Newspaper Page Text
HJffklo Jntclligtarrr
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, October ©, 1900.
Com Alois.
We can assure the writer of the following
letter, addressed to the Intelligencer, that
genteel board can be had in this city, lor any
number of gentlemen and ladies who may de
sire to come to Atlanta, from the good city of
Norwalk, in the good Btate of Connecticut, and
and that he, himself, with all others from the
North, who desire to visit Georgia, either with
the design of making i t their future home, or for
laudable business purposes,will be received and
treated kindly and respectfully by its citizens.—
Atlanta gives profitable employment to machin
ists, and Georgia needs cotton operatives of
every description; Mechanical skill meets, too,
with as much encouragement in Georgia, as it
does in any other Btate, and if Ma. Raymond
will come to Atlanta and demonstrate the value
of his “ 7'raetion Engineas a labor saving ma
chine, lie will not repent, we feel authorized to
nay, his having made the trip. The fact is, to
enterprise, and industry, and capital, all Geor
gia is open, let them come from where they may
to develope her almost boundless resources in
lands that need scientific cultivation, in her min
erals, and in her immense water-power. Those
loo who come to it, to promote her prosperity
and their own, aDd to share the destinies ol her
people, will meet jwitii the most cordial wel
come.
In the letter which we publish below, the
reader will see much to interest him, and we in
vite bin attention to it.
[FOE TUB TNTCT.T.I6EBCEH 1
Norwalk, Conn., Sept 23,180!).
Permit a stranger to introduce himself to your
notice and attention for a moment My pur
pose is to inquire it genteel Itoartl may be had
at Atlanta in some quiet latuily— a private fam
ily would be preferred. The parly would con
sist of a gentleman and lady—the lady in poor
health—and it is with;a view to her health that
the change .of climate; for the winter is pro
posed.
The third one of the party, is myself, though
tor myselt 1 am not particular, as I could, 1
presume, find accommodations that would sat
isfy me. The husband is an experienced ma
chinist, and especially in cotton and wool ma
chinery. Myself am also a Yankee mechanic
though for uomo years retired from business
yet I have not been idle.
I designed and invented a machine' adapted
to and expressly for the 8oulli.
Permit me to state tho origin of this my in
vention. 1 had, for years previous to the late
war between tho North and South, spent my
winters at the South—principally in North Car
olina. (1 have visited your Stale and city, and
it struck me as a healthy location tor the winter
season.) While in North Carolina, I several
times witnessed the mode and manner ot culti
v ttlng the rice crops. This, as you know, was
labor that slave? disliked, and freemen would
uot do. It was ttemake this labor less expen
sive and more readily accomplished, that it
occurred to me it could ho done by
steam power. I set to work and soon bad my
plans ready for exhibition, and laid them before
some prominent gentlemen planters. My plans
were so highly approved that one gentleman—
the owner of a machine Bhop and iron foundry
that was idle—proposed to luraish it with all
the capital needed for the manufacturing of such
engines; while several others pledged themselves
each to take one such engine as soon as com
pletcd. I was to come North and procure such
workmen as 1 deemed necessary, and to return
with them and take the superintendence of the
works.
1 left North Carolina and came North. On
the day oi my arrival in New York came the
dispatch or telegram announcing the attack on
Port Sumter, and beginning of hostilities. I, oi
course, could not return in the events of the
war. The machine shop and foundry were de
strayed, so that I have not siucc been South or
done more with my invention.
1 will simply state that my invention is a
Traction Engine, or locomotive, that may be used
on all carriage or travel roads; al$o on all farms
and plantations for the purposes of plowiug,
sowing, reaping, mowing, threshing and grind
ing grain, ginning cotton, and it may be used as
a stationary engine for carding - , spinning and
weaving cotton or wool. It may also be used
to take to the woods or forests; the timber trees
may be sawed and felled much better and faster
than by the axo, and when felled may by the
same engine be Bawed for timber or lumber oi
any kind, and then taken to market or wherever
needed by the same engine that felled and sawed
the trees. I can give but a faint idea of the uses
and value of such an engiuc to the South. As
1 view it, such engines will more than supply
the place of the slave, and at. less than one-
fourth the cost to the planter.
So simple are the entire arrangements that
one man may manage and do all that is required
for the running of one such engine of five or
more home power, and any good field hand
may be learned in one day's lime to bo a good
and competent engineer for such engine.
When desired for an excursion the family coach,
carriage, waggon, or cart, may be attached and
run at a speed of 10 to 20 miles an hour, ac
cording as the roads may l>e,lovel,hilfy, smooth,
sandy or muddy. On any road at double the
speed of the best horses.
My purpose would be in visiting your city to
exhibit to some good and responsible gentle
men my plans and drawings, ami if they were
approved and thought worthy of their attention,
1 would sell the right ior your State, or for a
part of it, or for the entire Southern States.
Five horse power Traction Engine will uot
cost to exceed three to.>000 dollars; the cost
will be in accordance with the finish. That il
desired the designs and ornaments may be elab
orate and fine, plated or solid silver, or other
metals.
It for plantation work a five horse power
would cost less than five first class horses, and
the teamster to take care of them.
The engine would do more plowing per day
than could five horse, and the men to drive and
keep them at work.
The engine does uot tire, or stop to rest, or to
eat, or drink. When idle it needs no feed and
aimply to be under cover. From the little
knowledge I have of Atlanta, it has occurred
to me it would be the place for my lriend and
lady, and that it will be a good location for the
building of such Traction Eugines. Respectfully
your obedient servant,
Chas. F. Raymond.
The Cltjr of Havana*
It is stated that the City of Havana, bclore
the revolt ot Yara, claimed 250,000 inhabitants.
■USIcal Sentiment.
In persuanee oi our rule to let our people see
the drift of Northern Radical sentiment—espe
cially in all matters which may aflect Georgia—
we publish below an extract from Senator Sum
ner’s speech, as chairman of the Massachusetts
Convention, and also one of the planks from
the platform, unanimously adopted by the Con*
vention.
Massachusetts has ever been the lender in
Radical measures, and the indication given by
the extracts we publish does not give evidence
of any ‘ toning down’ upon reconstruction mea
sures.
SECURITY FOB TH* FUTURE.
It is now four years since 1 had the honor of
presiding at our annual Convention, and I do
not forget bow at that time I endeavored to re
mind yon of this same national cause then in
fearful peril. The war of armies was ended;
no longer were fellow-citizeos arrayed against
lellow-citizens; on each side the trumpet was
silent, the banner furled. But the defection of
Andrew Johnson had then begun, and out of
that defection the rebellion assumed new life,
with new purposes and new hopes. If it did
not spring forth once more iuily armed, it did
spring forth filled with hate and diabolism to
ward all who loved the Union, whether white
or black. There were exceptions, I know; but
they were not enough to change the result.—
And straightway the new apparition, acting in
conjunction with the Northern Democracy, ab
original allies of the rebellion, planned the cap
ture of the National Government. Its repre
sentatives came up to Washington. Then was
the time for a few decisive words. They
should have been admonished frankly and
kindly to return home, there to plant, sow,
reap, buy, sell and be prosperous, but
not to expect any place in the copart
nership oi government until there was the com-
pletcst security for all. Instead of this they
were sent back plotting how to obtain ascend
ancy at home as the stepping-stone to ascend
ancy in the nation. Such was the condition ot
things in the autumn of 1865, when, sounding
the alarm from this veiy platform, I insisted
upon irreversible guarantees against the rebel
lion, and especially for security to the national
freedman and the national creditor. It was for
security that I then insisted, believing that,
though the war ol armies was ended, this was a
just object oi national care, all this being con
tained in the famous postulate, security ior the
future, without which peace is no better than
armistice.
To that security one thing is needed, simply
this: All men must be sale in their rights, so
that afiairs, whether of government or business,
shall have a free and natural course. But there
are t wo special classes still in jeopardy, as in
the autumn of 1865—the national freedman and
the national creditor; and behind these the
laithlul Unionists in the ex-rebel States, now
Buflering terribly from the growing reaction.
CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT.
For the protection ot the national freedman a
constitutional amendment has been presented
for ratification, placing their right to vote under
the perpetual safeguard of the Union; bat I am
obliged to remind yon that this amendment has
not yet obtained the requisite number of States,
nor can 1 say surely when !t will. The Demo
cratic party is arrayed against it, and the rebel
interest unites with the Democracy. Naturally
they go together. They are old cronies. Here
let me say frankly that 1 have never ceased to
regret—1 do now most profoundly regret—that
Congress in its plenary powers under tho Con
stitution, especially in its great unquestionable
power to guarantee a republican government in
the State, did not summarily settle this whole
question, so that it should no longer disturb the
country. It was for CoDgress to give a definition
of a republican goverment; nor need it go
further than our own Declaration ol Independ
ence, where is a definition from which there is
no appeal. There it is, as it came lrom our fore
fathers, in lofty self-evident proof, and Congress
should have applied it. Or it might have gone
to the speech of Abraham Lincoln at Gettys
burg, where again is the same great definition.
There was also a decisive precedent. As Con
gress made a Civil Rights law, so should it have
made a Political Rights law. In each case the
power is identical. It it can be done in the one
it can be done in the other. To my mind noth
ing is easier. Thus far Congress has thought
otherwise. There remains, then, the slow pro
cess of constitutional amendment to which the
country must be rallied.
FUBI.IC OPINION AND A SYMPATHETIC ADMIN
ISTRATION.
[M>B THE ATLANTA IXTEUISEBCU ]
COBBlUUlCAIed.
The course ot your journal, which draws the
fire of, and thereby allays the strife between the
Bard-Angier Radical sheet, and the Democratic
journal of Atlanta, proves to be of service to
the country.
The position assumed by the Intelligence*
struck terror to all extreme men, who, instead
of taking a practical view ot the subjects, and
reason as their guide, suppose that to keep the
crowd in full chase, it is only nocessary to cry
wolf at every turn of the corner. Hence the
cross fire of shells and hot shot poured into you
from the host of noisy leaden who apeak
through the two other dailies of this city.—
Though opposed to each other, both felt that in
order to retain their followers it was necessary
to silence your battery. After exhausting their
ammunition without success, and knowing that
reason soon returns to people w hen arrested in
a wild chase, each began to cast about for prin
ciples around which to rally their friends. The
ifiu Era in all the dictatorial pomp of General
Grant himself, “will fight it out on this line.”—
It says the Republican party must be a unit—we
shall have peace. The postmaster quietly informs
him that bis blandishment and threats are alike
disregarded. The Era has been unfortunate.—
This is owing either to an exalted estimate of
its own weight, or to a misconception of the re
sistance its missiles are fikely to meet with.—
It will be well to remember that nothing but
military power will drive m< n into line. It’s no
use, Dr. Bard I
The Constitution gives evidence ot a decided
ly better knowledge of men and the quality of
their metal. While the allied powers are issu
ing these imperative commands, this more pru
dent sheet seeks for the old lines —a track—a
landmark by which to bold the “ b’hoys.” And
although an occasional shell is thrown into
your camp, he is cautiously.settling back upon
a more defensible line. This is a prudent step,
and the experience of the last six weeks will be
sufficient to convince all concerned, that we
shonld not, in the Lot chase after men, run over
the track and lose sight of the true lines and
principles of delense, lest a shell thrown into
the camp may cause contusion and consterna
tion. Parties, to be successful and permanent,
mast proclaim and adhere to principles in
volved in living issues. The people may be ex
cited and amused for awhile by fiety articles on
living men and dead measures, but '‘common
sense” ultimately controls. Gentlemen, “1
calm and serene.” Cornelius.
But this is not enough. No mere text of Con
stitution or law is sufficient. Behind these there
must be a prevailing public opinion and a sym
pathetic Administration. Both are needed.
The Administration must reinforce public opin
ion, and public opinion must reinforce the Ad
ministration. Such is all experience. Without
these the strongest text and most cunning in its
requirements is only a phantom it may be ot ter
ror, as was the case with the Fugitive Slave bill;
but not a living letter. It is not practically
obeyed. Sometimes it is evaded; sometimes it
is openly set at naught. And now it is my duty
to warn you that the national freedman still
needs your protection. HU ancient master is
already in the field conspiring against him.
That traditional experience, that infinite au
dacity, that insensibility to human rights, which
so long upheld slavery, are aroused anew. No
longer able to hold him as slave, the ancient
master means to hold him as dependent and to
keep him in his service, personal and political,
thus substituting a new bondage tor the old.—
Unhappily he finds at the North a political
party which the rebellion has not weaned
from that unnatural Southern breast where
it drew its primitive nutriment; aDd thU po
litical party now fraternizes in the dismal
work by which peace is postponed; for until the
national freedman is safe in his rights there can
tie no peace. You may call it peace, but I tell
you it is not peace. It is peace only in name.
Who does not feel that he treads still on smoth
ered fires ? Who does not leel his feet burn as
he moves over the treacherous ashes? If 1
wished any new motive lor opposition to the
Democracy, I should find it in this hostile al
liance. Because 1 am tor peace, so that this
whole people may be at work; because I desire
tranquility, so that all may be happy; because
I seek reconciliation, so that there shall be com
pletest harmony, therefore I oppose the Democ
racy, and now denounce it as a disturber ot the
national peace. The information from the ex
rebel States is most painful. Old rebels are
crawling from their hiding places to resnme
their tormer rule, and what a rule! Sitch
might be expected from the represen
tatives ot slavery. It is the rule of misrule,
where the Ku Klux Klau takes the plf-ce
ot missionary and school master. Mnrder is
unloosed. The national freedman is the victim,
and so is the Unionist. Not one ot these Slates,
where intimidation with death in its train does
not play its part. Take that whole Southern
tier from Georgia to Texas, and add to it Ten
nessec and, I tear, North Carolinia and Virginia
also—ior the crime is contagious—and there is
small justice lor those to whom you owe so
much. That these things should occur under
Andrew Johnson was natural ; that reconstruc
tion should encounter difficulties after his de
fectiou was natural. The great English moralist
another Jolinsou—did not woDder that a dog
in chains danced no better, but that it danced
at all; and 1 do not womler that reconstruction
with the chains upon it succeeded no better, but
that it succeeded at all. Audrew Johnson is
now out ot the way, and in his place is a patrio
President. Public opinion must come to hi?
support in this necessary work. There is but
one thing these disturliers feel; it is power ; and
this they must be made to feci; I mean the pow
er of an awakened people, directed by a Repub
lican Administration, vigorously, constantly
surely, so that there shall lie no rest for the
wicked.
From the platform:
2. Resolved, That the Democratic Party, by
its close alliance with the slave power during a
whole generation, its sympathy with the public
enemies during the late civil war, its constant
endeavors to perpetuate disorder in the rebel
States, and its enunciation ot doctrines of prac
tical repudiation, has forfeited forever all claims
to the confidence ot the people, and cannot with
out great peril to their liberties and fortunes be
There are ^ j intrusted with the government ol the nation or
more than 80,000 people there. Thousands ot; of lh|# Commonwealth.
3. Resolved, That the reconstructed States are
Spanish merchants snd traders have tied to
Spain. Thousands of wealthy Cubans have
cone to New York, New Orleans, Baltimore,
Mexico and Europe, while very maiiy thou
sands of Cubans have drilted into the Interior
to join the Cuban army. Not only have men
S m, bat at least 15,000 ladies have also left
vana for difierent towns ot the interior. It
it estimated that there are now 10,000 emptv
bouees in the city.
In Wheeling, W. Ya^ the other day, an artist
brought his camera to bear on a well known
toper laying on the sidewalk, and soon had him
on exhibition in all the show windows. The
old reprobate, on returning to consciousness,
signed the pledge.
A day or two ago a company ot fifty-five
Gmman emigrants left New York for Mississippi
via Washington, Knoxville and Grand Junction.
They are the first instalment of a colony num
bering some six hundred and fifty, who have
purchased a tract of land and propose to locate
in the vicinity ot Water Valley, Mississippi,
not vet beyond the watchful care of the Nation
al Government; and that the legislative and ex-
ccmive departments should lake all lawful and
constitutional measures to guarantee liberty,
personal security ami equal rights to all the peo
ple thereof. With malice toward none, with
charily to all, we welcome the truly repentant
rebels back to the privileges of fellow citizens,
while we insist upon the complete protection ot
all loyal men, white and black.
George Washington has just been sent to
the Virginia State Prison. Thomas Jeflereon,
Daniel Webster, and John C. Calhoun were al
ready there, and Napoleon Bonaparte and Wade
Hampton have received tickets ot admission.
The New York jobbing house of Borchard,
Wilson A Co., fancy goods, at No. SI Franklin
street, has suspended, with liabilities amounting
to over $100,000. They offer to pay sixty cents
on the pollar, in six, nine and twelve months,
without interest. -The proposal has teen ac
cepted by a majority ot the creditors.
Flanking the State Hoad.
Commenting upon the article which appeared
in this journal a few days since, headed as above,
the Augusta Comilvtionalul says:
“ It is true that the State Road is “ the pro
perty of the people of Georgia—paid for with
their money and constructed for tlieir benefit '
but it is likewisewise true that it has been made
the medium of much political, if not personal
intriguing. Besides, it was hardly within the
contemplation ot those who inaugurated and
completed the Western & Atlantic Railway that
all rival enterprises should succumb to this State
Road, the laws of traffic and the wants ot the
people to the contrary notwithstanding. There
are several ways to Hank Atlanta, both East
ward ana Westward, aud Mr. Hulbcrl’s “side
lines” and tho aid of the Legislature will not
stand in the way when the movement shall have
begun. We do not propose to discuss, at this time
what we conceive to be the illogical reasoning
of the Superintendent ot the State Road.
But returning to our immediate-matter,
the Athens and Clayton route, we would
suggest to our Atlanta coteniporary that the
Blue Ridge Road had already made the
first demonstration against the Gate City when
it entered Rabun Gap aud comiiciled Augusta
to take advantage ot her position in order to
maintain her trade, no mailer how many cities
should be flanked. When the Athens and Clay
ton line shall connect with the Georgia Railroad,
the way to the sea will be open to competition
between Charleston, Savannah and Port Royal,
That road which can ofler superior inducements,
in the way ot cheapness of rates and quickness
ot transportation, will undoubtedly have the
preference. What combinations will arise in
consequence ot such active competition, it is
impossible to predict; but we trust that Augusta,
roused from lethargy and enlivened with steam
whistles from so many points oi the compass,
will show that she has elements ot strength and
prosperity within her little dreamed ot perhaps
by those who have hitherto made sport of her
passive power.”
The reference which wob made by us to the
article ot our courteous and able cotemporary
the Constitutionalist, on the “Athens and Clay
ton Line,” and which we placed before our
readers, was designed indeed as a warning to
the people of Georgia that attempts were being
made to “flank the State Road,” one ot the
most formidable beiDg the proposed connection
by the “Athens and Clayton” route with Louis
ville and the West. It does not matter to the
Stale, nor to its long line of Railways from
Chattanooga to Us seaboard, nor to its seaports
on the Atlantic coast, whether the State Road
has been made “ihe medium of much political
if not personal, intriguing" when taken in con
nection with the movement, or enterprise, re
ferred to by the Constitutionalist, or any other
movements “Easi ward aud Westw ard” designed
“to flank Allaula.” If these iutrigues have
prevailed, they should be checked; but it does
concern all the interests to which we have re
ferred to know that these flanking movements
are in active operation, and to watch and gnard
against them is not only their privilege but duty.
We, in Atlanta, cannot be expected to sit idly
by, and see her flanked Eastward and West
ward, to benefit Augusta, nor can it be expected
that the lines ot Railway between this point
and Savannah and Brunswick, will be idle and
see diverted from them travel and freight to
benefit Cbaileston. Georgia has expended too
much of her treasure, and her people have ex
pended too much also, to submit passively to
this flanking process. We have no doubt that
Augusta is in earnest in the matter—that it is
“ roused from lethargy,” and with its press will
do all to flank the Stale Road and Atlanta—ior
which we do not blame her—but we cau say to
the press ol that enterprising city, that no
‘■lethargy” exists in Atlanta, nor is there any in
the management of the Slate Hoad, and that
the interests ot each will be protected against
any flank movements made uj»on them, come
from what quarter they may.
In less amiable mood lhau the Constitutional
ist, the Chronicle and Sentinel, in referring to our
article, terms us the “Bullock organ.” We
would like to know whose “ orgau" it is
upon which the irascible editor of that paper
plays? It his own, we c an readily account lor the
reason, that white “forncaiiy two years” it
has “urged the Ailuniaus to put their shoulders
to the wheel and pash forward the « stension to
Rabun Gap,” Uie Athenians have apparently
given no heed to the advice.
The Southern Cultivator
For October has reached us. We can do our
planting friends no greater service than to call
their attention to this agricultural magazine. It
is the leading representative of that revolution
in Southern farming, which has been inaugura
ted since the war, with such happy results. Its
editors, though progressive, are evidently cau
tions men, attaching great weight to experience,
as is shown by the large number ol articles in
all the Southern States. I s corps of contribu
tors is unrivalled. We notice that the publishers
continue to furnish to new sulfccnliers the letters
contributed by Mr. Dickson, embodying his ex
perience and practice. These alone are worth
20 years subscription. It you have never seen
the paper, send a stamp to Southern Cultivator,
Athens, Ga., lor a specimen copy, and examine
it for yourself. Trice $2 a year.
A terrible accident, it seems, happened at
the Indiana State Fair, on the 21 instant, by
which nineteen persons were killed by the col
lapse of a steam boiler, and many were wounded.
This is one of the meat dreadful accidents, from
a similar cause, on record in the whole history
of mechanism. It is explicable on the hypothe
sis that the crowd thronged around the engines
at the time, witnessing tie contest of speed and
power.
Alshssis ts4 Chsllssssgs Ballwaf.
Dear Intelligencer :
The cheers which followed the patriotic re
marks oi General Forbxst having rcbaided,
the venerable President next introduced
ex-gov. l. n. parsons,
who, in substance, rcid:
Ladies and Gentlemen—Mr. Prrsidtnt: Tide Is
to me an unexpected part of the programme,
lor I did not expect to be called upon on this
occasion, until a few moments ago. Bat, my
friends and fellow-citizens, since I am, I desire
to say I am proud of an opportunity to express
my hearty felicitations for the rapid progress
being made in this great work; a work that is
but a part of a great grand whole.
My friends, the scene of to-day—the progress
of this work in which you, snd our Northern
friends are engaged—suggests reflections of no
ordinary character. If the mind recurs to the peat,
in view of what we are, and what we are doing
to-day, we cannot be otherwise than impressed
with the conviction that God, in his Divine
Providence, has some great mimton for us to
work out. In 1867, and again in 1630, but two
and a halt centuries ago, .a few persecuted bat
brave men landed on our shoes to make them
selves homes. In fact it is only 377 years since
the existence of this Continent was made known
to the world. And now, as the mind ran over
the past, and contemplated our increase in num
bers, wealth and power; and how instrumental
this country bad been in working ont its won
ders, we could not refrain from thanking God
that we are a part of snch a country, had had a
part in working out such grand results.
We have no more battles to fight now, except
those with nature—and those we must fight.
We have here a great country, but we have
difficulties to surmount before we can reap the
harvest. We must develop before we can enjoy.
The hidden wealth in these valleys asd moun
tains none q^n tell—to evoke it and improve
our own condition, and make these treasures
uselul to mankind is our high and noble mission
Bat while we have the will, the desire, we lack the
means. Hence, in the language of your honored
Governor, we welcome these Northern friends
as brothers,—who contribnte* their money,
and who came with picks and shovels, to aid in
developing oqr resources, open up a highway
for us to communicate with the world, and
transport to distant markets our minerals and
our farm products. Their country is my country
—their country is your country; and all that
is done to promote the local interest# of each
results to the general good of all.
You and I, fellow-citizens—these old men
among us to-day—have had a long and hard
struggle, for while we bad the soil and applied
the labor, yet, without the facilities needed we
failed to accomplish all we wished to. But let
us rejoice that under the providence of God, we
can cherish the hope of leaving our children
with better prospects, and better prepared to
wage the battle of life. One ot the great politi
cal issues which has provoked angry discussion,
produced animosities and distracted the public
mind—has been disposed of; let us all now
buckle on the armor ol progress, and engage in
that which is more profitable than angry politi
cal discussion, building up and developing our
State.
We now propose a change ot programme
not only in respect to opening our mines, but in
our agriculture, and in opening up« way to
market The time has been when to ent down
wear ont, and remove was the rale—when wav
ing sedge fields, and rows of sassafras sprouts
marked the successive steps of the destructive,
migratory policy of the Southern planter. Log
cribs—tottering and open log houses, and poor
fences, all showed that the occupant proposed
no permanent home; and he was but little in ad
vance ot the nomadic life the of forest hunter.
Now it would change. Instead of wearing out
and leaving our old homesteads, each succeasive
year the land would be improved ; better fences
would take the places ol the old; trees, instead
ot being cut down, would be allowed to remain
and others would be planted ; and the old bouses
in which we were bora repaired and beautified
or a new and belter and more substantial one
built on the loved spot bi our childhood; flow
ers and shrubbery will be planted, and we shall
prepare to die where we first drew breath and
grew up to manhood.
A new era is dawning. You have heard to
day some valuable statistics, phowing the won
derful power and agency of steam as applied to
machinery. But wonderful as you may regard
what you have heard, I believe the able gentle
man who gave them has understated rather than
overstated the results. My recollection is, that
in Great Britain the power of steam alone repre
sents the labor of 96 000.000 men! But my
friends, let us welcome the brains and the
money that beings to our aid the lungs that
never grow weary—the iron muscle that never
knows fatigue—(no matter how prolonged the
service), that never sickens nor dies—for the de
velopment of our vast resources. We are des
cended from a common ancestry—and as was
aptly remarked by our venerable President, we
speak a common language—a common destiny
awaits us—and common hopes, while cheering
us on, will, I trust make us feel and cherish a
common brotherhood.
Gov. Parsons was cheered frequently, and
listened to attentively.
The next speaker introduced wa3
HON. JUDGE LIPPITT, OP CONN.
Ladies and Gentlemen, Fellow-Citizens, Friends,
Mr. President:
I have been told that I ain expected to say
something to you. I appear before you a stran
ger— in one sense in a strange land; yet I came
as a firiend, and, I am proud to say, as a citizen
of the same glorious country. I came as
guest, not expecting to speak, yet as I am a
minute man, 1 respond
A few days ago I left niy New England home
to come to this gathering in this loveliest of
valleys in the lovely, sunny Sonth. I have tiav
eled a long distance, through many States; and
although I have been in the South before,was nev
er so lar South as now. And, my friends and fel
low-citizens, as I came through the great Em
poriuin of the Western Continent, New York,
crossed the States of New Jersey and Delaware
where memories ot great deeds were awakened,
passed over the great keystone State ol whose
giant strides to wealth and power you have,
been told to day, and through the other States
to your own gallant Alabama, I could not but
feel proud to know that this great country
my country, that it is your country, and that
you and I are countrymen together looking for
ward to the same great destiny.
I am here to day, fellow-countrymen, to unite
with you in rejoicing over the progress of this
great w< rk —at once the result of restored fra
ternal feeling, and the bond ior its permanence;
to evidence by my presence a common sympa
thy in a common cause— restoration, develop
ment, progress, brotherhood.
But I am taken aback; I was invited, and
came, to partake of a barbecue. In my State
and section we go to clambakes on the shores:
We search for the clams—we bake them; then
we take ' In in from the shells, eat them, and go
home. But here 1 find yon ergxge in speaking,
and then comes the cue.
My friends, I Leg you think of us -your coun
trymen and brothers—ot the North, no more as
enemies. We are not We are your triends,
and we desire your greatest prosperity aud good.
We are seeking opportunities to promote both
These gentlemen, engaged in this enterprise,
great to you and to them, with whom yon
have bad intercourse and dealings, and whom
ou thereby know, are lair specimens of those
associated with them, and their dealings are
such as we desire and approve. And, right
here, permit me to allude to a special benefit
just experienced. I have been told your vicinity
has suffered greatly from a protracted drought;
that in some localities suffering impended, il it
did not actually occur; that your crops bare
been injured—cut oil. In this emergency this
enterprise came to your relief; and that, in ad
dition to amounts pahl for other Bervicds, the
large sum of 9135,000 hat tarn pmd out during
the past month for cross ties alone.. The value ot
thia at such a time is incalculably yet it is bat
a drop compared with tbe benefits to follow the
completion ot the enterprise.
They are men of enterprise, oi energy, saga
city and means; able, willing and ready to car
ry out fully all they undertake; they have never
yet failed in any undertaking: they know no
snch word aa fail. Thor faithful compliance
with their promises is the secret of their great
But my friends, while I am able to say this in
their behalf, it is a source of much satisfaction
to them to say, and for me to repeat to you, that
in all their varied transactions snd dealings in
difierent parts of the country, with different peo
ple, they have never had dealing} with any more
reliable in all respects—none more prompt in com
pliance with contracts in aU particulars, none with
whom their whole business intercourse has been
more satisfactory and agreeable.. My Alabama
friends, these gentlemen are men of business—
'not speakers—“ their works do speak for them"—*
and 1 ioa, am happy to speak for them to-day,
aud in their behali to declare that nowhere in
the Union have they been more kindly received
or more honorably dealt with than by you.
It has been said that whoever “made two
blades of grass grow where but one had grown
before, was a public benefactor.” By this I un
derstand that whoever works for and promotes
development, progress, or in any way adds to
the ;um ot happiness, general information,
and the general good, is a benefactor. Then
these geutlemen by aiding you, even though
i hey benefit themselves, to develop your re
sources and improve your condition, are entitled
to your regard and good will. They propose to
work and invest for the mutual benefit of you
and themselves, and are gratified to receive and
greet you as co-workers.
Tbe recent unhappy struggle is a matter oi
the past; it belongs to history. While the re
cord may not be blotted out, its bitterness may
be removed by friendly communion and con
fiding interchange of views, its occurrence is a
matter of deep regret; but it is all over and
past. It served to prove the courage oi the
contestants, that the same determined Bpirit ani
mated all; that the same proud ancestral blood
coursed the veins of all—that as individuals, or
as organized armies, they were hard to conquer.
The same indomitable spirit, with unity of
effort, and mutual confidence, has only to be
directed to tbe development of these vast re
sources which surround you, and of which you
have been told to-day, to make this country the
greatest on the globe in all the essentials ol true
national greatness. Not only so—the time is not
distant when this National ensign floating above
us, shall wave in acknowledgement of dominion
from the Isthmus of Panama to the North pole
—when this Union of ours shall number an
hundred co-equal States.
Friends and fellow-citizens,I am glad to know
and hail you to-day as a part of this great coun
try ; to recognize this great State (that is to be),
as a member ot thia great union. Let us all,
you and I, Southern men and Northern, work
side by side, in peace and harmony, to work out
its great destiny of beiDg an asylum for tbe op
pressed, a blessing to the nations.
At the close ot his speech Judge Lippitt was
^uudiy cheered. J. 8. P.
[Special Dispatch to the Louisville Courier-Journal.]
New York--Heuewal ot she Pule In
Wall Street-—Depressing Effect of Bn
■stored Fallnres and Defalcations.
another panic.
New York, Sept 28.—This afternoon has
witnessed a renewal of the excitement and
panic in Wallstreet, and at the close the con
fusion and distrust exceeded all previous ex
perience. A great variety ot startling rumors
were current,, and it began to be suspected that
people bad not yet imagined the worst. Failures
and defalcations were reported on all sides, and
added to the depressing influences were the
sales of gold, coming at a most perilous time,
and showing such recklessness at Washington
as to add to tbe general demoralization.
MONBY
could be bad at 7 per cent, on call on Govern
ment securities, but to cany stocks cost from
i to f of 1 per cent, per day, and many bankers
reiused to touch them.
BONDS.
Governments declined heavily under the
money pressure, notwithstanding tbe advance
abroad, but the close was firm. Southern secu
rities were also actively pressed for sale.
GOLD
was thoroughly unsettled. Unless there is some
relief to the dead lock in the gold-room, it is
uot believer I the next Government sale will re
alize over 128. Gold will be called to-morrow
at the National Erie Stock Board.
railway shares, ac.,
were thrown into a panic by tbe failure of the
morning plan to get over difficulties ot the gold
hoard, to which were added the rumor ot the
failure of the Gold Exchange Bank and the ex
treme difficulty el getting stock carried over.
An attempt to set Commodore Vanderbilt's
view’s ot the New York Central did not suc
ceed, aud he was in a state of great ill-temper.
Pittsburg was depressed by Lockwood & Co., to
carry it. The following were the lowest prices
of the day: New York Central 150, Hudson
River 133, Ohio and Mississippi 24, Northwest
common 62, Sr Paul common 62, Michigan
Southern 75+, Pittsburg 78+, Ft. Wayne 80,
Pacific Mail fit; from which there was a slight
read ion.
THE GOLD BOARD.
The committee ot the Gold B oard appointed
to settle up last Friday's business was in session
at a laie hour, and it is thought that it will ac
complish its work so as to permit the resump
tion of business.
tub gold exchange bank.
The refiorted failure of the Gold Exchange
Bauk was wholly unfounded.
Scorch Conru.
The scale oi penalties in Scotch courts is
somewhat peculiar. In the Dundee circuit, tbe
otliei day, an old woman was sent to prison 8
y< ar> lor stealing a peticoat and shawl, aud tbe
same punishment was given to a young mao
who hail murdered his illegitimate child, by
pouring vitro) down its throat
The Rev. Mr. Richardson, of Washington,
Ohio, is one hundred and six years of age. In
point of “oldness” he claims to be the cham
pion preacher of the world.
The Keene la State Fair.
We invite the attention ot our readers to an
article which we copy from the Macon Tele
graph, and which will be found in another col
umn, headed as above. We entirely agree with
that paper in its expression ot surprise at the
opposition which has been manifested in certain
quarters to the suggestion ot an extra train for
guests from Washington, aud like it, look upon
that manifestation as illiberal and ill judged.
We, too, as Georgians, and citizens of Atlanta,
where the Fair will next year be held, hope
“ *L«t all which appertains to the management
ol the Fair will be devised and carried on in
the most liberal, broad and comprehensive spirit
it ah»tl not be asked whether a man is a
Democrat, a Radical, or Conservative Republi
can, on the question whether all the courtesies
due bis position and character shall be extended
that the exhibition shall lie planned and ac
complished in entire independence of, and supe
riority to, all local, sectional and jlkrtizan con
siderations whatever-that politics and the con
troversies of the past shall be ignored—and the
most generous and liberal hospitality prevail.
That if, as one ot the newspapers suggests, ene
mies shall come among us with unfriendly feel
ings and purposes, Georgia shall imitate the
noble temper ot the old Highland Chiel who
displayed his own self-respect and moral gran
deur, by directing that the very best should be
set before them.”
The success of the “fair” as a permanent in
stitution of Georgia, depends very much upon
the foseriog care of the Slate. This should not
be lost sight of, and when, to gratify either the
bitter hatred or prejudices produced by tbe late
war, or other prejudice entertained against eith
er officials of the government, State or Federal,
or individuals, the fostering care ot the State is
lost sight of, the “fair” will have but a brief
existence, aud all tbe great benefits which would
accrue to Georgia in its continued existence, it
needs no prophet to foretell, will become
lost to her. It is to be sincerely hoped,
that the “Executive Committee” of the
“State Agricultural Society,” to whom the man
agement of the “Fair” is confided, will at tlieir
meeting in Macon on the 7lh instant, determine
upon such a course of procedure, as will best
promote its success, and check all disposition to
grumble and growl at sut h small matters as ex
tending invitations, or sending cars to receive
and convey visitors to it \V hat their judgment
may be in the premises, w e shall be content
with. We know, however, ot no moieeffectual
mode to destroy the ‘-institution,” than to mix
up politics with it.
The OoM Sufferers In New York.
We Bee it stated in the New York Times of
the 29lh ultimo., that among those most deeply
involved in the late gold transactions was the
firm o! Belden & Co., which, it is said, owed
millions upon millions, and could never right
themselves.
There was some alarm about the condition ot
the Gold Exchange Bank. The delay in effect
ing the clearances was regaided as ominous.—
Some declared that the bank had plenty of gold
and plenty of currency, bat the difficulty was to
ascertain “ who it belonged to; ” while others
soberly replied that the bank was “in a tight
place.” Against “Jim Fisk” curses were “not
loud, but deep.” He and his financial associates
seemed to be regarded as the plotters and con
trivers of the whole mischief. His appearance
on the street yesterday was regarded as an act
of the greatest hardihood. One gentleman ex
pressed himself as not quite certain that Fisk &
Gould ought to be hanged, but was vcrysuie
that he should not be io favor of banging any
one who would shoot them. That they might
yet meet with violence was not regarded as im
probable. Among other names frequently men
tioned, was that of Commodore Vanderbilt, who
was said to have “ sold out his friends; ” “ at
least,” said one, “his Iriends think so.”
German Emigration.
Mrs. H. Waddieger, a lady of high social po
sition aud much intelligence, lrom Hanover,
Germany, has recently made a tour of observa
tion through the South. Her purpose was to
determine, in behalf of herself and others, the
question of removal to America, and her im
pressiong are communicated in a letter to the
Memphis Appeal from which the following ex
tract is taken: “The opinion entertained previ
ous to my visit that the Southern States were in
mauy respects far better adapted to the wants of
my countrymen than the Northwest, has been
fully confirmed, and I shall not lail to so advise
them ot their interest in the matter, and to use
whatever influence I may be able to exert, both
among my Iriends in Germany as well as those
in tbe States north and west of yours, in giving
such directions to emigration.”
Our friend Weil will find this lady an active
and influential co-operator should be chance to
come across her in inducing German emigration
to Georgia.
Tbe Approaching Stale Election)*.
The State elections in Pennsylvania, Ohio,
Indiana, Iowa and Nebraska take place ou the
12th October next—less than two weeks from
to day. Wist Virginia holds her election
on the 23d proximo. These arc the most
important elections that occur during the
month of October. The elections in New York,
New Jersey, Massachusetts, Maryland, most of
the Western States, together with Arkansas,
Louisiana, Alabama and Florida take place in
the early part of November, South Carolina,
Mississippi and Texas closing up the list for the
fall campaign.
What the l*«alcl«ture ot Georgia
Should do. *
ThU journal professes to he governed by con
servatism and moderation in all its views, and
to bold itself above the excitements and angry
passions ot the hour. In public affairs it has no
partisan bias, but is controlled in all questions
by considerations ot the public wellfare. There
are times however, when even conservatism
must be bold aDd uncompromising, aud even
defiant, in order to uphold the integrity of gov
ernment and the rights of the people.
There is a class ot statesmen who, for present
convenience and tranquility, would sacrifice the
permanent good and peace ot the country —
They are timid, short-sighted mta, and there is
no source from which the people ol the South
have more to fear. As a general rule they are
conscientious, well meaning men, but they are
nonetheless dangerous for this reason to the
liberties of the people. We have already lost
ground by listening to such counsels in the past
and it seems we are to have the same opposi
tion to encounter in Ihe luture. It is against
such advisers that we desire to enter our most
earnest protest at the present time. Some men
are constitutionally so devoted to peace and ease
that they would yield everything rather than’
enter into a contest for the truth. It is a mis
taken policy. No people ever yet enjoyed peace
and liberty who showed a disposition to yield
tnern up without a struggle. Power isalwms
aggressive, and upon every concession will
lengthen its cords and strengthen its stakes.—
The weak should never abandon the truth just
because they are unable to maintain it by force.
We should never forget that those who tight iu
a right cause have a power outside ot them
selves-that “thrice is he armed, who hath his
quarrel just,” and that right, though overcome
tor a season, can never be wholly vanquished.
There is a just God that overrules the actions of
men, and we have the promise that the coun
sels of the wicked shall lie brought to naught.
These are the principles that gov- rn in
public affairs, and especially when calle d ou to
yield up tbe right at the behest of power. We
hold that it is never true policy to accede to
what is palpablyPwrong. To submit, when it is
forced ui>on us, is a very different question.
Auimated by these sentiments, we desire to
enter our most solemn protest against the pro
gramme laid down by a portion of the Press
and a lew leading citizens ot our State tor the
Legislature of Georgia at its comii g session.—
There are two propositions, both ot which, in
our humble judgment, can do no possible good,
and, it acquiesced iu, must bring incalculable
evil upon the btate and people. They are both
based on the idea that Radicalism is to be con
ciliated by something short ol according to it
uuliiuited and arbitrary- power ; which is n
great mistake. Every concession we have made
to it since the close ol tbe war, has been only
tbe signal for lutther ami im-re humiliating ex
actions. There is no such tiling as good laith
in it. Its propositions are made only to deceive
and entrap, and its pledges givett only to be
broken. We can trust it lor uolkiug, and should
travel on in our path of duty and rectitude,
leaving it to truth and justice to assert their
power over treachery and wrong, and in their
ow T n good time deliver us lrom the hand ot the
oppressor.
One ol those propositions is to restore the ne
groes to tlieir seats iu liie two Houses of the
Legislature, from which they were expelled by
a power which, under the Constitution, has ex
clusive and final jurh-diclion of the question.—
They were lawfully voted out, and their sueces
sors lawfully voted in, aud that was tbe end of
the question. That there cau be no reconsidel
ation 03 regards the expelled members, the
opinions ol the best legal minds ol the country
aud the uniform practice of tbe Federal Con
gress make too clear Ior controversy. The Leg
islature canuot reseat them without a violation
ot all law and precedent, or without stultifying
itself. Stare decisis is Ihe only sale aud prop- r
rule in the case. It is no answer to say that tin-
Supreme Court ot tbe State has since decided
that a negro is eligible to office iu Georgia.—
There was no such decision when the vote was
given, even granting that the Supreme Court
can bind the Legislature in such cases; and,
besides, the right ol the negro to hold office was
expressly stricken from the Constitution by the
Convention that framed it, thereby settling the
case against the negro, whatever a partisan Su
preme Couit may think proper to decide in the
premises. And, again, the decision of the Court
applies only to eligibility to office, while it is a
question whether a legislator is an officer of the
government or not. The Senate ot the United
States, we believe, once decided by a large vote
that he was not.
But the motion to reseat is made under the
vague apprehension that Congeress will do some
terrible thing to the Stale in case ot tier refusal.
What can it do but reseat them itself, in which
case we should be no worse oft, and at tlic same
time not tbe authors ol our humiliation ? And
with what show of countenance can Congress
arraign the State o! Georgia tor not doiug that
whicn itself positively refused to do when the
Fifteenth Amendment was uuder discussion ?—
As reported, the Amendment gave the right to
hold office to the negro, and it was stricken out
before it could pass both houses, thus commit
ting Congress in opposition to negro officials.—
And it never would have passed with the ne
gro office-holding clause in it. With what color
ol honesty, then, can they punish Georgia ior
following their own example ?
But we apprehend no serious consequences
from the Legislature’s doing its duty in this mat
ter. It is one of those political bugaboos that
timid and time serviug men are ever ready to
hold up to frighten the representatives ot the
people lrom a fearless discharge ol their ap
propriate lunctions.
The second proposition is for the Legislature
to ratify the Fifteenth Amendment; aud the
same Congressional rod is held in terrorem over
them as in ihe former case. We have hereto
fore discussed this question fully and often in
these columns, showing the revolutionary effect
of the amendment and its utter overthrow of
the present relation between the States and
Federal Government, to say nothing of the
negro. We can now, upon inaturer deliberation
only reiterate the sentiments beretolore ex
pressed, and declare it as out solemn conviction
that Georgia had belter be subjected to raditary
rule lor twenty years to come, than give her
sanction to the vile and degrading measure.—
Savannah Republican.
Mb. Seward has been making sad mistakes
in his geographical estimates. It is alleged he
does not know tbe difference between latitude
aud longitude. He certainly shonld know clearly
what latitude means. He took enough of it
unwarrantably in his official conduct during the
war.
Statn Fair—Additional Premiums.—In
publishing the last list of additional premiums,
says the Macon TeBgraph, an error was com
mitted which has been coined into all tbe news
papers of the State—the repetition ol the word
"fasUxt," tor -best," in tbe two last premiums lor
harness bones. We are requested by the Sec
retary to beg oar friends of the press to notice
and correct the error, as the original publication
Milist-tntiaiiy duplicates tbe premiums offered.
They should read as follows:
For the tssteet angle heme— horse—ttotting 610 («
Fur Ihe baitti imii htroeee bones— trotting 10 00
(Open to the world.)
to beet bone collar, for plow and wagon 10 00
For tne best tingle harness horse—open to the
world 10
For tbe host pair harness horses open to the
world rU »«
An Excellent Suegeetlon.
A goad suggestion was made by Gen. John C.
Breckinridge, one day last week, in the Scott
County Court. During tbe call tor motions the
name of “ General ” Breckinridge was called
when that gentleman said that be had no mo
tion to make, but would offers suggestion which
be would be glad to see adopted. It was this:
That at tbe bar all military titles should be
dropped—that io place ol General, Colonel, Ma
jor, or Captain, as the case might be, tbe simple
word “Mr.” should be used. Judge Thomas
announced himself as highly pleased with tbe
suggestion, and expressed bis intention to adopt
it in future.
Thb Protectionist, newspaper, finds it necessa
ry to print a weekly edition, “ in order to coun
teract more effectually the increasing dimemina-
tion ot the precious free trade doctrines of the
free trade press oi the country, which ihclndes
within its ranks most ot the influential journals
ot the United States.”
Eight Governors have answered tbe St. Louis
conventionists that they would like the Capital
moved West, and they were Governors of States
all west of the Mississippi.
Falsa to tier Womanhood.
The New York World says of Mrs. Harriett
Beecher Stowe, and her recent assault upon
Mrs. Leigh and Lord Byron, that, “false to her
self, false to her husband, false to her children,
and doubly false to her gifted half-brother, to
wlrnt an infinite depth of degradation does Mrs.
btowe send Mrs. Leigh, a woman on whose fair
fame no breath of slander had ever rested, whose
good name, fame and reputation were never be
fore inspected ; but whose ever steady love for
her erring and wandering brother are now made
argumenta to prove her a very fiend incarnate.
Mrs. Stowe may believe the story; she may be
lieve it because she may know its possibility;
but no man believes it, nor does any trie, pure
woman.”
Had all Mrs. Stowe has written of the
Byron affair been true, she was false to her wo
manhood, and did inconceivable injury to pub
lic moi<ds when she pubti.-ued it. But con
victed as she stands before Mu: country, ot utter
ing a loathsome slantier, what may not be writ
ten cl her ?
A gentleman in Louisville recently gave his
hopeful son $1,800 to come South and start him
self in business. He came, says an exchanege,
to our highly moral and virtnoos city, aud we
learn that a day or two since he wrote to tbe
“old man” for enough money to take him home,
saying, “Been banking, father; it strikes me
they call it faro banking.”
The brutal attack by tbe Macon and Savan
nah papers upon General Benjamin F. Butler,
on account of the letter of the Macon committee
soliciting his attendance at the November S'ate
Fair, at Macon. Georgia, will undoubtedly keep
away most of the Republicans who' have re- j numerous the better—would be a blessing in
ceived similar invitations.—1 bid. ! any country,
From the Richmond Whig.
Aristocrats.
The Rev. Theodore Tilton, of the New York
Independent, in an elaborate article on Mr. Sen
ator Fessenden, on ; whom mauy compliments
are bestowed, makes the lollowiug remarks on
his manners:
“ In manners (and manners are tell-tales of
men) he always appeared to us as an aristocrat
—a character unseemly in our eyes. Plven to
his friends (except, to the most intimate,) during
the first few moments ot every renewed inter
view, he exhibited something forbidding in his
demeanor. His countenance, even in its light
est mood, never wholly lost its severity. His
merriest laugh did not altogether unwrinkle
those lines of his Jace which showed him to be
a good hater. His graven image on our decimal
currency is flabbily devoid ot all bis Roman
dignity. Sell-respect sat upon him like a su
preme virtue. It is a mistake to suppose (as
some have asserted) that be suffered a perpetual
pang at tbe remembrance ot bis illegitimate
birth. No civil tie can constitute, nor the ab
sence of its nullify, the natural and unshamed
allegiance which a manly son must ever bear
to bis mother. Not till man’s estate did Mr.
Fessenden come to the knowledge of his shau-
owed origin; but when he suddenly discovered
that there was living in New England a lady of
whose existence he had been uiteriy ignorant,
but who bad brought him into the world, lie
made haste to see her lace, to fall upon her neck,
and to mingle his tears ot joy and sorrow with
her own. Nothing in his whole career was no
bler than the filial affection and respect wir'ch
he never ceased to render to this superior wo
man during her remaining years on earth.
We suppose the allusion to t lie illegitimate
birth is lagged in with covert malice to expose
the absurdity of Mr. Fessenr cn’o pretensions to
aristocratic manners. We were not aware of
tbe fact; never heard of it before, and had riot
supposed such an irregularity could have existed
in the pure socieiy of New England. As wo
never saw Mr. Feasendeu, we know nothing of
the justice of his claims to the manners ot an
aristocrat. In tact, we are not certain that we
understand precisely what is meant by the
phrase. Mr. Tilton doe? not explain. He only
tells os that an aristocrat, is a character un
seemly in his eyes. But the wherefore is lelt to
conjecture. It he u.-e aristocrat in the vague
and undefined sense ol gentlemen -aud wo
know not iu what olner sente to understand
aristocrat as applied to manners—the inference
is that gentlemanly manners are unseemly in
Mr. Tilton’? eyes. But we venture to conjec
ture that such was not the reverend gentlemen's
meaning. The gentleness, the courtesy, the
constderativeness tor others’feelings, which • on-
stitute the essence of gentlemanly m-nners,
could not be disagreeable to Mr. Tilton Iu that
sense, he aspires to be a genilemau himself.
We take it that Mr Tilton ices a '-lijht touch
of the demagogue about him. and has. or nHeels
a great horror of aristocrats. I’ne )«ct ot im:
existence ot a man ot superior culture, of cour
teous address, mars his theory of nniversil
equality aud shocks his sen-e of tire tilt-css ot
things: for menial, moral arid personal qualities
are the only elements of aDy aristocracy which
can exist iu this land of ceaseless and universal
change. Such an aristocracy—and the more