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PUBLISHED DAILY ANI) WEEKLY HY
JARED IRWIN WHITAKER,
proprietor. _
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
wnrinoiday. June I. 1870.
ACCURSED.
In all the world there has been, not one
person only whom I loved, but one }»er-
only whom I did not hate. Mustn’t
1 have a pleasant life to look back upon,
here on my dying bed? Ye8 > turn > our
. mjc away—doubtless my expression is
,,‘ut ,,ow my best, and even that is not so
i.rroeable as it might be, you know. God
made me something near a monster in
1 tee and form, and I and the lest of the
world have made my heart quite match it.
Even a baby likes cuddling and kissing,
and I wasn’t much more when I began to
notice that I trot none, and missed it, and
wondered why. The boautitul ladies who
cum to visit my mother took my sister
on their silken laps, but never me , the
servants petted and caressed her, while I
-tood by unnoticed; even my mother
averted her eyes from the child she had
home.
.My heart must once have been soit and
warm, or these things wouldn’t have hurt
me, and I can just remember that they
did at first ; and one day, overburdened
with iny questionings, I asked of Jane,
the nursery maid, why all the kisses were
Mona’s. It must have been my custom
ary evil genius that led me to ask this
on 1, who, of all who liked me, seemed to
like me the least.
She did not answer a word ; she only
smiled, a curious, cruel smile that I re
member to this day, and reaching her
hand to a peg upon tho wall, look down
a email mirror that hung there, and held
it before my face. Just then, Mona came
dancing up and looked over my shoulder;
„o that 1 saw reflected beside my own
daik, uglv shapeless visage the lily-white
ni.l sweet face of my beautiful sister.
“Who made me?” I cried. “Did I
make myself?”
“ Lawk, no!” said the girl. “ What a
question ! God made you, of course. A
poor job, too,” she added, a little under
low breath; hut I heard with those terri
l,lc shaip ears of mine, as I always have
heard any hard, and bitter, and cruel
words that anybody had to say of me—
and they’ve not been so few, cither.
The iron entered deep into my childish
soul. I dashed the mirror to atoms upon
the floor, and fled, as I could flee away
from myself, down the stairs and out into
the garden, where I hid in a tangle of
shrubbery. And behind me rang the
harsh, mocking laugh of Jane, mingled
with the lit I le silvery tinkle of Mona’s
childish laughter.
Well, that was long ago, and I’ve ago
nies enough of the present, not to need
to remember the past, for a mortification
of the spirit, i only speak of this to fix
a date—fhe date at which I found out that
every one’s heart was against me, and from
which my heart was against every one’s
lie sure after that day I never put up
my lips for a kiss, or sought any one’s eye
for a smile. I lived my strange, dark
childhood apart and alone, sitting forever
m my own gloomy shadow, hating all—
myself most; for 1, to whom beauty was
the antipodes, loved it with a strength
that was fairly a passion, and bore my
us.dy face and misshapen form with loath
ing unutterable.
1 had one solace only, I, the accursed of
God, as 1 deemed myself, had yet one
— “ a voice and talent for music that
might have made in v fortune,” people said,
“ if 1 were not. so frightful ugly—a thou
sand pities they' were notMona’s. A
thousand pities that these could not be
taken from me—me who had absolutely
nothing, and given to Mona, who had
beauty,love, everything, almost! Oh, how
l hated them and'her!—yet even I never
heard my voice rise sweet as an angel’s
without a bitter thought of my twisted
mouth, my sallow throat; and when the
music flowed as if my soul—no, not my
soul, Imt. some lovely celestial soul—
breathed through my fingers, I shut my
dm k, illshapen hands. So even this sweet
was not without im hitter.
So the time went, the slow, dragging,
painful years, till I, who had never been
■i child in aught, but years, was a woman.
One day l sat before the piano, which I
liail placed in a little, dark, curtained al-
oove off 1 he junior (for you may r he sure
L didn’t want the light falling on my lace
is 1 played,) when I heard Mona enter
the outer room m company with some
ono a gentleman, 1 knew, by the strong,
firm step.
“ So you are as music-mad as ever,
George?” she was saying, laughingly, as
they came in.
1, behind the dropped curtains, roused
trout my listless inusings, as the word “ mu
sic " fell upon my ear.
*• Yes,” ansu en d a voice, light and gay,
vet with a little, pathetic undertone of
sweet sadness in it, just such as often un
derlies the gayest snatch of song. “I
'hall always he music-mad, as you call it.
It’s the oddest thing, too, Mona, I can’t
separate the art from the artist. There's
a mau 1 fairly driest at other times; but,
when he plays, 1 love him absolutely.”
“ You’ll fall in love with Agatha, then,
Geor*»e! She plays magnificently, and
sinps divinely, It von were only blind ”
And M ona laughed immoderately, as if
the idea was too supremely and over
whelmingly ridiculous.
“•Little danger,” said her companion,
“even if—Well, no matter now, Mona.
Hut if I am music mad, I am beauty-be
witched !”
Mother came in just then, and the con
versation took another turn, but I heard
nothing more. I only sat before the dumb
keys, thinking, with a wild vengeful thrill,
of what this man had said— “I ean not
separate the art from the artist.” This
must be George Arlaud, Mona’s almost
lover. What if it might be a possibility
that at which my fairsister had so sneered ?
Not that. 1 dreamed of his really becom
ing my lover, but if I could only gain a
little power over him through my music,
it would so trouble Mona, who was of so
jealous a nature—Mona whom I so hated.
And I sat there thinking, till the late
afternoon faded into dusk, and they went
away to tea (no danger that they would
miss me at the table,j^ and the lamps were
lighted in the parlor without.
The light, flitteiing in through the cur- 1
tains, made a soft dusk in my retreat, and
just as I heard footsteps at the further
cud of the hall, I commenced to play. I
broke off suddenly when they entered, as
if just conscious of their approach.
“ Oh, where was that lovely music ?” ex
claimed George Arland, with the eager
impetuosity of a child.
“ It must nave been Agatha, in the al
cove,” said my mother. “ Agatha, are
you there still ?’*
“ Yea,” I answered, uot unmindful of
the silver sweetness with which the syl
lable tell from my lips, for my voice pos
sessed the rare power of being as pecu
liarly sweet in conversation as in song.
“ Ob, then, pray keep on playing,” said
George Arland, “That lovely, lovely
strain!”
And he began humming the air in a light,
sweet tenor, till he came to the broken
strain, and then I took it from his lips to
my fingers.
Heaven"? how I played that night ! Tt
\i.i-. .hi m-pi ration. How 1 sang, my voice
souring an if to the very gate^pf heaven !
lb* wa« In-hide me, fu* I had not played
a dozen bars before the curtains were lifted,
and he at my side. We did not speak ten
words. I played and sang as my fancy led
me ; only when I paused, he besought me
lor moro, in tones strangely pleading.
Sometimes, in soft, low passages, I heard
his breathing, quick and hurried ; and it
touched and thrilled me. And in the outer
room Mona sat, alone, neglected and for
gotten. When had I ever tasted sweet like
this ?
At last I stopped.
“ No more, on more!” I said, finally.
He caught both my hands in his.
“Thank you!” was all he said, but there
was a warm fervor in his tone that stirred
my numb, frozen heart strangely.
I would not go out into the lighted por
tion of the room to shock him with the
fearful contrast of singer and song. I sat
with my head leaning upon the piano till
far into the night, trembling with the rare
excitement of the evening, thrilling again
at the memory of that passionate clasping
of my hands, triumphant, as I thought of
neglected Mona; yet never before so bit
terly conscious of myself, never before sa
loathing my person ; for that one pressure
of the hands had taught the unutterable
sweetness of that which was banedtome
forever. It was as if the gates of para
dise had swung open for a moment, just td
reveal to me the heaven which should
never ho mine, for I never dreamed, at first,
of aught beyond costing Mona a few jeal
ous pangs.
Hut in tho morning I looked from my
window', and saw George Arland for the
first time. lie was just below, mounted
on a large powerlul black horse, waiting
for Mona to accompany him.
I have said I loved beauty; but never
before had I seen it embodied in a human
form without hating its possessor. But
this man and I stood, from the beginning,
on a different plan from any on which I
had ever before stood with any one. He
had of me (for you must remember he had
not seen me—he had only heard me) only
a pleasant impression, and he had con
veyed to me only the same. This was
contrary to the first impression people
usually made upon me—it is not so pleas
ant to sec people shrink away from you,
avert their eyes—or, if one looked again,
to feci that the second look w r as but an of
fense, instead of the compliment it usually
is to a young girl.
He w r as beautiful, exquisitely beautiful,
this George Arland. You don’t like the
word for a man, I dare say ; but there’s no
other for that face, every feature of which
was perfect in shape and tint. Ilis com
plexion w T as that dusky white, if I may so
call it, which is charm enough in itself for
one face—that peculiar tint of skin that
gives the face an effect as if seen by moon
light, as much beyond the blonde white
ness as depth is beyond surface; his hair
dark and fine, and a little waved about the
forehead ; the nose straight, with thin, sen
sitive nostrils ; and the eyes a rich, velvety
black—no sparkle, but soft and sad even
W'lien the perfect mouth smiled. His fig
ure was slender, but straight and lithe.
As I lo#ked upon this man, I burst into
wild weeping, the first time I bad w'ept
for many a year ; for as I looked upon him,
I felt that 1 had within me the heart of a
woman—and yet and yet! It is sad to have
our dreams broken, our idols shattered,
our hearts blighted ; but to be a woman,
young, and with a woman’s heart, and
know that for you, love is so impossible a
thing you may not even dream of it, is
sadder than broken dream, or shattered
idol, or blighted heart.
Then Mona came, the sunbeams finding
a home in her hair, her red lips smiling and
sweet. There w'asn’t a tear in my eye.
I only remembered how 1 hated her, how
I hated myself, how l hated everybody,
as they rode away together. But at night
fall some nameless influences led me to the
piano again, and again he was at my side.
I did not sing at first. I played only
Mendessolm’s music chiefly, mingled with
some improvised. There was, as before,
only the dim light from the room beyond
through the half-dropped curtains. I
needed no score, for anything I had ouce
played I could recall forever. The mo
ments grew to hours as I played.
“ Good-night—I am going!” called Mo
na, at length, from without; and I detected -
a troubled wonder in her tone.
“Good night,” returned Arland dream
ily. I rose as if to go.
“ N o, no; not yet!” he exclaimed, catch
ing my hand. “ You haven’t sung. Sing
to me—sing to me!”
I had once found, in a collection of old
music, some strange, wild love-songs, des
pairingly sweet, and had learned them,
but never sung them to any ear but my
own. They came back to me at this mo
ment, and I sang them to Arland.
The songs were sail as death, the utter
ance of forbidden, hopeless passion, and
my raood interpreted them perfectly. I
knew he trembled as I sang—I think he
even wept. There was one which I left,
for the last—a song which was the cry of
a lost soul for its mate.
The song had scarcely died on my lips,
when he seized my hands and drew me to
my feet.
“ Be comforted, be comforted, poor
soul,” he said, rapidly and fervidly. “ One
could almost follow such sweet strains into
Hades.”
Ami he bent and kissed me—me!
Oh, heaven ! how my soul reeled. Think
of what you felt when first he you loved
kissed you—you who had other loves,
other kisses before, even though none half
so sweet, and think what it would have
been had your lips never known before a
kiss—had a ray oflove or pity never shone
upon your heart before !
I forgot, in that ecstatic moment, myself,
and then it came back to me—that ac
cursed face of mine, which he had never
seen, and I bade him go, almost fiercely.
And as lie went, I smote my breast in ag
ony ; I tore at my heart as if I could
snatch away its pain ; I groveled upon the
floor, hiding my lace, and thinking if I
could but hide it forever.
Then I rose, and opening the window,
looked out upon the night.
“Oh, kindly darkness ! oh, sweet, veil
ing night!” I said. “ If you would uever
go ! If the day’s cruel light would never
break!”
And leaning far out into the odorous
he should look on me. Oh, if it might
never lie, and I yet lie near him!
I had solaced and whiled away the soli
tude of my childhood by the secret peru-
Kii of the wildest and most improbable
romances. I knew nothing of real life;
and some wild dream now came to me of
life with him, never seen, when I might
hide away from the day, and singing-to
him in the evenings friendly dusk, bind
him thus to me forever.
Oh, I was mad, verily; for I believed,
at last, as he came more and more under
my spell, hat if it were uot for the coun
ter-charm of Mon%’s beautiful face, he
might, in some way, be mine. And my
thoughts began to run—no matter, you
will see whither.
One evening they were going out to
gether, Mona and Arland, to some gay
merrymaking; and Mona came to my
room, beautifully dressed and radiantly
lair, for me to fasten a rose in her curls,
for I had an exquisite mocking taste in
things like this. She stood before the mir
ror as I placed the rose in her hrfr; and,
as ouce before, long ago, the two faces—
hers fair and sweet, and mine distorted as
if in an eternal pain—were reflected ia it.
Of how much one may think in a mo
ment ! As my eyes met the mocking re
flection in the mirror, I thought of him
looking upon her loveliness, lured away
from me who loved him in my lightest
thought worlds better than she iu her fond
est mood. I remembered her taunting
laugh on that long past day. I thought
ofwhathad been hers always, mine never;
and then again I thought of him.
At that moment she raised her hand to
her head to adjust a way ward curl. From
her arm fell back the loose sleeve of her
gossamer robe. There were two lights
upon the dressing-table, one on each side,
She began to move her arm downward
from her head.
Satan is always in call.
“ Mona,” I said, “ take care—the lamp !
And I bent forward as if to save her.
It needed but a touch of the lamp, and
that I gave it, all unperceived. There was
a sudden blaze, a shriek, as the flames’
swift, fiery tongues licked the fair arms,
the bosom of snow, the lace of lily and
rose of the beautiful Mona. I had won
derful presence of mind. I wrapped her
in the rug I took from tho floor just in
time to save her life, but all too late to
spare her beauty! The snow, and lilies,
and roses were stained and blackened for
ever.
Late that night, when all the house slept
save, in her distant room, Mona, may be,
tossed in pain, I stole down, and through
the night air floated muffled but triumph
ant strains joyous choruses, say, rejoicing
snatches, and all the while I thought of
that wild dream of mine. Why might it
not. now come true ? She could never more
bewitch him with her beauty—that was
gone forever—but I had still these en
chantment-working fingers, this spelling
voice. He has made her no vow—there
is no honor to bind him, I recalled a thou
sand times in my transporting thoughts
The next evening I heard Arland come
in, and go up to Mona’s room, where he
was admitted. After a little, he came
down and joined me, sitting at my old
place at the piano, on which I had laid my
head, as if sad and sorry.
“ Sing,” he said, sighing a little, “ some
thing soft and mournful. You could not
sing anything else to-night, Agatha?”
And there were tears in his voice. For
her, I thought bitterly. But why think
of the past, when
I laid my fingers on the keys, but there
was not a bar of music in all the thou
sands that I had carried in my mind for
years that I could remember. My fingers
lay still and motionless upon the keys.
The thought of a song came not to me, and
I opened my lips, but there was no sound.
My voice was gone, suddenly, and utterly,
and forever. You call it the judgment
of God. I choose rather to term it the
desertion of the devil.
Wild with despair, I fled to the room
without. Dizzy and blind, I fumbled at
the hall door, and this delayed me, and
George Arland, following after, wonder
ing and alarmed, more distorted with my
agony, full in the light of that brilliantly
lighted room.
I have never seen him since. That was
months ago. He and Mona are to be mar
ried in a few weeks, and I shall be hid for
ever in the grave.
Mona is pretty yet for all her seams and
scars. But do you think I love him less
because I’ve found out that he fell on his
knees by her bedside that first night he
saw her, and kissed her wounded hands,
her blighted face ? I knew he never loved,
or thought of loving me; but I feel sure,
if I bad mot his eyes that night, I should
have seen, for the first time in any human
being’s eyes a pity rather than a horror
for me.
Let me, at least, believe this. Let me,
going down to my grave, feel that there
is one person in the world that I do not
hate. And when I am dead, shut the cof
fin-lid close and tight above this face of
mine, and lead him to my side, and tell
him that I ask him to remember there,
for a little moment, the songs I sang him.
I almost dare to think a tear will fall on
my colfin.
From the Washington Chronicle, 23d.
(iEOKiiU.
night, I lived it o’er and o’er again, that
thrilling kiss, that melting one, till the
gray light of early morn woke me from
my delirious dreams, and dros r e me to my
hiding place, my own room.
Well, the days went, full of torturing
consciousness, of misery, of passionate ha
tred, as I saw him, peeping from my win
dow, riding, with Mona, “ beauty be
witched ;” and the nights came, delicions
aud heavenly, dusk, as 1 played or sung,
whilehesat at my side entranced, “ music-
mad.”
“ Whom the Gods wish todestroy, they
first make mad,” you know; and i loved
this man, who had never seen me, aud to
whom I was only the embodiment of an
art. I say George Arland had never seen
me, for I hid all the day, aud he never
found me except at night at the piano. A
mortal fear possessed me of the hour when
Letter from Governor Bullock.
To tire Republican Senators and Representatives
in Congress who sustain the Reconstruction
Acts :
Gentlemen—I regret that duty to myself
personally, and to my official position, requires
that I should address myself in this manner to
those with whom I am politically associated.
My rensons lor to doing are found in the fol
lowing extract from a speech made by the
Honorable Senator from Connecticut, Mr.
Perry, on the 17ili instant: “ But I do say that
had Georgia for the last two years been in the
hands ol men of high patriotism ; it it had been
in the hands of men who were looking to the
welfare of the nation instead of their ewe pecu
niary advancement, we might have had a differ
ent stale ol things there from what exists to
day.” And also in the conclusion arrived at by
four Republicans and one Democratic member
of theJudiciaiy Committee of the Senate that
in paying D. C. Forney, the publisMr of the
Chronicle, bills as rendered tor printing pam
phlets, ixtracU and speeches on the Georgia
question, I did “ use improper means to influ
ence the vote of Senators upon the Georgia
question.”
Were these the production of Democrats, nai
ther my voice nor my pen would be raised to
notice them ; coming from Republican sources,
they are worthy ol notice.
in noticing fi at the allegation of Senator Fer
ry, ” that had Georgia for the first two years
been iu the hands of men who were looking to
the welfare of the nation, instead of their own
pecuniary advancement, we might have had a
different state of things there from what exists to
day," I would say from my stand point I can
fully concur with the Senator in his statement,
Irorn the tact that lor the last two years, or at
least until the 20th ol January last, Georgia
has been in the hands of a rebel Democratic
legislative organization. But as the remark is
evidently intended to apply to the Republicans
ol that State and to myseit, as the head ol the
State government, 1 shall refer to a few histori
cal fods tor the purpose of establishing the in
justice, to use the mildest form of expression,
which is done by the Senator to the Republicans
ot our State and to myself by his remark.
On the 4th day of July, 18C7, a convention
mot in Atlanta to organize a Republican party
in our State, in opposition to that kind ot Re
publicanism which claimed Andrew Johnson
Its chief That convention resolved to sus
tain the reconstruction acts of Congress, and to
endeavor to establish a government for the
State under and by virtue of those acts. It was
a small beginning, and the men who partici
paled in that organization were surrounded by
all the malignity of rebel hate, inflamed and
embittered by the endorsement of the conven
tion in favor of the enfranchisement of the
colored men so lately their slaves. And the lit
tle band who thus bravely met were threatened
on all sides and their lives were by no mean.-,
secure.
In November of the same year an election
was had to decide by a vote whether a conven
tion under the reconstruction acts should be
called, and at the same time for the election of
delegates to the convention should its call be
ratified. In this election the Republicans of the
State were successful The convention wa9
called, and during the winter of 1S67-’S a con
stitution was framed in which there is no sign
ot proscription, no test oaths, no disfranchise
ment. All men of sound mind, who have not
been convicted of felony, and who are twenty-
one years of age, anil residents ol the State, are
under it entitled to vote and to hold office.
In April, 1863, the constitution was submit
ted to a vote of the people, and, at the same
time, under an ordinance of the convention, an
election was held for the officers provided lor
in the new .constitution, a Governor and
members ot the General Assembly, who,
virtue ot the ordinance, were declared to be
provisional officers, atul who, it authorized by
the coiumauder ot the district. w r ere to enter
upon the discharge of their duties as such, and
were to continue provisional until the State was
restored to the Union, when they would enter
upon their terms of office as prese.rilied in tin
constitution. This campaign resulted iu the
ratification of the constitution aud in the elec
tiou ot myself and a General Assembly, whose
members, as elected, were very evenly divided
between the Republican party, the party favor
ing the reconstruction acts, ami the Democratic
parly, the parly opposing those acts.
Under and by virtue ot the act ol June 2.7,
1868, the General Assembly convener! on the
4th of July ol the same year. Among those
elected by the opposite party there were at
least thirty who were especially prohibited by
the act of June 25, and by previous acts, from
holding office, they being disqualified by the
3d section otthe Fourteenth Amendment This
fact was earnestly pressed upon the attention
ot the commanding General by myseit as will
he shown by the published report ot the military
commanders aud ol the Judiciary Committee
ol the Senate. Notwithstanding this presenta
tion oi facts, however, the commanding Gen
eral deemed it wise to make no objection to
those members retaining their scats, anti the
Legislature thus organized in violation ot the
law, having gone through the lorrn of adopting
the conditions then required in the reconstruc
tion acts, the State, by military order, was re
manded to the civil government thus estab
lished.
Iu September the same year tins legislative or
ganization excluded from their scats some twen
ty-eight of its members, who were of African de
scent. At this point the contest originating from
the enfranchisement ot the colored men was re
newed with all its bitterness. While the ques
tion of this expulsion was being considered by
the Legislature, I, in an official communication,
impressed upon them, in the strongest terms
which 1 was capable of using, the great wrong
which was about to be perpetrated, and, ol
course, thereby stimulated a renewal of our po
litical animosities. Earnest appeals were made
to me by frightened and discouraged Republi
cans to acquiesce in this outrage, and oilers of
high political prelerment and advancement
were indirectly tendered to me by the opposite
party to effect the same object., accompanied by
threats of the vengeance that would be visited
upon me if I did not. accept their terms.
Upon this state ol facts I suhmit to the hon
orable Senator from Connecticut, and to the Re
publicans of Congress who have sustained the
reconstruction policy, as to whether “ high pa
triotism ” and the “ welfare of the nation,” or my
“ own pecuniary advancement ” were the rnove-
ing causes in this political situation.
Notwithstanding my protests and appeals,
however, the Legislature persisted in maintain
ing the expulsion of the colored membeis. And
information ot the fact that the reconstruction
acts had been disregarded in the organization
of the Legislature by allowing thirty or more
disqualified members to be seated, and the evil
results which had iollowed t he failure to execute
the law in the expulsion of the colored membeis
from the organization, was transmitted by my
self in a formal manner to Senator Morgan aud
Representative Schenck, in whose hands was
left the question of a session of Congrt ss be
tween its adjournment in July aud its regular
assembling in December, with the request that
should a session in the meantime be had, the
matter should be laid belore Congress. As is
well known, no session took place, hut mi the
assembling of Congress in December, I formally
presented the facts heretofore referred to. And
from that hour uutil, upon the recommendation
of our firm and patriotic President, the act of
December 22d was passed, hy which this deli
ance of the reconstruction laws was rebuked
and the outrage perpetrated uuder cover ot ii
redressed, I have been instant, in season and out
of seasoa in using every proper means within
my power and .contiol to bring tacts bearing
upon the matter to the attention ot Congress.
During the terrible struggle ot nearly two
years, when delegations ot men from Georgia
who bad been true to the Union, men native
and to the manor born, have presented them
selves and their grievances here at the feet ol
Congress, surrounded as ihey were at home by
threats of veangeauce and violence, their assas-
sniation publicly recommended in the newspa
pers, the hope published that they might “perish
by the wayside,”tid tliat“Georgia should be
no more cursed hy their hated presence”
—followed, as all this was hy the prompt
murder of several of them a9 they passed
on the highway from the railroad station
to their own firesides—let me ask again of the
distinguished Senator fir m Connecticut it “high
patriotism” or “looking to the welfare of the
nation” would have caused me to press on, or
whether my own pecuniary advancement”
would not have been largely secured hy stir
rendering to our enemies ? No, genileruen, the
Senator but repeats the slanders and misrepre
sentations which have beeu heaped upon my
self and the Republicans of Georgia dnriDg all
this contest. I have the charity to believe that
the Senator has been misled by these misrepre
sentations. But be assured there is no “peeu-
niaiy advancement” in the line ot strict ad
herence to Republican ’principles, {and the
measures involved in the reconstruction policy
ot Congress iu Georgia. Fortunate, indeed, is
he who saves his life, eveu though he lose that
which to eveiy man should be dearer than life,
dearer than pecuniary advancement—his good
name and fame.
It away out on the confines ot civilization a
settler is threatened in his cabin by the prowl
ing bands of Indians, troops are at once moved,
money is lavishly spent and the whole country
is aroused for his protection ; hut, on the other
baud, ii white and black •run lsol the Union
are whipped and raut.ler.-d iu the youth l.y
prowling bands ol diagni.sed Eu Klux the Pres
ident is prevented from gt anting proteclion be
cause the laws do not authorize him : and when
men or delegations come to the capital from the
South to plead with Congress for help, and tor
their rights, baste is made to put them under
“ investigation ” with the vain hope that the lies
of interested rebels may have some foundation
in lack Are Southern Republicans beyond the
pale of protection or justice ? Is the odium
which we have incurred from rebels because we
have supported your ineaaaiea U» be upheld here
to bar us irom your approval V While we risk
our lives aud property, will you aid in taking
from us that which ia dearer than all these—our
good name and our reputation 1 These are se
rious questions, and the answer is anxiously
looked for by every Southern Republican.
Now, gentlemen, permit me to invite your at
tention to the finding of a minority of the mem
bers of the Judiciary Committee. And, right
here, let me express my grateful thanks to the
minority of the committee who had the manli
ness to express their convictions, and to say
“ that Governor Bullock haa acted honorably
and fairly throughout the whole controversy.”
The Legislature of Georgia having organized
under the act ot December, and in strict confor
mity with the previous reconstruction acts,
adopted the several conditions required by Con
gress, aud elected Senators. Application was
made tor the admi-sion ot the State into the
Union. Upon this the Reconstruction Commit
tee ot the House ot Representatives reported a
bill for the admission ot Georgia precisely
similar iu all respects to those by which Vir
ginia, Mississippi, and Texas were admitted.—
This bill was and is eutirely satisfactory to the
Republicans ot Georgia. But, upon the bill be
ing presented to the House of Representatives,
an amendment was added, by the votes of a
minority of the Kepulican members united to
the solid Democratic vote, which seeks to re
strict the lull effect of the Recostruction laws, and
to give to the revolutionary Senators who rev
olutiouized ttie Legislature of 1868, the lull ben
efit. of their action at that time. When the bill
came to the Senate with this restriction upon it,
a majority ol the Judiciary Committee ol that
body made haste to report upon it favorably,
the bill, 1 believe, haviug beeu received late in
the evening of one day, and reported favorably
the uext morning. I believed then, and
1 believe now, that the effect of the
amendment to which I have referred is plainly
find undoubtedly to hand over the government
ot Georgia to the control of the very men who
so earnestly and so viciously opposed the recon
struction measures ol Congress throughout the
campaigns which I have before spoken of, and
to surrender into their care and keeping all the
Republican features ot our new constitution,
which are as yet dormant aud inoperative—the
school system, the jury system, the registration
system for fair elections, Ac. In this view I am
fully sustained by the Republican organization
in our Slate, and by every individual member
ol the parly except not exceeding a dozen men
who, horn motives which are plainly apparent,
find their iuterest aud their “ pec uni ary advance
ment” in uniting with the opposition. Reliev
ing this and being tally sustained by the party
which elected me, I tett it my right and my duty
to use every proper means to place belore Con
gress and the country the real situation ol
affairs. Aud in doing this 1 have been careful
to avoid exaggeration, and to slate only the
literal truth. I have challenged, and I now
again challenge, a successful contradiction ot
any statement put forth by myself or upon my
authority, or in fact by any member of tbe
Republican party in our State, which is not, or
was not at the time, fully sustained by the tacts.
The Republican party in Georgia in the ter
rible ordeal through which they have passed
have beeu the recipients, as have the loyal or
ganizations ia all tbe other Southern States, ot
the warm, continuous, earnest, and effective
support ot the Republican organ at the capita)
There is no newspaper published which sc
much attracts to itsell the affectionate regard
of the loyal masses in the South as tbe Wash
ingtoii Chronicle,. Its firm adherence to Repub
lican principles ; its exjtosure of the political
treachery of Andrew Johnson; its masterly
support ot the articles of impeachment against
him; its manly maintenance of Southern Re-
pnlicans against rebel slanders; its hearty sup
port ot our State organiz itions against the at
tacks of our opponents under various disguises
claiming to be Republican, Conservative Repub
lican, Ac., has given to it an influence in the
South which no other newspaper lathe country
can yield.
But I am censured by the majority of the
Judiciary Committee in that I did use improper
means to influence the votes ot Senators on the
Georgia question by paying to the Washington
Chronicle prices which I have since inquired
into and believed to be fair, just, and reasonable
for printing, publishing, and circulating speeches
Ac. This is the sum of my oflendiDg in influ
encing the votes of Senators.
Were the frieods of “tree trade” or of “ pro
tective tariff” ever censured lor publishing argu
meats, speeches, or it .tistics, as using improper
means to influence the votes of Senators ?
Now, gentlemen, permit me to invite your atten
tion to wh it ii, fact has the appearance of being
an attempt to use “improper means to influ
ence the voles ot Senators’' in an opposite di
rection.
On Monday afternoon, the 18th of April last,
the evening of the next day having been fixed
by agreement to take the vote in the Senate on
the Georgia bill. Senator Edmunds stated in the
Senate that he had been informed that an effort
had been made to influence the votes of Sena
tors on the Georgia Dill by corrupt means; and
offered a resolution which was adopted, instruct
ing the Jiulici .i v' Committee, of which he is a
member to investigate the charges. ’
As it was obvious that the investigation could
□ot tie made and concluded, and the result an
nounced belore the vote was to be taken the
next day, and as the rumors to which he refer
red had been iu circulation in Washington for
more than a week before that time, it seemed to
me that the resolution requiringan investigation
should have been offered several days earlier, or
should have been deferred until alter the vote
was taken; and that its introduction at that
time did influence to vote on the Georgia bill.
The most atrocious lies and insinuations bad
been telegrapWd Irom Washington to different'
paits of ilie country, and circulated among
mcm Iters of both Houses to the effect that I had
attempted to influence the votes of Senators by
offers ot Georgia bonds or money, and every
possible means had been employed to create
prejud.ee against myself and the Republican
party of Georgia who were asking for the ad
mission ol the Stale without the Bingham
amendment.
These infamona lies have a common origin,
and have been coined and pnt into circulation
by men who hypocritically pretend to belong
to the Republican party, bnt who are, and have
been acting io concert with the rebel Democracy
in Georgia.
For two years in Georgia 1 have been pursned
by threats of personal violence and assassina
tion, a d. during that period, my friends have
believed that my life was in danger. For two
years I have been pursued by the most villain
ous slanders that rebel ingenuity could invent,
charging corruption in office, personal immor
ality, and iu eveiy way impeaching my charac
ter as a man aud an officer. One after another
these slanders have been worn out and aban
doned only to be renewed in some other form.
Every attempt to sustain any one of them, and
in every instance, has proved an utter and
shameless failure.
In January, 1869, after I had made an appli
cation to Congress to restore the expelled col
ored members to their seats, and, alter s previ
ous d- r.m.ciutir.n for official corruption, a com
mittee o' th<- lower house of the Georgia Legis
lature, c .mpose.l of twenty four Democrats and
ihrte Republicans, made an exhaustive exami
nation to find, if possible, some - ground upon
which to prcler charges against me lor impeach
ment, but finally reported back a resolution to
the effect that they could find nothing affecting
my official or personal integrity.
“ I have said these assaults have a common
origin. So far as the assaults which have been
here art concerned they are directly trace
able to Mr. Joshua Hill. As to the motive ol Mr.
Hill it ia well known that he is one of the Sen
ators elected by the Legislature which retained
in ita organization the 30 or more disqualified
into, all ot whom voted tor Mr. Hill and after
wards expelled ita colored members, and that
the adoption or the rejection ol the Amendment
for by his Democratic constituents will
affect favorably or unfavorably the legitimacy
of his election. And it is equally as well known
that while he claims special consideration lor
haviog been opposed to secession, and a Union
mao at the outbreak ol the rebellion, yet daring
the height oi the contest he was a candidate tor
Governor ol Georgia, and published a letter du
ring that candidacy in which he denounced Mr.
Lincoln as an Abolutioniat, stating that he be
lieved the war was being prosecuted for the al>nli
tion ol slavery; that he wauted and would have
on restoration of the union under such circum
stances; that he did not oppose the Administra
tion of Jeff. Davis or the prosecutimi of the war ;
on the contrary .that the best blood of his kindred
had been shed iu tbe content, and that he had
not denied them his support.” It is also well
known that since the close ol the war he has uot
in any way publicly supported tbeRccoustruction
measures ol Congress, but on the contrary has
expressed himselt in opposition to the eulrau-
cbiaemeul oi the negro. It is also a fact not so
well, known that a mau living in Georgia
who named his child John Wilkes
Booth, in honor of the assassin of our
martvr President, a man who, according to the
affidavits ol two responsible witnesses, said that
“ be would cut Bullock’s heart out before he
should ever be allowed to take his seat as Gov
ernor," and who, when an order was issned by
the military for his arrest, escaped Irom Georgia
and came to Washington and is now here, us 1
understand, prosecuting a claim for cotton taken
by the United States during ih«- reb. llion, aud
who, by his own repeated statement, is a “mem
ber ol the ku klux klan organization.” This
man with this record made an applica
tion tor the removal ot his political disabilities
and this written application bears the favorable
endorsement and recommendation ot Mr Joshua
Hill, who, in his endorsement, says that he has
known him for many years as a reliable and
worthy citizen, and hopes that his political dis
abilities may be removed by act ol Congress
Mr. Hill was a member ol Congress belore
the rebellion. He sought office under a Mate
in hostility to the United States, aud gave ui
and comfort to its enemies. Yet in a published
letter he admits having twice taken tbe lest, oath
Such is the record oi the gentleman whose
“high patriotism ” seems to commend to the
favorable attention of certain Seuators.
By an examination ot the evidence as pub
lished by the Judiciary Committee in the late
investigation, it is established that the whole at
lair is founded upon the machinations ot Mr.
Hill. The evidence discloses that one Mr
Porter called upon Mr. Hughes, as he says, lor
thejpurpose of ascertaining how certain Senators
were likely to vote, and intimating or assertiug
that money or bonds could be realized if the
probable vote or tbe Senate could be known iu
advance. This conversation was coininuoi
ted by Mr. Hughes to Mr. Hill, with the state
ment that he (Mr. Hughes) thought he (Mr. Hill)
“had some interest in the subject.” Mr. Hughes
desired to have no further conversation or com
munication whatever with Mr. Porter in this
matter, but Mr. Hill insisted that Mr. Hughes
should meet Mr Porter a second time, and draw
from him whatever he could that might be useful
to him. Mr. Hill having in this manner obtaine
a report upon which to touud a suspicion, the
evidence next discloses that he sought to obtain
for it publicity through one of the reporters ol
the New York Tribune, but failing iu this„il was
sent to a Western paper. The reporter ol this
paper having been examined by the committtee,
states upon oath that he had no knowledge of
any improper means being used ; that he heard
so. On being still further pressed he states: “ 1
heard that railroad bonds, endorsed by the
State ot Georgia, to the amount of $10,000 had
been offered to a Senator to secure his vole
against the Bingham amendment,” and, after
close questioning, be admits that he heard it
from Mr. Joshua Hill, and is unable to give any
other source from which the report originated.
As an evidence of the frailty of the foundation
upon which the investigation was inaugurated,
I quote the following question asked of this re
porter: Q You may state what you have heard,
as that may put us on the track ”
By the examination of Mr. Hill it hi disclosed
that be knew “ of some publication“Which had
been made by a parly with whom I [he] was
familiar. One of the publications I [he] was
consulted about; the others I [be] was not.—
They were in the shape of pamphlets. They
were published generally in my absence;” and
that he gave Mr. Bryant some money to assist
him in the printing that he had done. In reply
to a direct question if he had heard by report of
any offers of money or efforts to use money in
any way, and if he could put the committee on
the track of any information on the subject, he
answers: “ 1 doubt whether I have any infor
mation beyond what tbe committee is in posses
sion of. I have never heard ot money being
used or attempted to be used except in a matt, r
that was communicated to me by Judge Hughes,
and another matter that came to my ears in re
gard to a gentleman to whom I have never
spoken in my life, and whose name, I think, is
Atkinson. I will go a little timber, and say
that I did hear a rumor that Governor Bullock
had in this city drawn for a good deal of money,
a good many thousand of dollars, how many,
definitely, I could not learn. I do not think I
know anything else about it.” Then follows the
question. “ Q. Iu the same connection, did
you hear what he [Bullock] did with tbe money
he drew ? ” “ A. I did not.” In answer to the
question if he knew of any money being raised
tor Bryant and others that came Imre from Geor
gia, he answers: “ Yes, I have heard Irom vari
ous sources and have seen it in the public press
that the 'Democratic party were employing Bry
ant” Ac.
A correspondent of the Baltimore Gazette,
who had made a direct statement in his cor
respondence published in that paper, charging
for the votes of Senators, being sworn and ex
amined, states that he had no krone ledge on the
subject whatever, except from a newspaper dis
patch which he saw in a Richmond paper. Id
reply to the direct inquiry, it he could give any
information or knowledge that would put the
committee upon the trace ot any tact going to
show that improper means had been used, bis
answer was, “No, sir, I do not think I could''
This then is tbe flimsey Inundation upon
which the Senate was asked to authorize an
investigation, and here the question becomes
pertinent as to whether the means used to influ
ence the Senate to order an investigation, pend
ing the vote on »hat subject by those whose in
terests were to be advanced by the adopt ou oi
the Bingham Amendment, were not, not only
improper” but infamous.
Winterer else may happen to me, I shall
have the office of Governor ot Georgia with
dean hands, and without having performed any
act for which my children or my Irinas ehali
have occasion to blush, but with my private
fortune greatly diminished by tbe heavy expend
itures to which I have been subjected to sustain
myself and tbe loyal men of Georgia.
The rebel Democracy of Georgia and their
agents here supposed that by breaking me down
they could break down or greatly injure the
Republican party of that State, and thereby
prevent Congress from taking any steps to sus
tain tbe loyal men, and hence the terrible ordeal
through which I have passed. Bnt, gentlemen,
confess to you that i have been deeply dis
couraged by Republican Senators and Repre
sentatives at Washington repeating and giving
credence to the vile Blenders of rebels and rene
gade Republicans, and teeming to be auxions
to Had evidence with which to justify them.
It is possible to conceive of a state of facts
which justify the Judiciary Committee of the
Senate in sending for my private banker in At
lanta and examining the state oi my i>ersoual
account but when that was done to find out
some charges against me, it possible, when
every other attempt had wholly failed, I can
not help regarding it as an mfringemaut of my
personal rights, and as unjustifiable and inde
fensible. Such extraordinary zeal by Republi
cans to assail the integrity of a Repulican
Governor in a State like Georgia, who is strug
gling with the elements ot Rebellion and vio
lence, because the party differs irom them in
opinion as to what should be done must excite
to astonishment of fair minded Republicans
throughout the country.
But I will dismiss the subject of the “ investi
gation ” by saying that every dollar used by
me iu my private or public affairs while in
Washington was my own, and iu amount was
□ot tbe half of what 1 have spent first and last
tor the Republican cause, and. was ah duly ex
plained to the “Committee”—and by quoting
tho following extracts from the report of the
majority, in which they have the economical
tairuess to say: “ Governor Bullock’s testimony
shows * * * * that
most ot the speeches and papers lor which he
paid were teut and distributed in Georgia; that,
with the exception in round numbers ot the
four thousand dollars paid the Chronicle office,
and the five hundred paid the Globe, and the
fourteen hundred dollars loaned the colored
men, the balance of the fourteen thousand five
hundred dollars drawn by him while in Wash
ington was used about his own private affairs j
(the expenditure of the large portion of which
he explained to the committee,) and without
any reference whatever to legislation ; that he
did uot know any person by the name ot Lewis
Porter; that such a person might have been
introduced to him, aud he might know his face
were he to see him; but that he never heard,
except from what he had seen published in the
papers, ot any attempt through him, or any one
else, to influence a Senator.”
1 am opposed to what is known as the Bing
ham Amendment or any proviso substantially
like it. because it seeks to deny to the Republi
can party in Georgia the fruits of the political
victory that they have achieved alter the terri
ble trials ol t h • past two years ol contest; be
cause it seeks to restrain the full effect ot the
literal executiou ol the reconstruction acts in
such a manner as to promote the interests aud
the wishes of the very mon and the very party
who have persistently, and by every conceivable
means and meanness, sought to defeat those
acts; because its adoptiou will be a rebuke to,
aud will destroy the Republican organization
which has maintained those acts, and supported
the administration aud the party in our State ;
and because any attempt to hold an election
there tor members ot the General Assem
bly belore those already elected have en
joyed their constitutional term of two years
as a State in the Union under the new con
stitution, will result in the utter abandonment
by them and by the party ot any further attempt
to uphold and maintain the policy which a Re
publican Congress bas inaugurated aud which
it would thus be shown a Republican Congress
has abandoned.
I will not deny that this result would bring
peace to Georgia But it would be tbe peace
of death. Republican principles would be
abandoned lorever, and the 106,000 loyal men
who voted for and carried the Convention, and
Constitution would be heard from no more.—
There is no “Amnesty” with rebels tor men in
Georgia who have dared to be Republicans,
and to sustain measures which entrahehised the
black man. There is no “relief from the disa
bility.” except in death, in submission, or in
flight.
In this connection, the following exract from
the Savannah Morning News, a leading Demo
cratic journal ol Georgia, o! the 19th instant,
is important:
“We agree with our able cotemporary of the
Columbus Sun that the complimeut paid by
the correspondent to the white people of Geor
gia is deserved. They have irom the inception
ot this business given Radicalism a fight that it
was totally unprepared tor. It was in the
original programme that Georgia should be re
constructed first. This was a tacit acknowl
edgment of her power and influence. But
Georgia would not and will not be reconstruct
ed' radically save at tbe point of the bayonet.
If the other Southern Slates had followed her
lead in place of comproising as Virginia and
Mississippi have done, the Radical party would
have been beaten at every point in the coming
campaigns ”
Gentlemen, the issue is before you, your
friends ask tor the prompt admission ot the
State on terdls precisely similar to those
which were adopted for Virginia, Mississippi,
and Texas. The conditions required of those
Slates have beeu pertormed by us. Under this
action by Congress we will, during the term
tor legislation which is prescribed in the new
Constitution for the General Assembly give full
force and effect to the great aud living princi
ples of universal freedom engrafted upon our
new Constitution, by securing the privileges of
tree education and of a tree ballot to all citizens.
Deny this to us, withhold it Irom us, and neither
ot these results will follow, but the responsi
bility for the sacrifice ol the reputation, the
lives, and the property ot the men who have
beeu destroyed for daring to uphold your
measures—responsibility for the utter de
struction of republicanism in Georgia will be
with yourselves and not with us.”
Rufus B. Bullock,
Willard’s Hotel,
Washington, May 21,1870.
Fulton Sheriff’s Sales for June, 1870
W ILL be sold before the Court House door, in the
cilyof At'auta, Fulton couuly, Qu , within the
iuwlui hours of tale, ou the first Tuesday in June next,
the following property, to-wit:
A p irt of laud lot No 51, in tbe 14th district of, orl-
f 'inally Henry now, Fulton county, Ga., the part bo
evied on is iu Ward 4, part of city lot No. 90, fronting
on the south Hide of Houston street, between Collins
and Calhoun Htr*-et«, *n me city of Atlanta, containing
% acre of land, more or less ; on said lot ig a one story
woudt-n dwelling occupied by Robert Webster. Levied
ou as tbe property ot Webster by virtue ol and to satie
ty a fi In lei-urd hy D B Smith, Notary Public and ex-
otticio Justice ol the Peace, of the 1234 District O. M.,
ol paid county, lounded upon a mechaniCH lien, in tavor
of John Badge va. Robert Webster. Levy made by
Henry Holmes, L. C., and turned over to me, May#,
187ft.
Also, at the same time and place, southwest corner of
land lot No. 175, in tbe 14tb Uintlct of, originally Henry
now, Fulton county, Ga., bounded ou the sontb by Geo.
Latham, outlie went by Russel Baker, on the North by
land c a’med lor the heirs of Strie.kUnd, on the east by
U PCoursey, containing MI acres of land, more or less.
Levied on as the property ol Absalom Baugh, by virtue
of and to satisfy a Ufa, is-ued from Fulton Superior
Court, in lavor of William Conrsey, administrator, vs.
Absalom Bau^b. Property pointed out by Robert
Bau-'h, Hay 5,1870.
Also, at tbe same time and place, a certain two story
brick bouse aud lot whereon ii. is situated, fronting ou
Whitehall street, 35 feet and running back 135 feet. In the
city of Atlanta, between l.yuch’s building, and the
building no upieti hy T R Ripley as a crockery store
said brick bouse being now occupied oy H Hublenurink,
in the lower pari s s bar room, am the npper story by
the Atlanta Intelligencer as a printing office. Levied
on as the proiierty of H Mublenbriufc, by virtue of and
to satisly a it la. la-ucd Irom Fnltou Superior Court, in
favor of I ewis Tomlin vs. ii Mnhlenbriuk aud I E Bart
lett. Property pointed out by Lewis Tumlin, May 5th,
1870.
Also, at the same time and place, that tract or parcel
of land, in the city of Atlanta and State of Georgia, be
ing part of land lot No, 82, in tbe 14th district or, origi
nally Henry now, Fulton couuly, and known in the sub
division ol tue George W Johnson property, as the east
halt oi lot No. 4, fron 1 ing 4»>* feet, more or less, on the
north side of Victoria street, ana running back north
wardly parallel with the Western So Atlantic Railroad
150 feet, more or lees, to John street, bounded east by
lot No 3, and westb. west halt of lot number 4, accord
ing tosurv. y and plat, l>y .las F Cooper, in November,
ISA: -aiJ tr.ct .1 laud levied ou as Lhe pcopeity of
•i.drrson i. Richmond. under and by virtue of two Ju~
i >ce <'ourt fi fas in lavor ol James Clarke vs. Smith Sr,
Richmond. The above levies made Iu J K Thompson,
L ■;, aud retnned to me thie nth M tv. 1870.
Also, at the same time and place, a part ot land lot
No. 45, In the 14th district of, originally Henry now.
Pulton county, Ga The part so le>ied on s iu Ward 4,
city ol Atlanta, Hounded ou the North by Irwin street,
ou the » est by Randolph sire-1 on the south hy the land
<•1 William R Harwell, on the east by the land of J K
Wallace, containing five acre-, mure or less. Levied on
as the property ol James T Lewis, by virtue of and to
satisfy a fi fa issned Futton superior Court, founded
upon a mechanic’s lean, in favor of Mayson A Moore vs
James T Lewis, and assigned to Laurent DeUive.—
Property pointed out in said fi ia, May 7,1870.
W. L. HUBBARD, Deputy Sheriff,
maylO—tds Printer s lee f2 Tl per lew.
Administrator’s Sale.
3V. R. FOiVJLfR, Auctioneer.
B Y virtue of an order of the Honorable Court of
or.liuary ot Fulton county, I will ecu before th«
court house door, iu said couuiy, on tbe first Tuesday
Id Juue next, within the legal hours of sale, the follow
ing property, to wit:
A honse and lot known as the Cmrler pla e, (renting
on old Peachtree, now Ivy, street0 'cut. more or ie»a,
and extends back to Cedar street, coiaaiui iv JSi a .e-,
mure or leas Sold as toe property of Hni.urd l Cur
rier, deceased, lor distribution. Terms Curb.
CATHERINE CURRTER,
aprST-tda aaminiftuatnx.