petition the General commanding
this District that a Provisional Governor be ap
pointed who will assist in the great work.”
Upon this question the yeas and nays wav
called for, with the following result, the negro
delegates voting yea
Yeas—Adkins, Alexander, Anderson, Angier,
Ashburn, Bentley, Beaird, Baldwin, J. Bell, J.
C. Bo'wdeu, Blodgett, Bryant, Brown, Bracewell,
Bryson, Bradley, Campbell, Carson, Catching,
Cassey, Caldwell, Clift, I. W. Christian, Chat
ters, Claiborne, Chambers, 8. A, Cobb, Costin,
Conley, Crane, Crayton, Crumley, Cotting, Da
vis, Daley, Dinkins, Dunning, Dunnegan, Ed
wards, Ellington, Gibson, Gilbert, Goodwin,
Goulding, Guilford, Hall, N. H. Harrison, Hig-
bee, Higden, Hopkins, Jackson, Joiner, Jones,
Knox, Lee, Linder, Lumpkin, Madden, Maddox,
Maul, Minor, M. Moore, R Moore, Murphy,
Nea, Noble, Palmer, Pope, Potts, Powell, Prince,
Reynolds, Rice, Richardson, Rozar, .Robertson,
Bikes, Shields, St-eley, 8herman, Stewart, Sup
ple, Stone, Strickland, Turner, Walton, Wallace,
Welch, Whitaker, Robert Whitehead, W. H.
Whitehead, Whitley, Williams, Woodey, Yea tea.
Nays—Akerman, Bedford, Madison Bell, A.
Bowden, Bowers, Bigbee, Blount, Buchan, Bur
net, Cameron, H. H. Christian, Cooper, E. 8.
Cobb, Cole, Crawford, Cutter, Dews, Fields,
Flynn, Fort, A. G. Foster, T. J. Foster, Goves,
Griffin, Hadand, A. L. Harris, A. H. Harrison,
Hotchkiss, Houston, Holcomb, Hooks, Howe,
Hudson, Hutcheson, Jordan, Kees, King, Lott,
Marler, Mathews, E. B. Martin, C. C. Martin,
Philip P. Martin, McCoy, Miller, McWhorter,
Saffold, Saulter, F. M. Smith, W. C. Smith, NJ
C. Smith, Speer, Shropshire, Shumate, Stanford,
Stanley, Trammell, Traywick, Waddell.
On motion of Foster Blodgett, the Convention
then adjourned till ten o’clock to-morrow morn-
day.
Georgia, assembled in Convention under tbe j f>ive to such man, unable to wield a barlow, a
authority of the Congress of the United '
States, with a desire to restore loyalty, harmony,
and tranquility among the people, and to secure
for our State her proper place in the Union by
representation in Congress; respectfully repre
sent to the General Commanding this District,
that to insure these great blessings for ourselves
broad-axe to bne ont the brains and prosperity
of Georgia. He moved to amend by recom
mending tbe removal of General Pope, stating
that he had no charge to make against General
Pope, but that be considered the proposed meas
ure a censure upon the General, and that be
offered the amendment that delegates might
and our posterity, it is essential that the officials j Tole distinctly.
who exercise the civil functions of the Provi- j H. K. McCoy said the great burden of the re
gional Government of the State of Georgia as re- i construction party was the charge, that its ob-
cognized by Congress, shall be loyal to the Gov
ernment of tbe United States, and acceptable to
the majority of the people of the State.
We, the representatives of that majority, are
ject was office and spoils, and that the measure
proposed justified the charge; for its real object
was to get pome—ion of the State Road.
J. H. Caldwell said be was in favor of mess-
NINTH DAY.
Atlanta, Ga, Dec. 19tb, 1867.
The Convention met pursuant to adjourn
ment, and was opened with prayer by the Chap
lain.
The journal having been lead and approved,
the President announced that the unfinished
business of yesterday was in order, to wit:
The resolution recommending the appoint
ment of R. B. Bullock, of Richmond, as Provis
ional Governor ot Georgia, which resolution was
taken up and adopted: yeas 81; nays 59.
Those who voted in the affirmative are Ad
kins, Alexander, Andersou, Ashbura, Bentley,
Beard, Baldwin, Bell, of Oglethorpe, Blodgett
Bryant, Bracewell, Bryson, Bradley, Burnett,
Campbell, Catching, Cassey, Caldwell, Clift,
Chatters, Claiborne, Chambers, Cobb, of Hous
ton, Costin, Conlay, rayton, Crumley, Cutter,
Cotting, Davis, Daley, Dinkins, Dunnegan, Ed
wards, Ellington, Gibson, Goulding, Guilford,
Harrison, of Hancock, Higbee, Hopkins, Jack-
son, Joiner, Jones, Knox, Lee, Linder, Lumpkin,
Madden, Maddox,'Maul, Minor, Moore, of Co
lumbia, Murphy, Nea, Noble, Palmer, Pope,
Potts, Powell, Prince, Reynolds, Rice, Richard
son, Rozar, Sikes. Shields, Seeley, Sherman,
Smith', ot Charlton, Stewart, Supple, Stone,
Strickland, Walton, Wallace, Welch, Whitaker,
Whitehead, of Burke, Williams, Woodey,
Yates.
Those who voted in the negative are Aker
man, Angier, Bedford, Bell, of Banks, Bowden,
of Monroe, Bowers, Bigbee, Blount, Brown,
Buchan, Carson, Christian, ot Newton,
Christian, of Early, Cooper, Cobb, of Madi
son, Crawford, Dunning, Fields, Flynn,
Foster, of Morgan, Foster, of Paulding )
Gilbert, Goves, Griffiu, Harland, Harris, of New
ton, Harrison, of Carroll, Higden, Hotchkiss,
Houston, Holcomb, Hooks, Howe, Hudson,
Hutcheson, Jordan, Keef, King, Lott, Marlow,
Mathews, Martin, of Carroll, Martin, of Calhonn,
Martin, of Habersham, McCoy, Miller, McWhor
ter, Moore, of While, Robertson, Saffold, Saul
ter, Smith, of Coweta, Speer, Shumate, Stan
ford, Stanley, Trammel.
J. L. Cutler asked to be excused from voting.
He did not believe it a legitimate part of their
dnty to make Governors.
M. C. Smith asked to be excused on the same
ground.
H. M. Turner asked to be excused from vo
ting.
W. H. Whitehead asked to be excused from
voting, because he believed the selection cf an
appointee should devolve solely upon General
Pope.
Thomas Gilbert offered a resolution inviting
J. J. Bowen, Missionary from Africa, to attend
the Convention.
Poster Blodgett moved to amend by inserting
the name of Judge Erskine; amendment ac
cepted and resolution adopted.
G. W. Chatters offered a resolution looking to
the payment of delegates and officers.
A. T. Akerman moved to amend.
J. E. Bryant proposed a substitute.
R H. Whitely offered an amendment for the
substitute.
J. D. Waddell moved to refer these several
propositions to the Committee on Finance. The
reference was made.
On motion of J. T. Spear, the resolution in
troduced by Foster Blodgett, which provides
that the per diem and mileage of delegates and
officers of the Convention shall be the same as
paid to members and officers of the last Legisla
ture, was taken up.
L. N. Trammell moved to amend by fixing
the pay of delegates at $5 per day and 10 cents
per mile.
J. E. Blount moved to amend .with $4 per
day.
T. J. Spear moved to amend with $2 per
day.
J. E. Bryant moved to amend with 25 cents
per day.
day.
Aaron Alpeoria Bradley (negro) called for the
previous question. The call was sustained, all
amendments thereby cut off, and the resolution
adopted.
L. N. Trannell gave notice that he would
move to reconsider.
John Harris, Chairmen of Committee on Re
lief, reported as follows:
“ The Committee on Rebel, to whom was re
ferred sundry ordinances relating to an exten
sion ot time to tax-payers and tax collectors,
having had the subject under consideration, re-
spectftiUy report, that while they regret the cir
cumstances which cause all burdens to be seve
rely felt by our people, they are obliged to re
cognize the necessity of supporting our civil
government and of promptly paying the interest
of tbe public debt They are assured that the
people ot Georgia are resolved to maintain the
credit of the State at every inconvenience to
themselves. Under present laws the Governor
baa a discretion to suspend the collection of
taxes for a limited time, and thajcpmmittee de
sire that this discretion be now exercised so as
to accommodate the tax payer, if it can be done
without injury to public interest. They recom
mend the passage of the following resolution :
Resolved, That the Convention request the
Governor to exercise the power given him by
existing laws to suspend the collection of taxes,
ii in his judgment the same can be done with
out injuring the credit of the State.
0. H. Hopkins moved to lay the report on the
table. Motion lost and report adopted.
A telegram, addressed to P. M. Sheibly, Sec
retary, and signed Gov. Jenkins, stating that
orders bad been given Librarian to forward the
books, namely, the Journals of the Convention
of 1865, asked for by tbe Convention.
The call of the roll for introduction of new
matter was commenced, and many ordinances
and resolutions, unimportant, were introduced.
R H. Whitely, offered a resolution providing
for the appointment of a Committee of Three to
receive Gen. Pope, if he should, as reported, vis
it the Convention to-day, and to invite him to
address the Convention. Resolution adopted,
and Whitely, Blodgett and Dews, appointed as
the Committee.
Wesley Shropshire, Chairman of Special Com
mittee, reported that he had conferred with Gen.
Pope, in regard to the payment of delegates, and
offered the : following communication:
Hkadquakteas Toiud Military Dis’t. )
Atlanta, Ga., Dec. 18,1807. )
Hon. Wesley Shropshire, Chairman of the Com
mittee of Finance of the Georgia Constitution
al Convention:
Dear Sin—I have the honor to acknowledge
the receipt of your communication ol this date,
in which you state that the “law under which
the Constitutional Convention is ordered, pro
vides, among other things, that the Convention
shall assess and have collected a tax upon the
taxable property of the people of Georgia to de
fray the expenses of the Convention. '
“ This will perhaps take six months. The
pressing necessities of th - Convention now re-
aiut* Butaasr to d*v tor stationer?, fuel, and
other things, tO ID661 th© WAQlS Ol liio Ou*isii’'
tion. The Committee on Finance, therefore, in
structed us to call upon you to ascertain if you
will pass an order that will authorize the State
Treasurer to advance the amount necessary for
tbe present wants of the Convention, until the
amount so advanced can be collected under the
law ordering the assembling of the Convention.
I answer to your inquiry that I will author-
. ize the Treasurer ot the State of Georgia to ad
vance the amounts necessary to pay the expenses
specified in your communication, not doubting
that the Convention will, at the proper time, pro
vide for the levy and collection of such taxes, on
the property in Georgia, as may be necessary to
refiind to the State Treasurer the amounts so ad
vanced.
Respectfully, your obedient servant,
John Pope,
Brev’t Maj. Gen. U. 8. A.”
J. E. Blount offered the following:
“Whereas, Tbe report is common that Wal
ter L. Clift and Isaac Seeley, of the county of
Chatham, J. E. Bryant, of the county of Rich
mond, J. T. Costin, of the county of Talbot, and
H. M. Turner, of the county of Bibb, were not
citizens of Georgia twelve months previous to
the election for delegates to the Convention:
Be it Resolved, That the Committee on Privi
leges and Elections be instructed to inquire into
the right of the gentlemen named to seats in
this Convention, and report as early as possible
tbe result of their investigation.
C. C. Richardson offered a substitute for the
resointion offered by J. E. Blount, instructing the
same committee to inquire into the right of J. E
Bloont to hold his seat.
Notice was given that several other.seata would
be contested.
Joseph Atkins introduced an ordinance to se
cure impartial suffrage in the election for ratifi
cation of the Conatitutkn.
W. H. Rozar introduced the following resolu
tion, which was adopted:
Resolved, That as an acknowledgment of the
highest appreciation, this Convention tenders
thanlci to the United States Government for the
unparalleled magnanimity which has been be
stowed upon the conquered people, and great
leniency given to a conquered foe, and for the pro
motion of harmony, peace and prosperity, an
everlasting Union, this manifestation of grati
tude is made nnder a conviction that it is the
voice of tbe people we have the honor to repre
sent; furthermore for the philanthropic, hu
mane and beneficiary actions, general protection
given to tbe entire populace, (particularly that
received from tbe department known as the
Freedmen’s Bureau,) we most gratefully acknowl
edge, and from tbe most profound considerations
attribute such magnanimity, generosity, and
leniency given to the people, as being tbe great
blessings and benefits derived from & Republi
can Government.
On motion of C. C. Richardson, the Secretary
was instructed to communicate to General Pope
tbe action of the Convection in regard to the
appointment of a Provisional Governor.
J. E. Bryant offered a resolution appointing
N. L. Angier & Committee of One to inquire as
to tbe condition of the finances of the State, and
to inrW’" what arrangements could be made
lor tbe payment of delegates and officers ol the
Convention.
On tpotion the Convention adjourned till 10
o’clock a. m. to-morrow.
Won’t Take flli Sent.
The Macon Journal <t Messenger of yesterday
says:
Mr. Floyd Wfootten, ot Monroe county, a dele
gate elect to the sword-bayonet-Convention at
Atlanta, was in this city yesterday. He repudi
ates the loathsome concern, has never taken his
seat, and never intends to.
The military authorities stopped the engine
“W. Booth” from running on the Mississippi
Central Road. It was purchased before tbe war,
and named for William Booth, Esq., who has
lived more than forty yearn in Carroll county,
■* — J * holdimr the offices of Sheriff, and Senator in the
C. H. Prince moved to amend with $10 per Lq^lfrare. On learning these facto, the order
was rescinded.