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VQ B ‘V \l V. From the American Monthly Magazine. TIIS I.OVEit TO THE .STAIt LYKA. <* \Vc agreed at our prirtiii", that whet ever wi ini -lit be, every night, a a certain hoar, (Mr eves elviiiM be h\e ! oti’a ((articular star ('lie first in the ceintcl'auon Lvra ) an*i thus we might ho sure that the euch were dwelling on the other.’*— Z/iary of an Ri thusiast. Blight star ! whose soft an J pencilled ray Falls t-t mb ing over earth ami sea— Far dearer than the flush cf day, Is thy pale beam to me ; For more than lettered sage can tel!, May iti that quivering glimmer dwell. perchance upon this lovely eve, Another’s glance is on thee bent. And tracks thv beam) until they leave Her own fair firmament: Then turning sadly from the view, She whisper*—“ Is he gazing too ? “ He promised (when he left me weeping, To count the wearv widowed days.) Still, when the ea th in dew lay sleeping, On that pale star to gaze— And that its changeless gleam should be A type of his true constancy. “ Rut time has withered leaf and blossom, That wreath’d his youthful heart with mine, An I now upon another’s bosom Ilis hope and breast recline ; And I, perchance, am left to moan. And watch the weary night alone.” And deem’st thou, dearest, that this heart To thee can ever faithless prove ? That time can rust the eliain apart. Whose links are thoughts of love 7 Ah ! what avails the offered key, To set the willing captive free ? Like that soft ray, my love lives on, Though rolling earth may intervene ; And if, before the regal sun, It glimmers all unseen. Yet still the grateful shades of night .Restore it to the longing sight. An l so, bright star, thine orb 1 greet With more of joy than words e n tell; For there I know my glance will meet With her’s I love so well; The frailest thread by fancy spun, May bind two yearning hearts in one. 11. 11. TO PRIMROSES FILLED WITH MORNING DEW. BV H. HEHRICK, 1648. Why do ye weep, sweet babes ? Can tears Speak grief in you, Who were but born Just as the modest morn Teem’d her refreshing dew ‘! Alas! you have not * x?or felt th’ unkind Breath of a blasting wind ; Nor are ye worn with years ; Or warp’d as we, Who think it strange to see Such pretty flowers, like to orphans young, To speak by tears before ye have a tongue. Speak, whimpering younglings ; and make known The reason why Ye droop and weep, Is it for want of sleep ; Or childish lullaby ? Or, that ye have not seen as yet The violet f Or brought a kiss From that sweet heart to this 1 No, no—this sorrow By your tears shed, Would’ have this lecture read— " That things of greatest, so of meanest worth, Conceived with grief, and with tears bro’t forth.” THE LAND OF DREAMS. BV LOVER. There is a land where Fancy’s twining Iler flowers around life’s lading tree— Where light is eversof.iy shining Like s.inset o’er a tranquil sea. ’J is there thoti dweh’st in beauty brightness, More fair than aught on earth e’er seems j ’Tis there my heart Reis most of lightness— There, in the lovely land of dreams. ’Tis there in groves I ofien meet thee, And wander through the silvan shade, While I in gentlest accents greet thee, My own, my sweet, my conslant maid ; There, by some fountain fair reposing, Where all around so tranquil seems ; We wait the golden evening’s closing— There, in the lovely land of dreams ! flllt \vhf>n fh* tnur>l> r.r arrtKlj. ... n L: nO , Hath broken slumber’s sweetest spell, Those fabled joys, of Fancy’s making Are in my heart remember’d well! The day, in all its sunshine splendor, Leas fair to me than midnight seems, When visions shed a light more tender. Around the lovely land of dreams ! BEAUTIFUL EXTRACT. * * * * The future was before me—but hmv dark and cheerless! The deep vista of years lay there, hut mortality prevented me from taking a step towards its portal. The w’heel of fortune was going round, and if I but looked at the glittering plaything that en circled the magic ring. I grew dizzy at the uncertainty. Health, life, and fortune passed gaily before me—but then came sickness, dis appointment, death. The crowning joys of life sparkled in the goblet—but a rude hand dashes the unlasted draught from the lip, and the wretch is tortured with thirst. Gav flambeaux ache the sight with the joyous bril liancy of light—but a rude gust sweeps along the hall—the lights are extinguished— and the distant echo of the cautious tread deepens the darkness of the place. Young pleasure dances in the palace of loveliness— roseate Health crowns her in the maze—yet the pestilence scowls upon ihe scene, and the image of Beauty sinks into the earth with the plague-spot on her cheek. Advice to Ladies. —Ladies, always delight ful, and not the least so in their undress, are apt to deprive themselves f some of their best morning beams by appearing with their hair in papers. We give notice that essayists, and of course all people of taste, prefer a cap, if there must he any thing; but hair a million times over. To see grapes in paper hags is bad enough, but the rich locks of a lariv in papers, the roots of the hair twisted up like a drummer’s, and the forehead staring bald in stead of being gracefully tendrilled and shad owed !—it is a capital offence—a defiance to th® Live and admiration of the otherssea provocative u cordingly declare the said war on paper, not having any ladies at hand to carry it at once into their head quarters. We must allow at the same time, that they are very shv of being seen in this condition, knowing how much of their strength, !:ke Samson’s, lies in that gifted ornament. We have known a whole parlor of them fluttered off like a dove cote, at the sight of a friend coming up the garden. Leigh Hunt. Life in JYete I ork. —Never ask questions in a hurry. “Tom! a word with you.” “ Be quick then, I’m in a hurry.” “ What did you give your sick horse t’other day?” “ A pint of turpentine.” John hurries home and administers the same dose to a favorite charger, who, strange to say, drops off defunct in half an hour. His opinion of his friend Tom’s veterinary ability is somewhat staggered. He meets him the next dav. “ Well, Tom!” “ Well, John, what is it r” “I gave my horse a pint of turpentine, and it killed him as dead as Julius Csesar !” ! “ So it did mine!” Itiches corrupt the heart. For the last twv> centuries, until recently, Spain and Por tugal, have abounded in silver and gold and precious stones, found in their possessions in the New World. The inhabitants became wealthy, idle, and corrupt. Stript of their possessions, they are now impoverished, and to a lamentable degree immoral. In Spain, a civil war of the must bloody and extermina ting character, has lieen raging tor years; and it appears bv the official returns lately presented to the Portuguese Cortes at .Lisbon, teat during the lasi year no lower than 3 o.jl) assassinations have been committed, and 7,- •JtH t i ihhe; i- j.- Mercantile Journal. IN SENATE.—CHEROKEE TREATY. Monday, March 26, 1533. Mr. Southard presented a memorial, ad dressed to Congress and signed by ihe depu tation of the Cherokee Lillians now in Vv asb ingtotr, making representations and com plaints in rtgatd to their situation under the lute alleged treaty, and praying Congress in some mode to inlerlere for their relit I. Also, a memorial against the enforcement of the treaty, directly from the Cherokee na tion, with the signatures of 15,Gti5 persons ol that nation. Mr. S. moved that these memorials be printed, and referred to the Committee on In dian Atlairs. Mr. Lumpkin said: Mr. President,l must express my deep regret at the introduction of this subject here by the Senator front New Jer-ey, (Air. Southard.) Even to entertain, and discuss this subject here, at this time, is pregnant with much mischief- But the sub ject being thus far forced upon the attention of the Senate, I wish to give to it that direc tion which wili be productive of the least mischief, which will be, to lay the whole sub ject on the table, with .an understanding that it will not again be taken up by the Senate. It is proper, however, that, before I make this motion, I should ask the ear of the Senate, j while I explain, in a brief manner, why the I Senate should, in a prompt and decisive man ner. put to rest all hopes and expectations of the Cherokee people, that John Ross can ef fect the slightest change in the determination I of any branch of the Federal Government, to execute the Cherokee treaty of 1835. Nei | ther would I wish to make this motion to the preclusion of other gentlemen who may de sire to sav something on this subject. Sir, this Cherokee treaty, which is the sub ject matter of complaint with John Ross and his friends, who are nmv in hearing of mv voice, was negotiated hv a highly qualified and competent delegation of die Cherokee people, in tiie latter part of the year 1835. — In the early part of die year 183(5, the treaty was thoroughly discusseJ in this Senate, and received its ratification in due form. More over, the large appropriations necessary to carry it into'effect were discussed in both branches of Congress, in the face of the op position of Mr. Ross and his political friends, -..a leceived the sanction of Congress.— From that time, the execution of the treaty commenced, and lias progressed with as much success as could be expected, under ail the opposing circumstances. Mr. Ross and his associates have not been able to keep hack the intelligent portion of the Cherokee people from acceding to the terms of the trea ty, and becoming recipients under its pro visions. Yes, Sir, nine-tenths of the intelli jgent Cherokees have emigrated to the West under the provisions of this tieatv, or are pre paring to go. Amongst the emigrants, von will find An drew Ross, the brother of John, Thomas F. Taylor, the son of Richard Taylor, who is nowhere as one of John Ross’delegation; and John Gunter, the brother of the Gunters | who are now here aiding John Ross in his j projects of mischief. Yes, Sir, the nearest and most of the connections of these very men have not only yielded to this treaty, and are now settled in the West, happy and con tented, hut have corresponded with me, and assured me of their satisfaction with their change of residence. Indeed, Sir, they are now zealous friends of the treaty, although, at the time of its formation, Taylor and oth ers were violently opposed to it. There is no difficulty in regard to execu ting this treaty with the intelligent portion of the Cherokee people, except what has been produced hv this man John Ross, who claims to be principal chief of the Cherokee people, and his pliahle delegation now here. The opposing Indians, now, are ignorant and un informed, an.d tl ipso tirrmifl Unff vinro Itnv’o ..iireriniiv yielded, and have emigrated, but for Ihe wicked and mischievous ope r ations of this man John Ross, and his immediate asso ciates. Since the ratification of the treaty, I pre sume this man Ross has spent more than one half of his time in and about this place, under the pretence of doing something which would abrogate or change this treniv. Un fortunately, he has been permitted to hold too much correspondence with the Execu tive officers of this Government, and received too much countenance from members of Con gress, which has been calculated to keep up the delusion that the treaty would not be ex ecuted without his consent or approbation. Sir, I have been intimately connected with this subject. I have been in a position, in connection with the execution of this treaty, which enables me to understand things as they actually exist; and hut for this man Ross and his aiders and abettors, these unfor tunate Cherokees would now have been qui etly enjoying the benefits of this most 1 heral and beneficent treaty at their settled homes in the West. Hundreds and thousnrds of these people arc this day passively waiting to receive the permission of Ross to leave their present abode and go West. Whole neigh borhoods of the Cherokees have repeatedly made up their minds to yield to the treaty, and commenced making their preparations accordingly, when news would go from John Ross and his associates here, that Ross was negotiating anew treaty; and the present j treaty was undergoing modification or change, j and the Indians urged not to yield to tlie pre jsent treaty or to the advice of the agents of | the government engaged in its execution ; (and thus repeated stojis have been put to : emigration. The countenance given to this delusion by Congress men and those high in authority, is fraught with the most serious evils. L threat ens destruction and extermination to the remnant of this once mighty race. The twenty-third of May next, now less than two ; months hence, and these people, so far as ! Georgia is concerned, must go, and goquick | !v. The citizens of Georgia hold grants lor | the lands on which these Indians now reside |in that State, and the grantees are legally | authorized by the laws of the State, as well las the treaty, to take possession of their lands ion and after the twenty-third of May next; ‘and, sir, possession they will take, and the j Indians will then truly he (breed out of house ! and home. Georgia and (lie Georgians have long since been accused of having taken pos session of all the Indian lands, houses and : homes. But, sir, this was not true; it was tone of the many slanders which have been propagated to disparage the State which 1 have the honor to represent. We have treat ed the Indians with all the kindness and fbr- j bearanee which their interest required. But, Sir, whatever conflict may arise after the 23d May, Georgia must and will be speedily re j heved from this long standing and vexatious j perplexity. If the execution of this treaty is longer resisted, whatever evil may ensue, lhe j just responsibility is chargeable to this man. 1 Ross and his assoeiales.and not to mv constitu ents or the authorities of the state which I rep resent. So lar from avoiding, I would desire the most thorough investigation of this treaty, its execution, and every other transaction connected with the subject. But, Sir, I will never consent to any investigation which shall retard the execution of the treaty, so far as the removal of the Indians is concerned. They must go or evil will come of it. I have in mv possession various communi cations from officers and agents of the Go vernment, as well as other citizens, all going to sustain the fact that the Indians will not emigrate, so ‘long as this man Ross continues to communicate (or causes it to he done,) ’.hat he is doing, or expects to do, something here (o change the provisions of the treaty. Front ‘he beginning, nothing but the fallacious hope that tins treaty woo'd not be strictly executed lies pr, vented the Cherokee people from v*ekl- ing to it with great unanimity. Tins subject is not now within the jurisdiction ofCongtes*; it belongs to the Executive Government: and if this treaty fails of execution, to that branch of the Government l shall charge the ‘failure and shall use my best exertions to pie-, vt nt the inlerl’eience of ti e Legislature—that’ branch of tiie Government to which I happen, to he attached. Bui all the combined povv- j ers of the Federal Government cannot abio-l gate or change this treaty, without the con-j sent of the Slates interested, and that consent} will never be obtained. Honesty is said to he I the best policy ; at any rate honesty is a duty. Then let us not deceive, but save these jho : pie, by assuring them that the trtaly will be i executed. I will forbear, as before intimated, to make the motion to lay i: memorial on the table, to offer to t ther gentlemen the privilege which I have exercised myself, of submitting anv remarks which they may have to make on this subject. I shall not. however, consent to give other direction to this subject than that which I have suggested. MERCHANT’S CONVENTION. The following excellent resolutions were adopted by the convention recently held at Augusta : 1. Resolved .That a direct trade is the nat ural channel of communication between na tions, which (filer to each other the best mar ket lor their natural productions; and that the intervention of a third party must operate as a tax upon the exchanges between them. 2. Resolved , That the Southern and South western States of this union afford those stn pies with with which are purchased nearly the whole foreign imports of the country; that they are the consumers of a large por tion of these imports, and ought naturally themselves to frnnish the channel through which the exchange is made; that on no occasion have their citizens been found inca pable of maintaining themselves in fair com petition with other sections ; and that the di version of their trade from its natural chan nels, must have been brought about by the uneqal action ofthe Federal Government, or bv the abstraction of our people towards other pursuits. 3. Resolved That in the opinion of ibis Convention such a state of things should no longer continue; that the present condition of the commercial relations of the country, and Ihe disruption of the existing channels of trade, afford an opportunity of breaking down the trammels which have so long fetterd our commerce, and of restoring to the South its natural advantages; and that it is incumbent upon every man, who has at heart the good of his country, to lend his best exertions to the promotion of these subjects and to estab lish our trade upon a sound and permanent bus’s. 4. Resolved. That this Convention is ful’y aware of the difficulties to be overcome in the prosecution of their enterprise; hut nothing daunted thereby, and fully relying upon the pub! c spirit and zealous co-operation of their fellow-citizens,they are determined to advance with untiring perseverance; and with that view, do earnestly recommend the adoption of the following measures. 1. That an effort should he made to afford to the importers and purchasers at Southern, seaports, the same facilities which are offered elsewhere ; and with this view it is recom mended that the Banks in the seaports should immediately apply a portion of their respective capitals, to the purchase of foreign exchange, and to ihe procurement of credits or funds in Europe ; and that they should afford the use of the same to the importing merchant upon a discount or collateral pledge of such good patter as he may take from the merchants of the interior, and that this accommodation ‘Rfilmled as wen upon paper■ having more than six months to run, as upon that having less: and that die Banks of the interior co-operate by col ecting and remitting the proceeds to such paper to the banks on the sea coast. 2. That with a view to the important sub ject of equalizing the exchanges between S. Carolina and Georgia, this Convention ear nestly reccommerid to the various Banks of the principle cities of the two States, or such as may he conveniently located, to receive the Bids of each other in their general busi ness, and to adopt such arrangements for set tlements, at short periods, as they tuny deem suitable and proper; the Banks against whom the balance should fall, to furnish funds for settling the same, or to pay an interest of six per cent from the period of settlement, and that the Banks in the cities and towns of the Atlantic States, make arrangements by which the notes of all of them shall be at par its each. 3. That the Merchants of the South and South- \Y est, be earnestly recommended to give preference to the importers in their own markets, and that tliev afford them an oppor tunity of fair competition with other sections, by making their first calls lor purchases at Soulhern and South-Western seaports; and on the other hand, that, the Merchants at the sea-ports shall, forthwith, sel about importing such stocks of goods, as will ensure, at fair rates, a supply to the demand from the mer chants of the interior. 4. That an earnest and united effort should he made to draw home the capita! invested bv the South in Banks and Companies abroad : and to employ the same, together with such surp’us capital as exists at home, in mercan tile operations; and that with this view men of influence and character he earnestly invi ted to afford the benefit of their example, by entering into Limited Partnerships, under the laws lately-passed by the stales of Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Tennes see and Florida. 5. That this Convention cannot but view with deep regret, lhe neglect of all commer cial pursuits which has hitherto prevailed among the youth of our country, and which has necessarily thrown its most important in terests into the hands of those who by feeling and habit are led into commercial connexions elsewhere. This Convention, therefore, can not too earnestly recommend the speedy adop tion by ail their fellow citizens of measures to introduce commercial education among our youth ; to train them up to habits of business, and thereby to establish a hodv of merchants whose every interest and feeling shall be cen tered in the country which has reared and sustained them. 5. Resolved. That this convention is o’ .opinion that ihe establishment bv manwfnctu j rers in foreign countries of agencies in the chief southern porls. for the sale of the vari ous articles export-d by them to the United j States, would conduce to the restoration of the direct foreign trade of the south. 6. Resolved, I hat a committee of five he i appointed to prepare an address to lhe people ot the Southern and South states, urging upon them the expediency of giving their hearty co-operation, in the accomplish ment of the g-ent object of tiffs convention. ’ 7. Resolved. That when llffs Convent : on ; adjourns, ir shall adiourn to meet at. Augusta 1 on the third Monday in October next, and I that a rnmmittee ofcorrespondence he nppoin-; tpd, whose duty it shall he to take the proper measures to enlist the feelings of the penn'e.! .in 1 serum a cordial co-operation on the nart ‘heStates interested in the objects of this Convention and to secure a full representation from every part of those states. Resolved’ That it is recommended to i the members of this convention, to assemble the citizens of their counties or districts and P ! ae.o before thpni their proceedings, and time’ upon them lhe expediency of nmmQtinrr the measures recommended hv tiffs convention. 1 and partieu’nrlv of forming Limited Partner-: shins, under the laws lately passed by the! southern states, as aforesaid. ‘ 1 SENTINEL & HERALD. COLLMBUsT ABRIL 13, 1333. AIR. LUMPKIN—THE CHEROKEES. In another column, we have given the remarks of this gentleman, delivered in the Senate of the United States, upon the pre sentation, through .Mr. Southard, of a memo rial signed by John Ross and others, compo sing a deputation of Cherokee Indians who were on a visit to Washington, and who, dissatisfied with the treaty of 1835, called “ the Cherokee treaty,” were petitioning Con gress on nehalf of their grievances. The remarks of Mr. Lumpkin are wise, judicious, and to the point. The Honorable Senator | has spent much of his time in the midst of the i Cherokees, and had also an opportunity of j knowing them well during his executive rule. His superior advantages of acquiring an ac- curate knowledge of the habits and disposi tions of this tribe, should entitle his opinion to very high regard in Congress, as to the expe- j dienev of their prompt removal. We are j proud to notice that Mr. Lumpkin has, in a manly and independent manner, pressed upon the attention of Congress the propriety and necessity of executing the treaty made with the Cherokees in 1835; and well may those | members, who it would seem have given an gar to the murmttnngs of John Ross, feel re linked bv the stern and indignant language of our worthy Senator. It is undeniably true, that the large 1 * and more intelligent portion of the Cherokee tribe are well satisfied with the treaty, and hold themselves ready when the time shall arrive, to emigrate without uttering a solitarv complaint. It is due to our Gov ernment, and demanded by that good faith in which she has ever fulfilled her treaties and discharged her obligations, that they should be emigrated without delay. It is also due to the Indians, in the light both of justice and mercy, that they should he taken away agree ably to the provisions of the treaty. Their great Father has provided a broad extent of country for their use west of the Mississippi; their neighboring tribes have all gone thither, and are living in peace and quiet; the game is all their own—the chase is uninterrupted bv t!ie footstep ofthe white man, and in this their native element they are happy. Then let the remnant go. Why should they linger on ottr borders to harrass our population? and why should members of Congress, who are ignorant ofthe troublesome and mischie ous connections which are continually grow ing up between this nation of Indians and those of our population who are settled on their borders, concert with a character like John Ross with a view to prevent emigra tion? The truth is, the Cherokees must re move; the people of Georgia are determined upon this subject, and will not waste much time with Ross and his party, should they prove stubborn and refractory. It is though, there will be trouble with this people, and that tlie Ross party will not remove without a struggle. If so, it will be no Seminole cam paign. Georgia volunteers will clear that section of country with a rush. If Mr. Southard can find no better employ ment ! Siinotn ..tiu u..;.u otdies, man that of presenting memorials signed by some half dozen vagabond Indians, we would ad vise him to unite with John Quincy Adams, and petition Congress to exclude him forever from her halls. Early impressions numbered this gentleman, in our estimation, among “the wise men of Gotham,” but his course upon this subject excludes him from sue!) company altogether, and exhibits him either swayed by bigotry and superstition, or rapidly falling into “ the sear and yellow leaf,” in which state the mental fail wilii the physical faculties. He contends with a mock gravity, that the Che rokees are under the impression, that in the provisions of the treaty they were materially injured, and hence pray Congress for redress; and says, “give the answer to their prayer in a constitutional manner , and they will no doubt be satisfied.” With due deference to the sagacity of the distinguished senator, we would ask if a treaty, deliberately formed and solemnly ratified between a general govern ment and a tribe of Indians within the juris diction of that government, is not a constitu tioned measure? And must the government make a treaty to-day and unmake it to-mor row? Must the executive of the nation give virtue and efficacy to the laws, or must the voice of a restless, dissatisfied Indian, bid his nation go or slay ! We leave Mr. Southard learnedly and eloquently to discuss these questions; as for the citizens of Georgia, they will be governed by a modus operandi pecu liarly their own, should any portion of the Cherokees refuse to emigrate. We publish to-day another letter from our Washington City correspondent, in reply to an extract of a letter from the lion. Seaton Grantland, which appeared in the Federal Union, on the 27th ult. Mr. Grantland pre tends to know who our correspondent is, and makes a charge which we think improper, uncalled for, and unfounded. If Mr. Grant land knows who our correspondent is, he has obtained his information ihrough some other source than ourselves. We certainly have not betrayed to him the confidence reposed in us as public journalists, and no demand has as yet been made, by Mr. Grantland, for the author’s name. ! We cannot refrain from expressing our ’ surprise that Mr. Grantland should evince so ! much feeling, because one of his constituents i . I should think proper to exercise his undoubted right, to make known to the people of Geor gia, and especially the Union party, the then apprehended, hut note positive, opposition of Mr. Grantland to the Sub-Treasurv Bill.— \\ ho do ibis the right of our correspondent to cal! tlre attention of the people of Georgia to the course pursued, or about to he pur sued, in Congress, hv 3ny of his Representa tives! Opposition to this inestimable right comes with a had grace from a public ser vant. The idea that our correspondent wished to put Col. Towns out of the way. to procure a nomination for himself, is too ab surd to he entertained. The object of our correspondent was, as he says, lo bring pub lic opinion to hear upon the votes of Col. Towns and Mr. Grantland. upon the divorce of the Government from Banks a measure most devoutly hoped fir bv the Union party, to which Col. Towns and Mr. Grantland be long, and to whom they are indebted fur the high stations they now occupy. We think it a verv strange thing indeed, that the people of Georgia shall mR he made acquainted with the conduct of their Representatives without having a fuss about it, particularly upon a subject so vitally important to their best in terests. We are at a loss to account for the feeling evinced bv JYlr* GrsnlkiiKl upon ibis occi~ si,in. We can see nothing in the first letter of our correspondent that sliouk! give otlcnce, and least of all, to Mr. Graniland, who, from his own shewing, was not misrepresented. — The letter of our correspondent to-day, cor rects the mistake ol Col. I owns’ opposition to the bill, and gives him great credit for his patriotism and promptness. Col. Towns’ course will meet the approba tion of the people of Georgia, and we hope his devotion to the will of his constituents will he duly appreciated at the Union Convention to he held in Milledgeville, in May next. — We call the attention of our readers to the letter of our correspondent. TROOPS RETURNING. The U. S. steamboat Marion came to our wharf on Friday last, having on board lfiS Alabama Volunteers, whose term of service had expired, and who were paid oil’ and dis charged. The Georgia Brigade, commanded by Gen. Nelson, also passed through our citvon Sun day last, on their way to “Camp Call,’* in Hall county, where they will be discharged. It was with a proud consciousness of credit and honor to the State of Georgia, that we beheld this body of men returning from a six months tour in the swamps of Florida, and the severities and hardships of the Seminole campaign. Should they pass through Mil led'reville on their wav home, we presume that His Excellency Governor Gilmer will read in their resolute and soldier-like appear ance, that a simple veto can never keep from the field of battle a chivalrous spirit, nor hin der an American soldier from protecting the helpless and unoffending. These are Geor gia’s own boys—her gallant and determined spirits, who, having girded on their armor, ne’er throw it of}', until they have measured strength with their foe, and battled for tiie perpetuation of that liberty which was pur chased by the blood of their fathers. These are the men, who, unaided by their own Legislature, travelled to bleeding Florida, headed by the gallant Nelson, without money: nor did 1 hey set a price upon their labors! They were well received at head quarters; they entered forthwith upon their arduous duties; they traversed the woods and swamps; they shed their blood ; and now they are re turning, by order of the commanding officer, i having discharged their duties as faithful and | true soldiers. Go, volunteers, to your homes land firesides, and may the broad banner of liberty ever be over you. A regiment of troops from North Alabama likewise arrived at Fort Mitchell last week, and were mustered out of service. They ! numbered about 1100 Many of them had lost their horses and were obliged Jo foot it, but they looked healthy and appeared in fine spirits. Some of them told us in conversa tion, that they had not felt to any great ex ” ihv ‘OOUI o us lliv liitlt <?,•• tl? I fict/ 11111 l ! not found any fighting to do in Florida, and ! perhaps not seen an Indian during their so- I journ in that country ol hobgoblins and tc-r ----| rifle shows. Some of Uncle Sam’s boys will ! have to stick it out in that sickly region du- S ring the summer—poor devils, how we pity ; them! CO” Read the article taken from the Mont gomery Journal, detailing the bloody affair which took place in the streets of our sis'er city a few clays ago. It contains wholesome and pungent remarks, which should address themselves with peculiar force to police offi cers, and importers and venders of deadly weapons,more especially that infernal, savage, desperate weapon, called the Bowie knife, whose invention must have originated in a demoniac spirit, and whose use can never be sought save by those who are cursed with mania of mind. COTTON ST ATE.A 1E NT. Slock on hand, September 1, ‘ISOS bales. Received from the Ist Sept, to the Ist of April, - SB,fi93 “ 43,501 Shipped, * - 32,119 “ On hand April 1, - 11.352 “ Hon. Joel 11. Poinsett. —We sincerely re gret to learn, by Express from Washington City, under date of April 6, that the Hon. Joel R. Poinsett, Secretary of War, was at the point of death. The loss of such a man would be indeed a national calamity. We also learn, from the Baltimore Chroni cle, the death of Hon. Isaac M’Kim, Member of Congress from Maryland. Edward Livingston. —A celebrated histo rian of the French Revolution, is engaged in writing the life of this distinguished person, whose reputation in this country as a jurist was unsurpassed, and is said to stand emi nently high in Europe. Joseph M. White, Esq. is engaged in wri ting a history of Florida from its earliest set tlement. Should he bring it down so late as to embrace the Seminole War, lie will surely find himself puzzled to make a plausible tale of it. : Extract from a letter lo the Editors, dated V\ ashington Cjtv. April 3d 1533. Gentlemen : I have just seen the Federal Union of die 27th ultimo, yvhich contains an I extract of a letter from the Hon. Seaton Grantland, in which allusion is made to my letter to you of the Bth February last. Mr Grantland is evidently nettled at being told of his political sins, and has thought proper to make personal charges against the supposed j author of the letter in question. He pretends to know who the writer is, and ascribes selfish motives to him. He charges him with “as sailing” Col. Towns, for the purpose of pro- , curing a nomination to Congress for himself. Mr. Grantland is perhaps one of those wise acres who “ can see as far into a millstone as the man who pecks it. ,J and may know who f j am, though lam at a loss to know how he has arrived at the fret, unless you have viola ted the confidence reposed in von as conduct ors of a public journal, which I do not lor a j moment presume. If, however, Mr. Grant land was eertain of my identity, he should have pointed me out in m equivocal terms, ! and not have made allusions, which might be applied to another person. The innocent should not be confounded with the guilty, and lam not anx.ous that cithers should beat any portion of mv burthens, however heavy. I leave it to Mr. Grantland, and the puhltc, to determine whether the course pursued has been eilher fair or manly. I think Mr. Grantland has mistaken his man. I knoio that he has misrepresented rry motives. I neither desire nor expect a nomi nation for Congress, anil if I did, it would not be necessary for me to assail Col. Towns to procure one. ‘1 he truth is, as you know, that Col. Towns has not a more sincere per sonal or political friend than myself in the State of Georgia. I have heretofore support ed him with sincerity and zeal, and shall con tinue to do so as long as his political conduct shall justify it—farther than this I am sure that Cpl. Towns himself would neither desire or expect me to go. The real and only ob ject of my letter to you, so far as Messrs. Grantland and Towns were concerned, was to bring public opinion in Georgia to bear upon their votes upon the all-important sub ject of the currency. It was generally report ed and believed here, that these gentlemen would separate from their political friends upon that question. The fate of the Treasury hill was considered then, as it is yet, extremely doubtful in the house —a single vote might perhaps turn the scale. I knew that an overwhelming majority of the people of Geor gia, and especially of the Union party, were in favor of the measure, and that they expect ed their representatives to vote for it. I took it for granted, that every honorable man pro fessing the doctrines of the Democratic party, would either obey the will of his constituents, when ascertained, or resign. I felt it my duty to warn the people of Georgia in time of the course likely to he pursued by a portion of their representatives, in order that they might have an opportunity, through the pub lic press, or otherwise, to express their wishes and opinions upon the subject. I felt then, as I feel now, an unfeigned solicitude that no member from Georgia should be found want ing upon an occasion so vitally important to the administration and the country, and I sought, in a manner the least exceptionable, as I supposed, to bring those who were con sidered doubtful under the influence of public opinion. lam happy to learn that my object has been at least partially accomplished. It is now understood here that Col. Towns has, with a promptness and propriety which do him infinite credit, yielded to the ascertained wishes and opinions of his constituents, and determined to vote for the Sub-Treasury biil I trust the people of Georgia \vi I properly appreciate and reward his highly honorable and manly conduct. I have failed, it seems, in my efforts upon Mr. Grantland. He has not only avowed his determination to disregard the wishes of his constituents, but with singular arrogance, jus tifies his course by charging ethers with in consistency. The Union party of Georgia will doubless place the proper estimate upon this stale subterfuge of every political de serter. Mr n.... ; assuming to Know tin* person of your correspondent, Iras thought proper to insinuate that tie lias a “ certain other letter, which, if made public, would place him in a position which no honest man would like to occupy.” If Mr. Grantland really knows who 1 am, he shall have no farther ex cusefor his pretended forbearance. He is here • by invited, nay defied , to the publication of anv letter of mine, either of a political or private character, which I mav have ever written, however it may have come into his possession or power. His insinuation will be found to be as unfounded as it is unmanly. Mr. Grant land is a public servant, responsible to his constituents (of whom l ain one) for his offi cial nets, and whilst they shall continue to he. as they are, legitimate subjects of comment thronuh the puhltc press. I shall not be deter red by threats, nr fear of persona I consequen ces, from exposing his political errors when ever he shall commit them. Your’s, See. For lire Sentinel and Herald. BANK OF THE UNITED STATES—THE CRISIS—THE CURRENCY—AND THE ItESUL I S. Messrs. Editors :—ln times like the pres ent it behooves every patriot and lover of his country to examine well into the causes which have produced the trouble and dis tress which now pervade this once happy and prosperous country. The great body of the people, that is, the cultivators of the sod. we all know, are still in a very sound and i healthy state ; the great difficulty that exists [is with the commercial world* It is conceded | on all sides that there are two great political parties, each contending for the mastery; on one side is arrayed the Democracy of the country, and on the other the Bank of the | United States, and its supporters. The latter | parly charge ail the present difficulties to Gen. Jackson, and his friends, who so suc cessfully fought against the monster, using for argument, the inability of the Sub-Treas j urv to carry on the Exchanges of the coun try, and perform the functions of the Govern- I merit. This, we have seen, was nothing more . ’ . ° than imaginary; from tlie time the Deposites were removed, by the Government, into the Stale institutions, nothing was seen of its ef fects; the Exchanges of the country were j lower than at any former period during the , time the Bank of the United States held the [funds, the leading politicians and friends of ! the Bank saw and felt that all their predic : tions had failed, that every thing was moving ;on prosperously, and with great satisfaction ! to the people ; anew project must he tried, (having ascertained that the Democracy of the Country, were riding triumphantly through the storm which they bad predicted,) and die famous bill of eighteen hundred and thirty five, called the distribution of the Surplus Revenue, was enacted, and with it the pros tration of the whole commercial world ; a hill that has proven more odious and ruinous to the country, than any act since the foun dation of our Government. Mr. Biddle, in his letter to Mr. Adams, attempted to prove that the Bank of the United States would not have suspended specie payment, provided the ; government Banks had paid him in specie ! Now what are the facts? Does not Mr. Biddle and his Bank owe this Government nine millions of dollars? and have the people I forgotten his last report, when he had in eir- ‘ culalion and on deposile upwards of eleven millions of dollars, and in specie to meet this enormous debt only 2,000,300 do !ars; be sides liis cashier, Mr. Jaudon, bad borrow ed from Europe seven millions of dollars, pledged to send them the coin in payment; and does he not owe the State of Pennsylva nia a bonus of ten millions of dollars, for his charter? These arc startling facts; and his Bank could have continued to pay specie under these circumstances ! It won’t do; the people cannot and will not be gulled !onir* r upon this subject; it was currently reported and stated as fact, that the day Mr. Biddle suspended specie payments, that there were upon the steps of his Bank a sufficient num ber of demands to have taken ever} dollar of specie in its vaults; and who does not know the fact, that could the Bank have sustained itself at tiiis crisis, that it would have done so 1 even if every dollar was taken, and that, too, for the avowed purpose of getting a renewal of its charter, hoping to enlist on its side the whole nation, proving, as it would and could have done, by such a course, its entire ability to meet any crisis; but alas! Mr. Biddle was doomed to the mortification of giving up and acknowledging the fact, as well as the other institutions of the country, his inability to pay specie. What Bank in the country, I ask, that is not more able to redeem its liabil ities than the Bank of the United States ? Answer, none! and nothing but its credit ha* or can sustain it from total bankruptcy.— What are we witnessing at tHs moment, at our own door? Do we not see the Bank I here belonging to Mr. Biddle, selling what? | why the bills of the old Bank of the United States (which Bank is not now in existence) i at five per cent, premium for State Bank of j Georgia notes. What is to be the issue? j Fellow Citizens, pause, I say pause, a fearful, precipice is before you ; how easy will it be for the Insurance Bank to sell one million of its paper for the notes of our own State In stitutions; the Bank at Philadelphia has sus pended ; no specie can be drawn from them for this large amount, bu mark the result r the moment your Banks in Georgia announce the resumption ol’ specie payments, who comes forward to sweep every dollar ? wiry Mr. Biddle’s Bank : at and where does the spe ’ cie go ? to Europe, to fulfil his engagements j for coin ! My God, feHow-citizens, it is ait sinful crisis to come, but come it must ; you will then see your own State Institutions swept away like a torrent, which no power can arrest. Then arouse ! buckle on your armor! let every State Rights man see ami feel that, there is n monster within his hnsi m that, unless he is strangled, will prove more destructive that) the fatal blasts of the dead'y 1 Sirocco. ONE OF TIIE PF.OPLE. P. S—The above article was written du ring the panic last summer, but the author thinks that the facts hold good at this period, and therefore gives it to the public. From the Southern Patriot. THE SUB-TREASURY. The present slate of the Sub-Treasury Bill pleases neither its friends nor its opponents. It will not be allowed to remain in the condi *** it tvaa p rtteentet] f■ > tin* House. It is It hard money scheme and it is not a hard mo ney sheme. It divorces the Government from the Banks, and yet does not divorce the Go vernment from tire Banks. The receipt of Bank paper lor the dues of the Government has divested it of one of its specie features; hut the ri'jlit to return this paper on the Banks, ichenever and however the Treasury pleases, I aves, in our opinion, in full force the strongest argument against it as a ban! money measure. It is o ‘comparatively of little con sequence to the Banks it credit is given to their paper, by receiving it in payments to thg Government, if tie; power remains to with draw their specie from them, according to the public wants. A Government demand is es sentially difit*rent from a Mercantile demand. The Mercantile hodv have certain sympathies with the Banks. Thev w'’ notard dare not withdraw their specie from them, when there is a profit to be made bv its exportation, and the act when d< ne bv brokers is alfnost uni versally unpopular. But the Government cannot he under the same influences. Ifan accumulation of §SOO 000 takes place at Charleston, which must be transferred to N. York, a ltd Charleston Bank Notes should he at 3 [ter cent discount in New York, there would he no option left the Government but lo draw specie from the Banks and remit it, to avoid this less. Under the pan of the Government, if ru *• t!nng hut specie was received in payment of the public dues, as the sum in specie of bi - tw en four and five millions would be con stantly in transitu, this would firm no part of the specie reserve of the Banks, and i’ even placed tempura Niv in deposite with them, they would he careful not to make it the basis of discounts. But to compel the Government to receive Bank Notes in payment of its dues, with Ihe power, under anv circumstances, to call for their redemption in specie would he injuiions, if not anomalous in practice. The j difference between a Government and a Mer | canttle demand creates a distinction in fact, \ ifibere is none in principle. To render the | hill harmonious, therforo, ? its details, the di l vorce. so far as the use of hank paper >s con | serried, should lie entire and not partial, or it ! ought to go farther tbrui irt the bill which has passed the Senate. The Bonks ought to be ! employed to transfer the public revenue if their notes are received for public dues. If thee >n nexion with them, in the use of their paper, is sanctioned by law, there can he no incon sistency in using their credit, to transfer the public money from points where it has undu ly accumulated to other points where it may be required, paying them a commission for the service. Their credit with each other it* different parts of the Union renders this the only proper instrument tar transferring the public money, when it becomes ermpvtsary btf hue to receive their paper in payments tv the Government. I he other hrs nclt of the hill, as it has passed ■ the Senate, providing far the receipt and safe custody ol me public money bv public officers, ■accountable alone to the Government, lias jour hearty assent. It is that branch of the j divorce for which we are most anxious. The | details of this part of the bill could he so mo~ | (tiffed as to obviate all objections, on the score lof increase of Government patronage. Let ! the machinery of Receivers General or Sub- Treasurers,with the titles which too ” nnv very honest Republicans seem to smack of Monar | chv, he given up, and the Collectors, tbp Ofli | oers of the Mint and the Land Office Reoei | vers, he constituted Receiving and Fishur j sing Officers, in whose safe keeping the pub ; lie money shall be placed, with adequate guards, allowing them an increase of salary *to cover the additional risk and expense. This wolttd remove the objection to the ap_ : piratits npcessarih connected with a separate financial establishment. We would have been iDefined to have favoured the Special Deposite Plan, could we have seen in what manner the Banks would be prevented from using the public money, hut we cannot perceive this dearly, under nnv system of checks that can be devised,