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UNION RECORDER. MIIXEDCEVILLE, GA., APRIL IX. IttR
^INTENANCE OF PEACE
cd from
pal* two)
„ r nfes6 indifference '°»» rd »
mid assvt the Open Door
• .iwartls Asia as pious creeds?
i n t h,. western shores^f
■ Europe
of Ai
:C le hegemony.
P,.macvh the Eastern
_ _ two Anglo-Saxon
wers. England and the United
England lies close to the
an Continent and she has al-
hown « peculiar sensitiveness
. forts ef ruthless conquering
t 0 unite Europe under a
We lie closer to
England and we have
the same sensitiveness toward
that England has yhown towards
-r»inental Europe. England has
| ante ,| European battleships alone
Lncvtr she has discussed
nreth of her navy; and we
v.itchful eye upon the number
f ri ships built and building
Asia. In other words we >
,r<i,.u.'ly trust to England to pull
;r , . -touts out of the Europea
r.figuration; and England, perhap
little more consciously, trur.ts u
pull her chestnuts out of any fire
t int may break forth in Asia.
_ h« n England was on the edge of
ster in the last grea;
li-nly awakened to the- fact that
success of Germany meant the
of all that we hold dear in life;
we entered the war rather unccre
iously. It requires no great
;ch of imagination to see that if
land did not exist or if she fell
, a premature decay, we would be
: as sensitive about European af-
. a- we arc about eastern Asiatic
iirs. By the same token England
,uld he as sensitive about eastern
ia. as she is about Europe, if
not exist to shield her end her
ak Asiatic dependencies
Physical geography not
<*i or language, make:
:ural ally of England. Physical
>cnphy makes both England and
- United States the natural allies
the weaker nations of Europe and
astern Asia, and Austra-
ia. We acknowledge this obliga-
n in regard to the American Na-
rw in our Monroe doctrine and
:ar<i to eastern Asia by the so call-
open door policy.
At the outbreak of the Euro,
ar we proclaimed our neutrality
d boasted of our indifference to
e results of the conflict
side of the Atlantic. A Welsh
1 wt II describes our phychologi-
•t«- during the first years of
orld war. Acording to this
a happy careless people once
n n luxuriant valley sheltered
’.he outside world by lofty
ains. They cared little for
appened on the o.her side of
•untains or on the sea beyond
rizon. One day some of the
men more hardy than the rest
min'd to the top of the mountain
re astounded at what they be-
thc world on the other side—
lace of war, the law of sacri-
Thus lived rich and heedless
a in 1914, 1915 and well" into
And then our president, who
'd trusted to neutrality as the great
area fur war suddenly saw what
young Welshmen snw when they
I''ci to the top of the mountain
d h<- made a great speaking tour
the United States preaching prepa-
Ine-s for war. I would recommend
you Woodrow Wilsons prepared-
' 'Peaches late in 1916 and early
1 '•* 1 • • They are sound and logical
’d reading matter, and should form
part of our military literature.
ignifiennt fact that Presi-
m nilson, who proclaimed the
ality tl f the United States in
' v,tn 'uch ardent fervor, took a
'U Part in formulating a treaty
1 ‘ in d “f the War, designed to
nt ary nation from being neu-
' l world wars It is still
Mgmfi. •.i:t that he desired the
State? t., ratify a treaty
■ >f it were observed in good
" " u,( l take from his successors
>re:i ,,, i which he himself exer-
U'N in keeping us out of
I: had been a party'of the
"■ nations in 1914, we would
• ally have gone to war with
■al powers when they began
• ' ked war of aggression
:p-, ‘r immediate neighbors. I
•'»h :o discuss the merits and
/ "f the League of Nations,
’ w ‘sh to bring out three
h bear upon our immediate
r
.ceptcd) in their military chests
with a Bonaparte for a commander
could not, by force .take a drink
from the Ohio or make a track on the
Blue Ridge, in a trial of a thou»nd
■ars.” 1 quite agree with Mr. Lin-
iln, but# I wish tn observe that w«
cannot afford by indifference and
neglect to allow things to drift so
that we may have to prove to the
orld that we are invincible upon the
American Continent.
under certain circumstances, defined
in the treaty. Each nation signing
the treaty was the Judge of its own
obligation under the treaty. In 1919
a new departure was made. An ] p
international body was formed charg
ed with the duty of deciding when
the members should gi to war. Here
in lies the fundamental weakness of
the scheme. You will find that in
ev».ry nation in existance today, the
right to declare war is lodged, for all
I wish to express the personal practical purpows in a body which
conviction that if Mr. Wilson’s his- ha * power to raise and support armies
studies had been .along lines an d navies and to raise revenue to
that would have given him in 1914 carry on war. The power which eon-
a little of the back ground of the trols the purse invariably controls the
basic principles* of international war sword. This is a universal rule of
and politics which he acquired in two human government . Thus our con-
years by watching the European War K^es has the right to declare war an
he would not have proclaimed our >t controls the purse strings,
neutrality and indifference in 1914. We all know what a miserable fail-
in this connection it is well to re- ure our government was under the
member that we did to proclaim our articles of Confederation, when con-
neutrality when Frarn-t
Mexico in 1862. We
sympathy for the. Mexica
ed them in every possib!
ivhat amoi
finally served
ultimatum upon Fri
to leave Mexico to
If we had pursued
lightened course in
many in 1914, we may
ucked gresa had the power to declare
xpressed and the various state legislatures
and aid-' alone could tax the people to pay for
ay short war. You can never take from the
issist mem, and gress of the U. S. its power ovei
amounted to an sword and give it to an international
ice, inviting her J body, unless you give the intemation-
ler own devices, al body the power to tax us to pay
a similar on- for making war. Manifestly we will
regard to Ger- never do that
11 believe ; j have stated that there is no moral
that the allies would have won a j equivalent for war for the settle-
victory without the necessity of our j nient of political questions that arise
actual intervention by force of arms, between states. If it were possible
Let us hope that our future states-, to establish an international legisla-
mcn will have been <riucatd by ajture which had power to make
s.udy of our participation in the first - and unlimited power of taxation, the
World War.
3. I wish to call your attention to
the fact that the remedy ; >ropo»ed by
that would compell ua to go to w: r.
Unwittingly he assured Germany that
she need fenr no danger to her world
wide designs by interference on the
of the U. S.
e entered the European war not
because of the submarine horrors
but because we realized that the Ger-
succoss meant disaster for the
whole world including ourselves.
Since the event* of 1917 and 1918,
country would deliberately start
ar, if it knew that it would
thereby bring down upon itself an
ulanche of war from the U. S.
It is not compatible with our peace
and safety for Germany or France or
ny other European country to absorb
ts n-ighhor and build up a formid
able power that would compel the
obedience and active alliance of the
t of Europe. We will go to
prevent such a consummation,
just as we went to war in 1917. Why
not say so and make n creed of
we have made a creed of the Monroe
Doctrine and the open door? It will
avert the necessity of our going to
war. The great unsolved problem of
the U. S. is to make the fact unmis
takably known to the world that
will not be blind to any developing
menance in Europe. If necessary,
let ua use crytic language, susceptible
of many interpretations and much
discussion, as we did in announcing
the Monroe Doctrine and the Open
Door policy. To proclaim indiffer-
vite war.
Mr. Wilson at Paris and embodied in
Article 10 of the League of Nation’s
Covenant is identical in principle
with the remedy embodied by the
Allies in the Treaty of Utrecht in
1713 at the end of the long coalition
war against France under Louis the
XIV. It is also identical with the
must not confound our peace doctrine
when war is far distant with our war
policy in conducting military opera
tions.
Coming to practical everyday ques-
ons, let us repeat the hodiely truth
that Europe and the rest of the world
respect us only for our real and
potential strength: This fact will
endure as long ns we exist ns a na
tion. Let us not allow our military
and naval power to fall into decay
Without intense nationalism there
be no real and lasting interna
tionalism. In the hour of trial the
life of the nation depends upon the
strength of the fleet, and of the
army which we can raise behind the
buckler formed by the fleet, at the
outbreak of war. Only by being
intensely patriotic and jealous of our
own strength and prestige can we
truly serve the wrold. The moment
we lose our Americanism in the maze
of international sophistry and let
our military power wane, our sphere
of influence wil! sink to the level
of that of China. Reasonable mili
tary preparedness is not debatable. It
doen not lead to aggression. It in
culcates patriotism. It will keep oa
out of war. It is insurance of the na
tion’s strength and preiAige. When
these are gone, when a nation can no
longer command respect or protect it
self, then its usefulness to itself and
the world is ended.
Wc have no desire for territorial
ballot would of course become the gains; we have no desire to take over
ral equivalent of war for settling additional lands inhabited by races
political questions in the World state. w)lo wc can not admit on terms of
The most enthusiastic Internationa-1 equality into our nationnl system. We
list, however, has never proposed a j have no desire for territory inhabited
real legislative union of th world. He by people whom wc do not choose to
contents himself wiht proposing the j admit to a full legislative union our-
mcre shadow of a world staU- with, selves. The fortunes of war may
all of the weakness o jour govern- p] nce such people under our flag;
ment under the articles of confed- «,ut we will never go to war deliber-
( eration. Now it is a peculiar fact atciy in order to acquire them. The
purpose of the Holy Alliance of 18151 that there has never been a real demands of one of our insular
formed by three of the Allies at the legislative union between peoples possessions to be admitted to state-
separated from one another by wide hood, are, to say the least, very cm-
stretches of the ocean. For instance, barrnssing today,
a legislative union of Canada, Aus- Gur international political policy in
tralia, and New Zealand and South time „f peace is defensive; but we
Africa is unthinkable. Formerly it must remember that when war comes
was thought that such unions were upon us our people demand action
impracticable only bccnufie the legis- and our military and naval policy
lative bodies could not conveniently j mus: be offensive. Wc have only to
assemble. This particular difficulty, reca n tft c cries of f ornv?r war8( c j v U
has hern removed by increased trans- and international: On to Washing-
portation facilities; but deep seated ton, on to Richmond, on to Havana,
objections still remain to the union • onto Berlin. In the heat of conflict,
'Aspirin
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I wish 1
'•<! Stai
bring Mr. Wilson
as an expert but un
to the fact that the
“ most deeply inter-
• i events in Europe which would
IV0 hundred million white
r- a hegemony, such as
^•...my expected to impose upon
•’P< - The United States could not
»* r P w aC0 8Uc h a monsteous
n'. Mr. Lincoln had such a posai-
n "nd, when, in one his early
end of the long coalition war against
Napoleonic France. It is also identi
cal with the central theme of the
international law of Grotius written
during the course of the Thirty Years
War. Grotius was a native of Holland,
one of the weaker allies in the coali
tion Wars against the aggressions of
the German Empire of his day.
In the treaty of Utrecht, the allies
agreed to maintain the balance of
power. The term balance of power
has a primary and a secondary
ing. Ir. the treaty of Utrecht the
term was used in its primary
Now one of the best definitions of
the term Bulance of Powe
primnry sense is the first sentence of
Article 10, of tin* League of Nation
Covenant. It is as follows: “Th
members of the League undertake to
respect and preserve as again:
ternal uggrewion the territorial
integrity and existing political inde-
pcndance of all members of the
league.”
The idea is better expressed in the
constitution of the United States. If
we bear in mind that the framers of
the constitution used the words
United States as a plural noun, the
subject of a plural verb. The con
stitutions says, “The United States
shall guarantee to every state in this
union a republican form of govern
ment, and shall protect each of them
against invasion.” Note the sense of
the words: “The United States shall
protect each state against invasion."
The purpose of the great treaties of
Grotius ,of the Treaty of Utrecht,
of the Holy AUinnce, of section 4,
article five of the Constitution of
the United States, and of Article 10,
of the League of Nations is the same.
Each seeks to unite a number of
states to protect one another from in
vasion. Our constitution expresses
the idea in the clearest, plainest
language.
In 1713, 1815, and 1919, the
members of successful coalitions at
tempted to take steps to prevent fu
ture world conflagrations. They had
seen great coalitions formed to re
sist aggressive nations which attempt
ed to make wide conquests. These
coalition* had been gradually formed,
us the nations which composed them
saw that they must join the coalition
and fight or become a victim to the
universal conqueror. The same
thought has occurred to the treaty
makers at the end of each great war,
namely; why not prevent future wars
of conquest by having a ready made
coalition, prepared to take the field
against the aggressor? The thought
is fine, if proper machinery can only
be found to carry it into effect.
Germany would never have gone to
war in 1914, if she had realized that
England and the United States would
join her intended victims in a league
of mutual defense.
The victorious allies attempted to
solve the problem in 1713 and 1815
by means of a treaty; and they were
successful in each case to a degree
that is not adequately acknowledged
■ . hc . “ id: "Ali the"armien of" by ‘htatoAM.'"Tber‘ »*■«** «•
w. Asi,, , nd Afrta - ■ ■
al Ithe tmiQT, of tto
Mm*. coripIUi bindhw
i (Mr th* ifeaalarr *•*•***“
of people of the same race, j our people, east and west, north and
hineuugc, origin, ideals, and religion south, are gloriouu and warlike,
living in widely separated quarters of
the globe. The American Revolution I
illustrates the real dificulty.' Great ^
Britain chose civil war with the Unit- j M
ed Colonies rather than admit them iN
to a full and equal representation in IM
the British Parliament. She knew, ^
of course, that if the American repre- j ^
sentatives got into her parliament,; ^
they would soon, by force of numbers] ^
rule not only themselves, but the H
mother country also; and the ameri-
cans never rasied the question until
the shrewd men amongst them, like
Samuel Adams, saw the posisbilitics.
We will al agree that it would
be highly desireablc to have a ready
made coalition prepared to make war
on the international bandit of the
type of the German Empire of 1914.
The treaty of Utrecht furnishes the
mod?! for such a tfcaty, and sect' n
4, article 5, of our own constitute-
furnishes the language for the bind
ing cause. Reduced to plain
english this article would read
as folows: “The signatory powers
shall protect each other against in
vasion." But coming down to earth, J H
I would like to ask whether the U. S. ^
would ever sign such a treaty,
do not believe it would. Our rela
tions with the Latin-American States
furnish much light upon the question.
By our Monroe Doctrine we declare
in effect that we will be the Ally of
any American Nation that is attack
ed by any non-American nation; but
we have steadily refused, for nearly
a century, to enter into a treaty with
these states which would bind the
American Republics, one and all to
aid each other against invasion. *Wc
have declared our policy; we have
lived up to it religiously; and it is »
national creed; sacred in our eyes,
but we refuse to embody that policy
in a general treaty. Treaties of mu
tual uid and leagues of nations are
for others, not for us. We will be
content to declare policies which will
serve to enlighten our statesmen,
guide our foot-steps and warn pros
pective trespassers.
In the Monroee Doctrine •
such a policy as regards purely
American affairs; and in the Open
Door Doctrine we have such a policy
as regards Asia. We lack a wise en
lightened policy towards Europe.
Our professed indifference serves not
to keep us out of war bat to create
the conditions which compell us to
go to war. When our Secretary of
State, prior to the outbreak of the
World Via decland tA*t w, would
nercr go t* War wklW It M S«*fR*
111) «t i
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itacture of Monoaci'tli-aclddtrr of SoUcjIk’Rcl'*.
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