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VOLUME XXII
‘ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”—Jtfferson.
ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, MARCH 16, 1870.
NUMBER 11
HJtekli) Jutrlligcnrrr
PBttUbHsI) DULY AND WEEKLY BY
JARED IRWIN WHITAKER,
I* ropfletor.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday. March Id, 1870.
Tbc aiO* Hoowe of rhirlsMon, and (be
Nmiwuul Hotel, «l Ailama.
We learn that Ms. E B, Pond, ol the Na
tional Hotel ol Lhis city, with Mr. G. W. Parker,
has taken the “ Mills House” in Charleston, and
will run that commodious end elegaDt eftab-
lisLnnent for the benefit of the traveling public,
and the many in that city, who, from a variety
oi cau»es, preii r hotel lite to the cares of Louse
keeping, and others who are not in a condition
to assume s; ch important cares. We like the
“ Mills House;’ it is certainly one of the finest
hotels in IheHoutb, and erected as it was by one
with wbotu we were intimate in our earliest
manhood, and whom we never ceased to regard
with the wannest allectioD, we have always
wished it success. It has recently, we learn
been splendidly refitted, but it never, however
well It has been kept in the past, been
more loitunate in a proprietor, than it is now in
having secured in that capacity the tervices of
the proprietor, our triend Pond, of the “ Na
tional Hotel" in this place. Nor will the
*• National” lose anything by the change. Mh.
Pond dividing his lime between the “Mills
House” and the “ National," and in his absence
lrom hete, leaving the latter in charge ol com
petent and experienced assistants, especially
his brother, Mr. L. A. Pond. In a few more
weeks the *•National” will lie one of the laigest
and most elegant hotels in the Slate. We
await the finishing ol the ado'irion being made
t • it, to give the traveling public an account of
its capacity, and the style with which it will be
refitted Our obj ol in penuing ibis notice now,
is more to congratulate our (Jim i lesion friends
upon the accession to their “ Mills House” ol
our Iriend Pond, who as a hotel man, and
courteous gentleman has no superior in the
Boulh, than anything else. Wo are willing to
dimAs him with Charleston, but could not uliord
to let the “ Mills House” have the whole of him.
Financial and t'ummorctal -Cotton.
Things begin Lo look squally in New York,
and at all financial tjnd commercial marts, gold
keeps going down, and comparatively, green
backs ate upon a par with it, or so Dearly, that
it is thought they soon will be; while choice
Government seeuritits ate actually so. The
large wholesale dealers in New York, among
them Stewart, are offering their gold at largely
reduced prices, in cons> quence of this state ol
things, and all of them are making preparations
to meet the reduction upon their wares «Dd mer
chandise, which ilii y calculate must follow an
early return lo specie payments. A coterapo-
rary, the Boston Post, truly remarks, ti at in
point of fact, Congress “ has done absolutely
nolliing to hasten the approach of resumption
It has confessed its incapacity again and again.
Tno change that, we are working up to is no re
sult of legislation, but the operation simply ol
natural laws. Our credit abroad has been ad
vancing in consequence, with other reasons, ol
the gradual absorption of our bonds by per
manent holders, their price having been
ludelensibly low from the beginning. So
much go:d as is required to effect commetcial
exchanges has been displaced by the abuudant
ciops of cotton, the last year’s product being
reckoned lairly three million bales, and worth
what six millions would have brought befoie
the war. The only dtntand for gold has been at
the custom-houses to pay duties, and lor the
purchase of important goods. But tor the latter
cotton answers the purpose equally well."
So cotton, “ King Cotton,” it seems, lias done
all this. It has given specie to the country, and
it answers all the purposes ol specie. While
Congress has been discussing the propriety, says
the same paper, “ of taking oft the letters ol
military rule iroin the South, that section has
been industrious’}' preparing the way lor a
retain to coin and a sound prosperity.” What
a moral for the political economist; what a
lossou lor the Statesman ; what a icbuke to the
proscriptive and oppress r!
A Picture. .
The Washington correspondent of the Balti-
naoie Gazette draws the following picluie: \
“ (>ld Bi n Wade has again turned up in Wash
ing tou. Vgeing tor crumbs. Seward is endeav
or i eg to regain political position. Julian will
Lave tough work to get a seat Iu the Honae.—
These men were pioneers in the atolition cause.
No one so |x>or now as to do them homage.—
Gram, BmW-r and Forney were pro-slavery men
(the two latter ‘ dirt eaters’ ic tbe most degrad
ing sense ol the term) to the very last. They
may l>e said to havelietn ‘boot lickeis’ of their
Southern masters. No slave at the South ev» r
I row ed more oh-i quous'y to such men as Cobb
Toombs and Floyd, than tbe selfsame man who
daily pours out bis wrath against the ‘ iuslitu-
lion.’ The relative conditions ol these six men
at ibis moment, is lull of matter lor reflection.”
Two ot the last named have gone to tbe
spoil laud ; kt them rest in peace ! The third
still lives, it;peeled and honored. But is it not
strange, that while the three pro-slavery North
ern meu referied to hy ibe Gazette's correspond
ent, one in the Presidential chair; the other,
the recogn zed leader ol the dominant parly in
Congress, and the third, the organ of tbe Federal
Adruiui.-tretiou; lire three anti-slaveiy men,
Ktoktiou leaders lor many years—Old Bun
W ads, StWAKD.aud Julian,—aie out ot« ffiee,
and caking it, “ with none so poor to do them
leviremce” iu their, we may now say, “ wild
hunt" alter it. Retribution, retribution!
“The mills ol the gods grind sloivly, bnt
smely ! ”
Will It Be So 1
Congress bus not jet a*milted it, but Wall
street Inis, that Cotton bas bad more lo do
wlili ilie tall of gold than aDy other, in tact-
than all other causes combined. And will it
not he strange, that, with the reconstruction ol
the Southern StHtes - when the last one ol the
daring “ rebel sisters ”—shall have been admit
ted into the Union again,there should siuiultaue
ously be a return of specie payments. Will it
be so ? It now looks so. Stranger things have
hnppened in time, and why not this?
Tln> Public Debl-llear Molls Sides.
( The public debt statement tor February just
published by Secretary Boutwell shows a reduc
tion for that month ot nearly six and a halt mil
lions of dollars. Upon this, completing as il
does the first year ot General Grant’s adminis
tration, his party friends claim that the figures
show during the year a reduction in the debt ot
eighty-e%lit millions oi dollars, and that the sav
ing ot intere.-t, per annum, on this amount is
about five ar.d a quarter millions of dollais.—
They also set down this as something lemarka-
ble when il is considi red that a general ri organ
izalion had first to be made by Preside ut Grant
ol all the working machinery employed hy the
Treasury Dipaitment, in the collection d tie
internal and external revenues, and in li e d s
basement thereof, and that the advantages to
tbe country ot the rorgani»it ; on, may be judgid
from tbe late exhibit of Mr. Dawes to the peni le
ot New Hampshire, trom which il appears that
while under the last year ol Johnson’s adminis
tration the expenditures of theTreasutj’ exceed
ed the receipts by six millions, we hu\e under
the first year of Grant’s retrenchments and more
careful system ot revenue collections, eighty mil
lions beyond current expenses sated ai.d de
voted to tbe paj ment ot the debt.
This showing, it it l>e coirect, in all particu
lars, is better for the Grant Administration, than
we were lid to expect trom Dawes’ nc-ent ex
posures of its extravagant expenditures, and we
feel disposed to give it credit for so much at
least; nor will we withhold credit fx>m it,
simply because we are not ot its party, when
ever in our judgment it merits it, Wc cannot,
however, resist tbe conviction that \\ hat h;.s
been done in reducing the public debt, is small,
indeed, compared with what should have 1 e. n
accomplished, aDd what is sternly demanded by
a people loaded with debt, and who are striving
with indomitable energy, enterprise and indus
try, to relieve themselves lrom it. The toiling
millions in the land should have the sj mpalhies
of the Administration, and its every euerjy
should be bent to relieve them from the draius
which extravagant legislation and corrupt
admiuktiathn heap upon them. The s ; gr«
plainly indicate now an early return to specie
payments, and if economy of the most rigid uni me
dots not govern the Federal Admin.sir.:.on,
instead rf better i! tie will be worse linos vxiili
the producing classes, especially, ail «oer ;he
country, and when these eoff r there can t-c no
general pr.-?ptrity, no onward match in pro
gress of enterprise and development ot the great
lcst uriesof the country.
Tlie Macon I» .Ily Journal.
The first number ol this new Macon daily,
made its appearance, as heretofore announced,
on the 6(h instant. It is published and edited
hy M Kssns. Neville, Hakrison & Ricks, and
presents a handsome appearance. We place it
upon our exchange list with pleasure, and wish
it evi ry possible success. Its rates ol subscrip
tion are $G per annum; $350 for six months;
$2 lor three months,and 75 cents lor one month.
Saving its lmee Macon cotemporary, this new
journal prtsents its readers with as large an
amount ot reading matter as any of the other
State dailies, and judging from its first issue,
will be ably and spiritedly conducted.
The Lost War Ship.
San Francisco, March 1.
The ship Benefactress arrived from Yokohama,
Japan, to day.
She brings full particulars of the Loss of the
United States steamer Oneida, which left Yoko
hama on the 23d day of January, homeward
bound.
The sttamer leit her anchorage about 5
o’clock in the afternoon, and the accident oc
curred at 7 o’clock the same evening.
The United States Minister visited her in the
forenoon, and received the usual salute, and the
guns were re-loaded with the expectation ol
replying to a salute lrom a Russian gunboat to
Mr. Delong. Tbe salute, however, was not
given, and thegun9 remained loaded.
As the Oneida steamed out ot the harbor the
crews ot the various vessels and men at woik
in the poit gave three cheers and wished her a
voyage.
On passing out of the harbor her fires were
banked and steam blown oft.
While tbe officers were at dinner at about 7
o’clock, the lookout-man shouted “ steamer
lights ahead! ” and a midshipman gave order to
pml helm.
Every thing seemed quiet on board the other
steamer. This leads to tbe belie* that she bad
nut observed tbe Omdia, although her lights
were b irning brightly.
The steamer, which proved to be the Bombay,
ol the Peninsular and Oritntal line, came right
on, and struck the Oneida on the st-irboard,
ah (ft the gangway, about half-way between tbe
main and mizzen rigging.
A hole was cut, through which the whole in
terior of tbe ship was visible. The binnacle,
wheel und rudder, were carried away, and two
men standing at tlie wheel were instantly killid
The Bombay did not stop after crashing
through the Oneiua. though ti e guns of tbe lat
ter, which happeni d to be loaded, were almost
instantly died to attract her attention and bring
her back.
Orders were given to lower the boats; but
only one life-boat was available, tbe others hav-
iua been crushed. The lite-boat was manned
i y Dr. So ddart, the boatswain, and fifteen of
crew. Five gtms were fired, but belore tbe
sixth one could be discharged the Oneida suuk
—wiihiii ten minutes after she was struck.
Noucot those saved saw a raau or heard a
v ice on hoard tlie Bombiy. They report that
wbeu it became evident that there was no hope
ot saving the ship, the ofHcers gathered around
Captain Williams, and he was heard to say
it the ship went down he would go with hir.
The life-boat was obliged to 1« ave the sinking
iliip to avoid being swamped Alter pulling
about 1> r a wnile, the crew of the life-boat, seeing
none of the crew floating—not one ot all the lfiO
who wet t down—uuwillingly bent tbeir boat’s
bead landward, about five miles distant.
On landing, the natives treated them kindly
and they obtained the assistance ot a guide and
started to walk to Yokohama, which they rescu
ed at daylight the nt xt morning.
The B< nibay was immediately ordered to tbe
scene ot the wreck, and succeeded in saving 36
men who had e«>t into a cutter which fl >ated
when tbe ship w» nt down. Several o‘ber v s-
sels, one with Min ster Dolong on board, pio-
ct-eded to the seine of the disaster during she
day, but no more lives were saved.
The J rpanese government sent boa's and ap
paratus to st-aieh lor the wreck, and it necessaiy,
lo buoy the spoL
Tlie passengers on the Bombay were quite
sin prised when they heard the calamity ha i be-
talk-n the vessel tney had struck, but declare
that they neither heard any request from the
Oneida to stay by them nor minute guns fired.
A naval court bas been dewauded by the Cap-
tiiu ot the Bombay.
"* *— *|
Gen. Qubsada and his party, now in this
country, retKirt an interesting incideni <>t G n. 1
Jordan, who is Commander in Chief «.l the Cu-
hsn Rubel army. The General speaks n • Span
ish ; hut in one action, when his tones* me!
repelled by the Spanish, he seized the flag und ;
shouted, “ A infanta,” [Advance] which single j
word answered the purpose of the oceaocu, tor ;
the Cubans rallied aud swept all before them. !
A Railroad Ferry of Enormous Ste amers
Pkuf<«ed —The voyage across the English
clianni-l is the sorest experience ot European
tnivi lers. It is but a lew miles wide, yet it is
one ot i he most troublesome little seas in the
wo!hi. The horrors ol the passage are intensi
fied by the small size of the steam* rs, built to
accommodate themselves to the French and
English harbors Bridges and tunnels have
be: u proposed. They are feasible, but tbe cost
is enormous. As an alternative, a scheme prac
tical and comparatively inexpensive has lately
been put forth, and which is said to have re
ceived the necessary financial support for its
fulfillment. A Mr. Fowler proposes ,o establish
a ra lr< ad ferry consisting ot large steamers ca-
panle ot carrying a railway train, so that travel-
iis.Mit leuie Eugltnd aud go to Paris without
ciiH'.giuii ears To carry out the idea, the
Fa neb Government is m iking a survey of the
! coa>t, tor a harbor of these steamers, for it
| would be u-eless to attempt 'o enter either Bon-
| logo*- or Calais with them. It is thought that
Audecel’e-s, South of Cape Grisnez, will be the
! place selected, as it has deepwater, is wellshei-
J te-red, and its distauee fro n Dover is about the
I shortest bet ween the two countries. The esti-
: iu tied cost is £2 ( 00,000, and it could be com
pleted iu two years.
Thts placiug ot women on the juries is cal
culated lo cause trouble. Suppose a case of
eleven men and one woman on the jury. It she
be a wue. will not this alone be sufficient
ground tor an application for divorce, on the
part ot ihe husband? lie certainly would not
willingly consent to bis belter halt being locked
up tor any length ot time with one man. What
would he say to eleven ?
Proa tbs Washington Chronicle.
CBOBfiU.
He marks of Governor R. B. Bollock Be-
loie ibe Senate Judiciary Committee,
Marcli 1, 1870.
The speech of Governor Bullock on the Geor
gia question having attracted wide attention,
we publish this morning his remarks in fall, as
revised lrom the pamphlet copy which was
printed and distributed to tbe committee. The
points made by tba Gov< ruor are very strong
Governor Bullock said:
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Jiulicutry
Committee of the Senate :
I have been placed in possession of a printed
pamphlet containing a revised edition of the
papers read before your honorable committee
oil the 9th of February last, by Messrs. J. H.
< ’aidwell and J. E. Bryant, together with an
appendix cod boning a paper signed “ N. L
Angier, Treasurir of Georgia." and entitled
“Governor Bullock’s Financial Operations,” and
also nine pages of printed matter under the
following tit’e:
Before the Judiciary Committee on Saturday,
F< bruary 12,1870, Judge Gibson, on bebalt ol
Governor Bullock, lead an argument, to whieh
Mr. Caldwell replied in substance as follows:
This teply ot Mr. Caldwell, together with
i he paper signed by Angier, I desire to notice
helore vour honorable committee shall have
f. ruled fiual conclusions and agretd upon a re
port in what isioumiunly known as the *’ueor-
gm Question.”
The paper signed by Angier being personal
•n its character, will be noticed in a printed
appendix, which I will leave with the coin
miltee.
My first information thatlheaftaiisof Georgia
w* re io be considered by your honorable com
mittee was derived from the note of your hon
orable chairman, dated tbe 6ih day ot February,
informing me that Mr. J. II. Caldwell, C. K.
Oscood, and others had applied to lay before
vour honorable committee certain facts in regard
to the onraniza , ion ot the Legislature and the
>tate ol affairs iu Georgia, and at the same time
extending to me an iovitaiion to be present on
tbe following Wednesday, at 11 o’clock.
At that time Mr. Ca'dwelland Mr. Bryant ap
peared as speakers, and to tbe “ certain tacts ”
(many ot which, by the way, proved to be very
uncertain) ia regard lo tbe organization of the
Legislature and the state ot affairs in Georgia,
reply was made by me and presented to yooi
honorable committee in print, under date ot the
10 h of Felruarj-, and will be found on pages 27
to 57, inclusive, ol the pamphlet entitled “ Geor
gia belore the Senate Judiciary Committee,
Ft bruary 9,1870,” and to which the attention oi
vour honorable committee is respectfully invi
ted. »
i'he statement, therefore, that “Judge Gibson
appeared in behalf of Governor Bulloc k,” is not
correct. Judges Gibson, Harrell, and Parrott,
together with Mr Conley, the President of the
Senate, aDd Mr. Tweedy, of the House, united
iu a communication to your honorable commit
tee, printed io a pamphlet entitled “ The Ad
mission ot Georgia.”
These gentlemen are all men of high charac
ter and ilauding, and speak for themselves.—
While I agree with what they say in their com
munication, they do not represent me, more than
they do every other Republican in Georgia. It
is not probable, however, that either of tee gen
tlemen would have presented their views to
your honorable committee, bad it not been for
the unwarrantable and insolent assault made
upon tbe character of Judge Gibson by Mr.
Bryant, in his remarks on the 9th ultimo.
In my former communications to yonr honor
able committee I endeavored to avoid, as far as
possible, any remarks of a party or partisan
character. It was my purpose to avoid speak
ing ot either the Republican or tbe Democratic
parties in tbis matter. But I hope that your
honorable committee will overlook tbe impro
priety ot my doing so at this time, because it
seems to be called for by the character of the
communication to which 1 desire to reply.
Mr. Caldwell assumes that under the former
organization there was a Republican majority
in the lower House. He says:
There were several strict party votes, among
them that which elected the Speaker, from which
it appeared that there was a Republican majori
ty ot one in tbe House, &c, Since then tbe Re
publican majority has been increased by the
deaths which have occurred.
The fact, however, is, that a Repnblican was
elected Speaker by tbe following vote: Hon. R.
L. McWhoiter, 76 votes; W. P. Price, Dem.,74
v< ttes; W. F. Holden, Rep., [voted for by Mr.
Me i\ horter,] one vote, making 77 Republican
votes to 74 Demociatic votes, as will be found
recorded in tbe Jourral oi that House, on page
12, under tbe old organization. Tbis election
took place on Saturday, and on the following
Monday, at 9:30 o’c'ock, a number of additional
members having arrived, and been sworn in, the
House proceeded to the election ot a Clerk, at
which time, M. At Hardin, Democrat, received
83 votes; Mr. S. C. Johnson, Repnblican, re
ceived 78 votes.
Thus, the Rt publican vote had been increased
hy one, and tbe Democratic vote by nine. From
ttiat day ULtil the present organization, there
never was a Republican major ty in the House
of Representatives.
It was tbis same Legislature which Mr. Cald
well claims to have been Republican, that, by a
vote of 95 yeas to 43 navs, adopted a report
which declared that John Long, of the county
ot Carroll, was eligible-a man who, as was
shown by the report, prior to tbe late war, held
the offices ot Justice ot the Inferior Court, and
(lerk of tbe Superior Court, and during the re-
tellion h< Id the office of county treasurer. Tbis
is only a sample case; many others equally in
eligible were by that House d< clared to be eligi-
gle.
QUESTION OF ELIGIBILITY.
Mr. Caldwtll assirts that “bad each member
been left to bis own conscience in the late or
ganization, to qualify or not. just as the law
allowed him to do, &A, * * it is likely that
a sufficient number would have ri fused to quali
ty lo make a Republican majority in the two
houses ot 15 or 20 ”
With the exception of tbe three men who
were declared to be ineligible by order ol the
general comm tudieg tbe district, each member
was “lelt to bis own conscience,” &c., and, had
(here been a rigid ei Lncement ot a literal con-
si ruction of tbe di-qualificatioas fixed by the
act of December 22, or by the previous acts,
which d< clared that no person disqualified by
the third sictionof the fourteenth amendment
shall hold office in either ot the States named
.n that act, Georgia being one of them, there
would have been at least thirteen other mem
bers excluded from tbe present organization
who were permitted to participate in it.
These thirteen persons took tbe oath pre
scribed in the act of December 22. notwithstand
ing the fact that they were candidates for, and
were elected to, offices under the State govern
ment at an election held on the first Tuesday of
January, 1S61, and were commissioned in the
offices to which thry were elected on or about
tbe 25th day ot the same mouth, aud continued
from that time forward, for various periods, to
perf- rm the duties of their offices during the
rebellion. These persons claim that by the fact
that the ordinance of secession was adopted by
tbe s» cession convention ot Georgia on the 19tb
day of the same month, a date which occurred
a few days alter their election and a few days
before they were commissioned, they were
shielded from tbe effect of the di qualifying
clauses of the act of December 22.
The claim thus set up was regarded favorably
by the commander of the district, in deference
to the opinion of the honorable Attorney Gen
eral of the United States, and these thirteen
members were permitted to retain their seats in
the Legislature.
It will be observed, therefore, that the greatest
liberality has been exercised in construing the
act of December 22, so as not to affect unfavor
ably any person who might, by any possibility,
be deemed eligible.
Caldwell’s political record,
Mr, Caldwell attempts to cast a reflection or
doubt upon the republicanism ol the Speaker cf
tbe House of Representatives by saying:
It was Speaker McWhorter’s rulings which
led to the expulsion ot the colored membeis.
Ac.
The rulings to which Mr. Caldwell reien,
were—
That no member, whose eligibility had been
questioned by the committee, and which ques
tion was involved in the repeat, was entitled to
vote therein.
And on page 40 of the Journal of tee House
ot Representatives of tee old organization, we
find teat when tee question of the eligibility of
No member whose eligibility had been ques
tioned by the committee, and which question
was involved in the tepOrt, was entitled to vote
thereon.
The Speaker made this rulirg, and decided
that they were not entitled to vote. Mr. Craw-
foid. (Dem.,) of Bartow county, appealed from
the decision ot the bpeaker, upon which appeal
the yea3 and nays were required to be recorded,
and resulted in yeas 84; nays.TL Among those
who voted to sustain the 8r *ker in this rutin
toe find the name of Mr. Calf cell.
When tbe report ot the Committee upon Priv
ileges and Election. 0 , declaring colored men not
eligible to hold offices or seats in tbe Legisla
ture, was made, we find upon page 224 ot the
Journal ot the House, old organization, that Mr.
Scott, Democrat, of Floyd, made the pcint ot
order—
That upon the decision oLJhe question now
UDder consideration, the persons whose seats are
contested and herein involved are not allowed
to vote. Mr. Price, the Speaker pro lent, being
in the chair, decided the point well taken. Mr.
Bryant appealed from the di c^icn oi the chair,
upon which appeal the yea*»«ind nays were re
quired, and result ei l in yeas nays 19.
Among those who voted i<? iu- affirmative—
voted to sustain the ruling, not ot the Speaker
proper, Mr. McWhorter, but of the Speaker pro
tempore, Mr. Price, a Democrat then in the chair
—in a ruling which practically expelled the ne
groes—will be lound the rzime if Mr. Cald
well! ! !
Upon the fiual vote, by which the colored
men were excluded, Mr. Caldwell was absent;
but a few dajs after the expulsion had been ac
complished, be sought and obtained permission
to have his vote recorded in the negative. It is
painiui to thus destroy Mr. Caldwell’s consisten
cy by referring to his political record, but the
truth of history demands it.
The general sentiment of the commun’ty at
that lime—the great Democratic Convention at
New York having by ils resolutions declared
the reconstruction acts to be revolutionary, un
constitutional, and void, and jutimated that tbe
govi ruments established under those acts should
be dissipated—the threatening letters received
by Republican members from their respective
homes, together with the well-known impossi
bility of preventing, by their votes, they being
largely in the m nority, the expulsion ot the col
ored members, will account lor the small Re
publican vote which is found in opposition to
the revolutionary action of the rebel majority in
tbe organization,
From the foregoing I think your honorable
committee will agree with me that the state
ments of Mr. Caldwell that^ the lower house of
the Legislature was a Republican body after the
admission to it of all tbe men declared by Gen
eral Meade’s order to have been elected, irre
spective of their eligibility under the law, is
effectually disposed ot, and that some light bas
been thrown upon tbe consistency of the honor
able gentleman’s political record.
PROPER CONSTRUCTION OF TBE PRESENT STATUS
OF GEORGIA.
Mr. Caldwell further proceeds to refer to a
very important branch of this question by
Baying:
Your attention has been directed to the lead
ing idea of ihe Governor’s report, viz: that the
purpose ot the late act of Congress was to set
aside the first organization ot tbe Legislature as
illegal, and render all its acts void, and especi
ally the validity of the election of United States
Senators and State officers. This construction
of the meaning of the act grounds itself upon
tee idea that the cumber of ineligible persons
supposed to be in the body vitiated the whole
body aud all its acts.
This allegation is not supported' by anything
presented by Mr. Caldwell, nor is it supported
by any fact whatever. The purpose of the iate
act ot Congress I conceive iq^Jiave been just
exactly what is announced irfits title, namely,
to promote the reconstruction cf the State of
Georgia.
Alter thus giving a false statement of my con
struction of the act, he adds:
This construction of the meaning of the act
grounds itself upon the idea that the number
of ineligible persons supposed to be in the body
vitiated the whole body and all its acts.
And then proceeds to argue that, if any num
ber less than a majority were disqualified mem
bers, the body—a qualified majority being a
quorum—were competent to act, &c. The ar
gument of Mr. Caldwell on this point is very
weak imitation of the very able and compre
hensive minority report made by your honora
ble chairman on the same subject, January 25,
1869.
On the 25th of January, 1869, your honorable
committee made a report to the Senate, [For
tieth Congress, 3d ses ion, report of committee
192, on the credentials ot Joshua Hill, claiming
to be a Senator-elect from Georgia.] Iu that
report your honorable committee arrived at the
conclusion thu the right ot Mr. Hill, if regular
ly elected, to a seat in the Senate depended upon
three important considerations:
First Did the Legislature of Georgia, regular
ly organized in accordance with the Constitu
tion of the United States, the laws of Congress,
and the constitution of Georgia, duly ratify tbe
fourteenth amendment, aDd comply with the
various conditions imposed by tbe act of June
25,1868?
Second. Had the Legislature and people of
Georgia, subsequent to such compliance with
said act ot Congress, committed such acts of
nsuipation and outrage as to place tbe State in
a condition unfit to be represented in Congress ?
Third. Whether on the whole case, taking the
action of Georgia, both before and since tbe
pretended ratification ot tbe fourteenth amend
ment, a civil government has been established
in that State which Congress ought to recog
nize ?
After reciting the resultW a thorough and
carefnl investigation, your honorable committee
concludes as follows:
Wherefore yonr committee feel called upon to
recommend that Mr, Hill be not allowed to take
a seat in tbe Senate, for tbe reason that Georgia
is not entitled to representation in Congreve.
In another part of the sime report, yonr hon
orable committee disposes of ihe pjint now re
vived by Mr. Caldwell by saying:
For the purpose ol this report, however, your
committee did not deem it necessary to ascer
tain the number of disqualified persons admit
ted, but the fact that any were knowingly ad
mitted was not only a violation of the fourteenth
amendment, and a failure to comply with the re
quirements of Congress, but manilests a disposi
tion to disobey and dely Ihe authority of the
United States. It one can be admitted, why
not arl? And will it be contended that if the
entire body had been composed of men who
had usurped tbe functions of the Legislature
against the express provisions ot the reconstruc
tion acts, they coaid have complied with the
provisions ot those acts so as tocieate any obli
gation on the part of Congress to receive their
Senators and Representatives? Your committee
are ot opinion that the act of June 25, 1868,
which required that tbe constitutional amend
ment should be duly ratified, must be held to
mean that it mast be ratified by a Legislature
which has in good faith substantially complied
with all the requirements of law providing for
its organization.
Mr. Hill was, therefore, refused his seat, not
withstanding the very able and comprehensive
minority report, made at the same time by your
honorable chairman, to the effect that, even ad
mitting a number of members to have been dis
qualified, there was not a sufficient number of
that character to render invalid the proceedings
ol the body, and that, it tbe Legislature was
omperly oiganized when it elected Mr. Hill, the
fact that it subsequently became disorganized
ought not to affect his election. The opinion of
the majority of your honorable committee,how
ever, seems to have been sustained by the action
ot both houses of Congress, aud by the Presi
dent in the passage and approval of the act of
December 22, to promote the reconstruction of
the State of Georgia. That act provides lor the
re-assembling of the persons declared to have
been elected by General Meade, to wit: The
same persons who assembled and made tee or-
C ization which was inquired into by your
orable committee in January, 1869, and that
the reorganization shall be effected by the exclu
sion from its membership of all persons who
held office under the United States, or a State
government, and thereafter participated in the
rebellion, cr held office nnder a government or
ganized in rebellion, &a It provided, also, that
the persons who were qualified nnder this act
should proceed to reorganize the Legislature by
the election cf it* officers. Does not this deter
mine in the most positive manner that in the
opinion of Congress and of the President, the
old organization was not only not competent to
u duly ratify the fourteenth amendment,’* bat was
not competent to elect its own officers? and teat
certain white members was nnder consideration, I neither Congress or tbe President was bound to
Mr. Bryant, ot Richmond county, raised the I recognize its political acta as entitling the State
point ot order that— 1 to representation ? And it is a very natural
conclusion that if the old organisation was not
consideied by Co mi re? s to have duly ratified the
fourteenth amendment in such a way as to bind
Congress to recognize such ratification, and bad
not elected its own officers, it could not hare duly
elected United t tales Senators.
NO HALF WAY GROUND—MTHER AN INDEPEND
ENT STATE OR A FROY 13 ONaL GOVERNMENT.
^ There is no half-way £ round in tbis matter.
E ther the government ot Georgia is “Provis
ional” to-day, or tbe action of Congress in pass
ing the act of December 22,1869, and the Presi
dents assignment of General Terry to duty as
district commander under the reconstruction
laws, cannot be defended. The act of Decem
ber 22,1869, by assuming that the Legislature
had never been legally organized ipso facto
placed tbe State undtr the reconstruction laws.
Such ia the inevitable logic of the requirement
that there shall be a new organization, and such
must be the interpretation to justify the Presi
dent’s orders to General Terry, and to render
lawful General Terry’s acts under those orders
in interfering to preserve lite and property, ar-
re^igg and confining assassins, house-burners,
negro-whippers, Ac., and in removing sheriffs
who refused to do their duty, and in appointing
others in their stead. It tbe Legislature was
ever lawfully organized, though Congress might
undertake to pnrge it, or to reseat persons it bad
improperly expelled, it would not undertake to
order its reorganization.
There is but one way out ot the inextricable
contusion and illegality iuto which tbis effort
to sustain the election ol Senators by the old
organization will lead, and that is to give the
act of December 22, 1869, the full scope and
meaning that was giyc n to it by the President
in his order assigning General Terry to the com
mand of the “district” ol Georg'a, to wit: Asa
declaration that Georgia was still subject to the
reconstruction laws; still without any “legal
State Government” competent to take part in,
or to be recognized by the Government of the
United States as a State government de jure.
TUE ACTION OF ONE HOUSE OF CONGRESS IS
NOT CONCLUSIVE
Nor does the tact that the Executive Depart
ment and the House of Representatives hare
each indirectly recognized the government of
Georgia as a “legal State government,” and there
fore entitled to be repiesented iu Congress, at all
militate against this view.
The point on which the Congressional scheme
of reconstruction turns seems to be this. Ex-
President Johnson contended that when the
Executive had recognized a State government
as a legal State government there was nothing
to be done to complete tbe process ot recon
struction but for each house, under its power,
“to judge of the elt ction and qualification of its
members” to proceed independently, and decide
upon the admission oi the members of tbe
several bouses. And in an elaborate message
he communicated the.-e views to Congress.
That body forthwith, by a joint resolution,
repudiated this doctrine, and declared that none
of the late rebel States should be entitled to
representation until Congiess so declared by
law.
If the House of Representatives of the
Fortieth Congress, under a mistaken belief,
caused by false representations that the Legisla
ture had tn good laitb purged itself of ineligible
members, admitted to their seats the Georgia
Representatives without any declaration “by
law” baying been made that the State was en
titled to representation, it wa9 a simp’e act of
one house, and not in accord with tbe joint reso
lution in which the fundamental doctrine of
reconstruction was declared. Each house is
the judge of the election and qualification of
its own members, but neither house of Congress
can by itself conclusively decide when one of
the late rebel States is entitled to be represented
in Congress.
ACTION OF CONGRESS IN DECEMBER BASED UPON
a full understanding of facts.
So soon as the facts of the Georgia matter
was made known and understood—so soon as it
was made apparent tnat the Legislature of
Georgia had not been legally organized—Con
gress, both houses concurring, adopted the act
of December 22,1869, requiring the Legislature
to be reorganized. And this was done with
great unanimity, notwithstanding tbe previous
action of the House of Representatives, which
action ot the House, as I have said, was induced
by the political fraud perpetrated by men whose
character and intentions were not suspected
until their expulsion of the negroes had directed
inquiry into the manner of the organization of
the Legislature, to ascertain how it was possible
for such action to occur, if men who were dis
qualified under tbe reconstruction laws had
been excluded. Then it was that the faets were
ascertained which led to the report of your
honorable committee in January, and the action
of Congress and the President, in December,
1869.
LEGISLATURE OF 1868 NOT COMPETENT TO ELECT
SENATORS.
It is, therefore, dear that under the act of
December 22,1869, and under the orders of .the
President by virtue of that act, aud under tbe
proceedings of General Terry under those orders,
that Georgia was not entitled to representation
in Congress, and the Legislature oi 1868 was no
more competent to elect Senators and organize
a State government de jure than was the Legis
lature ot 1865-66. In those years, under the
supervision of President Johnson, Mr. Jenkins
was inaugurated as Governor of tbe State. Tbe
Legislature was organized and had two pro-
iracted sessions, and tbe military jurisdiction
of the United States was withdrawn. Two
Senators were elected; the thirteenth amend
ment to the Constitution wa9 ratified, and from
January, 1865, to March, 1867, for all local pur
poses, and tor each national purposes as tbe
President could control, a State government
was in operation. Yet, Congress, by the act of
March 2,1867, declared that there was no legal
State government in existence in the State, re
pudiated tbe election of Senators, and, under
its power to guarantee each State a republican
government, adopted the Congressional scheme
ol reconstruction.
In close analogy to tbU, Congress, the law
making power, treating as inconclusive the
action of General Meade, as well as the action
of the House of Representatives of the Fortieth
Congress, passed the act of December 22, 1869,
and this was supplemented by tbe necessary
action of the President.
Such is tbe inevitable logic of wbat has been
done, and tbis inevitable logic must be answered
before a Legislature which, by act of Congress,
has been declared incompetent to elect its own
officers can be held competent to have ratified
amendments to the Constitution and elected
Senators to the Congress of the United States.
ORDINARY LOCAL LAWS AND LEGISLATION
VALID AS DE FACTO.
It does not follow, however, that the ordinary
local legislation of that body is not valid as acts
de facto until repealed by a legally organized
body. The local legislation ot the body in
1865-’66 has always been recognized as valid
until repealed, as well as the ordinary legisla
tion of the body assembled in 1868- 69. In
order to def« at, it possible, the lull effect of the
action of Congress in upsetting rebel machina
tions, the suggestion has been vigorously made
that State boLds were to be repudiated, con
tracts violated, laws ignored, Ac. But thi3 is
mere bosh. The only State bonds of Georgia
which have been sold since the war were issued
under the authority of the Legislature of 1865,
and these bonds sell for a higher rate than those
of any Southern State. Upon this point 1 in
vite your attention to my communication to the
Legislature of February 16 last, transmitted in
the appendix “A.”
SKATING THE ELIGIBLE CANDIDATES.
Objection has heretofore been made by gentle
men who sought tbe attention of your honora
ble committee, to the fact that persons who were
qualified were awarded the seats claimed by men
who were disqualified. This action was takeD
by the body itseli after it had reorganized, by
the election ol its presiding officer, and by a
vote which would not have been changed, had
the three persons who were by General Terry
decided to be disqualified, keen permitted to par
ticipate in the proceedings. Hence, it the or
ganization had been lawmlly periccted by the
election of its presiding officer, tbe admission of
these persons was tbe act of that lawful body.—
My opinion is that it was in tbe power of the
General commanding the District of Georgia
under the reconstruction act3 to have enforced
such action. Yonr attention is invited to my
views upon thi9 point, as embodied ia my cor
respondence with tbe Major General command
ing the District ot Georgia, a copy of which you
will find in the appendix marked “ B.”
I also invite your attention to the views and
conclusions of General Terry upon this subject,
in appendix marked “ C.” My impression and
understanding is that the majority of the House
based their action in this matter upon the same
ground taken by General Terry, and for the
reason Ui< niu stt forth.
Wo should keep iu view the fact that at tbe
election, when these persons who are disquali
fied were candidates, the publicly-proclaimed
object ot the patty with wtiich they acted was
to defeat the reconstruction policy by voting
down the new constitution. To do this the
more effectually by bringing out their voters,
the Democratic party nominated candidates for
every office piovided for in the new constitn
lion. Ot course, it their primal object—the de
feat of the new constitution—was accomplished,
there would be uo offices for their candidates to
fill; hence they were selected for their popular
ity on their war record, without regard to their
eligibility under the law, although all parties
had teeu put ou notice by a general order lrom
General Meade ot what the law fixed as dis
qualification.
My oppouent was the gallant Lieutenant Gen
eral Gordon, who won his fame in the Confed
erate army at Gettysburg and elsewhere, and so
throughout the State candidates were nominated,
not because they were qualified to bold office
under the law; not because thtir party expected
or desired them to hold office under the recon
struction constitution, but simply and solely to
bring out votes by their r ebel record against the
constitution. And I respectfully submit that
the strict application of tbe law and the parlia
mentary rule in these cases, in declaring the
election of qualified men, becomes marked re
tributive justice
MORE OF CALDWELL’S MISREPRESENTATIONS
REFUTED.
Mr. Caldwe’l, however, in his last paper before
your hoar ruble committee, says:
We care but little tor the irregularities of the
present organization, and are willing tor it to
stand if Governor Bulk ck may not be allowed
to carry out bis ruinous designs. If you shall
suffer everything that preceded the act to pro
mote reconstruction to be ripped up, and the
official terms to l e extended, as the Governor
proposes, it will throw us into iuextricable con
fusion, and peihaps involve us in financial ruin.
It you recognize tbe validity of the Legislature
prior to the expulsion ot the colored members,
let all the acts ot the body up to that time stand,
admit the present Senators elect, and confine the
terms within tbe limits pi escribed by the ordi
nance ct tbe convention and the constitution, we
are content, Ac.
It has nevir been proposed to extend any of
ficer’s official term, although there are plenty ot
Democrats In office in Georgia to day, w’oo have
“ extended their term” since tbe time when Jeff.
Davis was elected Fresideut ut the Confeder
acy.
All that I have said upon that subject is, that
when the organization ot the Legislature shall
have been accepted by Congress, and the State
shall have been admitted to representation, and
thereby become a State in tbe Uuion, that then
the members of the Legislature will enter as
members de jure upon the constitutional term
for which they were elected.
The convention which framed the constitution
adopted an ordinance to provide for the election
ol civil officeisat the same time of voting for or
against the constitution, which, in its preamble,
says:
Whereas all civil offices of the State are only
Provisional until this State is represented in Con
gress ; and whereas the interests of Georgia re
quire that a'l civil offices should be filled by
loyal citizens according to the provisions of the
constitution being framed hy tbis convention at
the earliest practicable moment and for the pur
pose ot avoiding any unnecessary delay or loss
of time and useless expense to tbe State, Ac.
It was thus clearly provided that the persons
elected at the time of the ratification of the con
stitution should simply be provisional officers
until the State was admitted to lull representa
tion iu Congress. When that event shall have
taken place, they would then become the officers
of the State government in fact —the constitu
tion which had been ratified by the people
would become of force by the recognition of
the State by Congress, and the regular terms of
office would then be decided and restricted by
that constitution.
Certainly no loyal man—no man who has the
welfare and safety of the government establish
ed under the new constitution of Georgia at
heart can ask or wish to deprive his friends of
the opportunity ot carrying out, in good faith
and effectively, the provisions of that constitu
tion, the securing of equal justice and equal
rigbts belore the law ior all ot our citizens, the
opportunity to vote undisturbed by the intimi
dations of Kuklux assassins, and the establish
ment of free schools, as provided iu that instru
ment.
DEMOCRATS CAKE NOTHING FOR IRREGULARI
TIES IF THEY CAN HOLD THE OFFICES.
It is finite reasonable that Mr. Caldwell should
say, 9peaking for himself and Ihe party opposing
the reconstruction policy, whom he now repre
sents :
% We care but little for the irregularities of the
present org iniz-itiou. It you recognize the va
lidity of tbe Legislature prior to the expulsion
ot tbe colored members, admit the Senators
elect, Ac.
For little da they care for anything, either reg-
ulai or irregular, if tbe se rtiug of Messrs. Hill
and Miller can only be accomplished, and their
friends be permitted to go through the farce of
au i lection similar lo the reign ot anarchy and
terror which is politely termed “carrying the
Stale for Seymour and Blair."
WHAT LOYAL MEN OF GEORGIA ASK OF CON
GUESS.
What loyal men ask and expect at the hands of
Congress that the high position which Congress
has takeD, iu harmony with tbe President, in
putting down tbe usurpations of the Georgia
rebels shall t>e maintained, and that now when
au organization bas twen perfected in accord
ance Willi the late act io promote the recon
struction ot Georgia, whereby the local legisla
tive {lower rests iu the hands of the friends of
tbe new system ol government, they shall be per
mitted to i arry out tlie measures which the peo
ple adopted in voting for the Constitution; and
thus, by their own legislation, provide means
for tbeir protection, so that when the colored
membeis who were expelled a year or more
ago have belli their constitutional term in the
Legislature, and t he regular legal time for the
election shall have arrived, it may be a free and
fair expiessiou of political {reference on the
partol the vorer, whether he be poor, ignorant,
and black, or rich, arrogant, and white—wheth
er he be Republican or Democrat, R' ‘-cal or
Ku-klux.
Tbe Republicans endured the government es
tablished by President Je boson in Georgia for
nearly two years beyond the lerrn tor which
that government was elected, and made little, if
nny, complaiuts; and now why should the
Democrats of Georgia, through their mouth
pieces here, make such a terrible outcry against
a Leg i.-lat ti re with a Republican majority which
dot s not propose to extend its term, but simply
to hold the term lor whieh it was elected ? Why
should these Democrats plead that the time oc
cupies with tbeir revolutionary proceedings,
during which the government of the State was
provi i mat, should be now counted against the
urm ot tbe lawfully organized body ?~
The answer is lound in tbeir tear of losing
thiir power and control,, and their opportunity
to longer obstruct the estat.lisheut ol a loyal
Republican government in Geoigia.
LOYAL LEGISLATURE WILL ENFORCE LAW.
It seems to serve the purpose ot these people
who are eadiavoring to prevent the state ot facts
to which I have just referred, to allege that I
have “designs” which are “ruinous” to the
Slate, and tbat all sorts of tearful calamities will
inevitably beiail the State if a Republican Leg
islature is not checked aud dispersed with as
little delay as possible. But where can befound
a safe foundation whereon to rest a belief that a
Legislature composed of men, a majority ot
whom have risked tbeir lives, their property and
their good names ia their cfto.tsto carry out the
Congressional plan of rcc instruction and estab
lish a State government founded upon the con
sent of all the governed, without regard to race
or color, will fail to carefully guard and protect
their own interest? and the interests of the peo
ple they represent, by promptly bringing up for
investigation, and, if found guiliy, to punish
ment, any officer ot that government who fails
or neglects to perform his duty, or wilfully vio
lates the laws by which he is to be controlled?
Are the lriends of the new constitution les9
likely to guard it and punish violations under it
than its opponents and its enemies?
So far as I am personally concerned it is well
known to my personal friends and to my busi
ness acqniantances that I retain the office I now
hold at great pecuniary sacrifice to myself,
and there is certainly little comlort in being the
target of either billingsgate or bullets. But, as
I have heretofore assured the President and
General Terry, l uow assure you, gentlemen
that my resignation is at their service. My only
ambition is to firmly establish a Republican
government in Georgia, and if that can be pro
moted in the least degree by my retirement, it
will be a pleasure for me to yield the office.
Rebel faultfinding and abuse, however, wdt
never accomplish that result.
CONCLUSION.
I am unwilling to believe, and the men who
have risked their lives, their property, and their
good name in sustaining the great principles of
republican liberty iu Georgia are unwilling to
believe, that this honorable committee will listen
to or be controlled by the pleas presented here
by the enemies of good government and the
enemies of our domestic peace, even though they
be presented, as they now are, by representatives
who have heretofore acted with your friends,
and therefore, now hope the rnofo effectually to’
forward the purposes ot their new found allies.
We believe that your action will be in har
mony with these great principles, and of a
character to sustain the party which has upheld
them. With such action, the lriends ot good
order and good government in Georgia will
soon disclose thier ability to maintaiu them
selves.
If, however, such action should be taken as
x sftl stimulate- and wc-vnragft a renewal of tlu>
active hostility to the Government and its
lriends which has now, since the late action ol
Congress, in a great measure subsided, we shall
hope that, upon a more thorough investigation
and full consideration of the great issues in
volved, the American Congress, which has never
yet failed gallantly aud consistently to uphold
the right in the great struggle which is uow
nearly closing, and to uphold that right, too.
even when the most insidious attempts, under
guises the most deceitful, Lave been made
against it, will render its verdict in favor ol
loyalty and justice, and against treason and
treachery.
Until tuat verdict is rendered we shall labor
for the right, aud with that verdict we shall be
content.
Tale-rajthic Dispatch to the Nashville Danner.
WASHINGTON,
TUE CURRENCY.
Washington, March 4.—The Committee ou
Banking aud the Currency to-day, had an in
terchange of views on the instructions of the
House to report a bill ior increasing the volume
of the currency to fifty millions. The commit
tee are at a loss to know whether it was intend
ed that the increase should be iu greenbacks or
in national bank uoles, and therelore the char
acter of the bill is as yet undetermined. It is
probable that in this connection they will report
~ plan for funding the national debt.
The following nominations have been sent to
the Senate to-day:
F. P. Meigs, of Tennessee, to be Consul at
Montevedio, Jas. W. Mason, of Arkansas, to be
Minister Resident and Consul-general to'Libera.
The President has determined to sustain General
Root, Collector of Internal Revenue of the Buf
falo district of New York, and therefore has
withdrawn from before the Senate the name of
William Kibble, nominated as Root’s successor.
Official statistics show that the imports into
United States for the teu months, ending Octo
ber 31, 1869, amounted to about $400,000,000,
against $330,000,000. Same time, 1868, exports
$365,000,000, againt $300.000,000., Ot .imports,
$3,750,000,000, and ol exports, $245,000,000,
were in foreign vessels.
Iu a letter received this morning by {he Com
missioner of Indian Affairs, lrom General D. S.
Stauley, commanding at Fort Sully, the Gen
eral urged the Government to ini 111 the promises
made to the Sioux Indians by the treaty at Fort
Rice. He says that the friendly Sioux have
done every th'mg they could to induce the hos
tile Sioux to bury the war hatchet, but they con
stantly complain that the horses, cattle, etc.,
they were promised have not been given them,
and tois is a constant cause of discontent, as the
friendly Sioux number about 8,000 it would be
advisable, the General believes, to lose no time
in procuring for them settlements of lands and
means to cultivate them.
Jos. W. Mason, who was to-day nominated
as Minister Resident and Consul General at
Liberia, is a mullatto and a native and resident
of Chicot county, Arkansas, where he is largely
engaged in planting.
The Commissioner of Patents to-day decided
to extend Owen Dorey’s patent reaper horse
power.
The Naval Committee have agreed to report
a bill for the removal of the Brooklyn Navy
Yard.
Isaac U. Dawley has been appointed Post
Office Department Agent for Colorado, New
Mexico aud Arizona, vice N. D. Cuffield, re
moved.
The House to-day passed a bill giving to a
colored man residing in the District of Columbia,
who lost both feet at the second Bull Run fight,
a pension, commencing lrom 1862.
It appearing that this mao, being a teamester
and an employee of the Quartermaster, his name
not being on the muster-roll, his case was receiv
ed unfavorably in the present and preceding
Congress. In opposition to the claim, it was
urged that its passage would set a precedent, re
quiring two or three million dollars every year
to meet similar exceptional cases, for which
provision would have to be made, in aduition to
the expenditure of thirty-four or five millions
for pensions.
A bill was reported in the Senate to clay to
repeal the test oath act of 1865. It is believed
that it will pass both Houses. It relieves all
persons of disabilites except those disqualified
under the Fourteenth Amendment.
From the New York Herald, March 1.
ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION.
The Editor of the Irish American Shot
In the Neck,
Shortly before 11 o’clock last night Fourth
street, near Broadway, was tho scene of another
attempted assassination, the cause of the at
tempt being shrouded in considerable mystery.
About the hour named Meehan, editor of the
Irish. American, was standing in front of Fenian
headquarters, No. 10 Fourth street, when some
one approached him from behind and fired a
pistol close to him, the ball from which took
effect in the right side of his neck. Mr.'Mee-
han, before he fell lo the ground, looked round
and at once recognized tbe man who had
fired the shot as James Keenan, tho Sec-
retaiy of the benian Brotherhood. The
report of a pistol in such near propinquity
to Broadway soon caused a large crowd to
gather, and as Air. Meehan lay upon the side
walk he informed the members thereof that he
had been shot hy a man with red whiskers, and
also announced his name as James Keenan. No
sooner had the shot been fired than Keenan
took to his heels and began running down
Fourth street toward Mercer street. Officer
Strauss, who heard the shot fired, gave chase to
him, with the assistance of a fireman, succeeded
In capturing him. Mr. Meehan was taken into
a drug store in the neighborhood, where medical
assistance was at once procured. It was ascer
tained that the would is of a very serious
nature, the ball having taken an upward direc
tion, and it was lound impossible to extract it
lrom the wound. Mr. Meehan, while in the
drug store, although in a very excited condition,
again asserted tbat his would-be assassiu was
the man James Keenan.
Officer Strauss, after obtaining the assistance
of officer Dunn, took his prisoner to the Fif
teenth Ward Station-house, and on the way
thither the former took from Keenan’s inside
coat pocket a five-barrelled Colt’s revolver, with
two barrells empty, one of which had evidently
been but recently discharged. At the station-
house, Keenan denied ever having fired a shot
at all. He stated that he had no trouble what
ever with Meehan, and was not present when
the shooting took place, but was arrested as he
was taking a “ run around the block.” He fur
ther Btates that he had not spoken to Meehan all
night, and, therelore, could have had no quar-
ref with him. He explains the two empty bar
rels by stating that he discharged one in Fenian
headquarters night belore la9t, aDd the other at
the corner of Mercer and Fourth streets last
njffht. Mr. Keenan claims to be Secretary ot
the Brotherhood at the present time, and it is
said that jealousy has for some little time past
existed between him aud Meehan.
A Distinguished (?) Arrival.—The Charles
ton News, of Saturday, says: A. Alpeora
Bradley, the negro ex-8enator from Georgia,
visited Judge Carpenter’s court yesterday. He
was known only to a few persons, and did not
attract any attention. It is reported that Brad
ley intends becoming a resident ot this State, as
his recent visit to Columbia proved to him that
the present negro paradise was the legislative
halls ot South Carolina. Bradley is said to be
a native of Edgefield District, aqtj a, former
slave ot the Hammond estate,