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STATE OF THE TREASURY. The following message wa3 transmitted to Coa<*ress on Thursday, Iron) the President ot the fruited States, by Abraham Van Uuren, his private Secretary: To the Senate and House of representatives: j I submit to the consideration of Congress a j statement, prepared by the Secretary of the j Treasury, by which it appears that the U. I States, with over twenty-eight millions in de-: posite with the Stales, and over fifteen mil-; lions due from individuals and banks,are from the situation in which those funds are placed, in immediate danger of being rendered una ble to discharge, with good faith and promp titude, the various pecuniary obligations of the Government. The occurrence of this result has for some time been apprehended, and efforts made to avert it. As the principal difficulty arises from a prohibition in the present law to re issue such Treasury notes as might be paid in before they fall due, and may he effectu ally obviated by giving the Treasury, dining the whole year, the benefit of the luff amount originally authorized, the remedy would seem to be obv.ous and easy. The serious embarrassment likely to arise from a longer continuance of the present state of things,induces me respectfully to invite the earliest action of Congress to the subject which may be consistent with a due regard to the puhhc interests. May 10, 1833. M. VAN BUREN. TnKAicav Department, May 10. 1833.. The undersigned would respectfully submit to the President the following statement con cerning some fiscal embarrassments which are likely s<xm to happen, unless averted by early legislation. It has been usual for the Secretary of the Treasury, except in the annual report on the finances, and in replies to special calls or di rections by either House of Congress, to give information respecting all matters which ap pertain to his office, through letters addressed to the appropriate committees. For some months past, and on several occasions, that mode has been pursued in respect to these threatened embarrassments, by giving to the Committee of Ways and Means such infor mation concerning them as the public exi gencies and a seasonable foresight seemed to require. Some suggestions anil facts con nected with them have likewise been intro duced into reports made to Congress. But the relief desired having not yet been grant ed, and a longer omission to provide for the emergency having a tendency to impair pub lic credit, to ihe great prejudice ol contract ors and workmen, as weil as of pensioners, the Army, Navy, and many other classes, the undersigned deems it his duty to apprize the Executive also of the impending difficulties, in order that he may lake such further steps as appear proper to promote a failhlul dis charge of the pecuniary obligations of the Government. The peculiarity in the present condition of the finances can be very briefly explained. It has arisen, not from any actual deficiency which has yet occurred in the amount of re ceipts anticipated for the year: not from any excess of appropriation which has yet been made for either ordinary or extraordinary ob jects ; but from a prohibition to use, for the E layment of the public dues, what is required y law to be received for them. In the act of October last, authorising the issue of Treasury notes, they were made re ceiveable at any time for those dues, but were expressly forbidden, after such receipt, from being re-issued in discharge ot claims on the Treasury. From this circumstance, coup led with the protracted failure ot most of the banks to resume specie payments, little has of late been received for revenue except Treasury notes. Over five arid a half mil lions of them have already been paid in, though none fall due till about the Ist of No vember next. As these cannot he paid out again, or others in their place, till the restric tion before mentioned is modified, it has fol lowed that a great portion of the receipts of the year have thus far been entirely useless for aiding to defray the large expenditures charged upon it, and resort has of necessity been had to the emission f more Treasury notes under the original act, until ihe whole amount authorised, except $216,802, has been exhausted. The only other means available to meet the public engagements, with the exceptions as to trusts and the Mint, detailed in a special report on the condition of the Treasury to the House of Representatives the 26th of March last, are reduced to about $347,432. These constitute an aggregate of five hun dred and sixty-four thousand two hundred and thirty-four dollars thus available, instead of a balance of from two to six millions, which it has generally been considered wise to re tain on hand, in order, with the aid of the concurrent revenue, to insure punctuality,and guard againet the embarrassments incident to fluctuations and other contingencies.— During the present year, however, the re venue has been paid in Treasury notes to such an extent, that only about one-fourth of a million, monthly, has been received from it in money, so as to assist in discharging the current expenditures. These last, on an average, have been over two millions month ly, and in April nearly three millions. As more than four millions of the Treasury notes are still outstanding, and the banks generally have not j 7 et resumed specie pay ments, it is probable that a great part of the revenue will, for some time to come, be paid in a similar manner. Under such circum stances, and when it is considered that large sums due from the postponed customhouse bonds, the banks, and the Slates, are not yet payable, and that no power now exists except In Congress, to recall the deposites from the latter ; there is no reserved fund to resort to, or any other authorised means by which the wants of the Treasury can he supplied, it is manifest that the Department is exposed weekly and almost daily to be deprived of the whole of its available means, and the cre dit of the Government to be injuriously af fected, both at home and abroad. Congress could readily avert these results, if approving the course suggested in the last annual report on the finances'. It could re-’ move the prohibition to re-issue the notes which may be or have beer, prematurely paid j in and redeemed, and where they have been cancelled, permit others to he issued in their 1 stead; or it could effect the same object bv | allowing other notes to he emitted, instead of Bitch as have been and shall hereafter be paid in, before the year tor their redemption ex pires. By the seasonable adoption of either i of these measures, all anticipated embarrass ments during 1533 can probably he obviated. For in that event, no provision of additional means to meet the expenditures of the year will be necessary hereafter, unless before the close of the session it shall appear that new appropriations have been made, or are likely to be made, exceeding the estimates submit ted by the Department in Decemher last, bv i several millions, or that the revenues received will be materially less. On the contrary, if neither of the measures above proposed should meet the approbation of Congress, it is obvious that among the va- j rious substitutes which may he thought of, or ! which this Department has taken occasion to i suggest in communications to the Committee 1 of Ways and Means, someone must be se- j lected that can be made efficient in its opera tion, at a very early day; or it be im practicable to preserve the national faith un broken, and to avert the injuries with which th-> public service is threatened. With great respect, LEVI WOODBURY, Secretary of the Treasury. To Messrs. John Ross, Edward Gunter, K. Taylor, James Brown, Samuel Gunter, Situwaher, Elijah Hicks, and White Path, Cherokee delegation. The undersigned has attentively considered ; the project of a treaty submitted by you, and, j although equally desirous with yourselves to [satisfy that portion of the nation east of the j ! Mississippi, arid to oiler them every induce- j * meat to remove peaceab'v and contentedly ; to their new homes in the West, and not un j willing to grant most ot the terms proposed by you, stiff, where the rights and just expec tations of sovereign states are involved, it is deemed inexpedient, without their consent, to give to anv stipulations which affect them the form of a solemn treaty. In the first article you desire to stipulate and agree that ‘ the said Cherokee nation, party hereto, engages and stipulates to remove from ail the lands now occupied by them eastward of the Mississippi, and hereby re nounces and relinquishes to the United States all claim of every description to such lands; such removal to he commenced at the earli- est convenient period and to he fully com-| pleled within two years from this date , to be effected by the Cherokees themselves, and by their agents, and the entire expenses of such removal to be defrayed out of the money to be paid bv the United States, as hereinaf ter provided.’ As has been before observed, the Government of the United States could not agree to this act without the consent of the States whose rights are involved, and whose interests may lie affected hv this stipu lation ; but the Executive pledges itself to use its best efforts to abstain from pressing their claims in a manner that would produce loss or inconvenience to the Cherokee peo ple, and would he inconsistent with their be ing removed with every reasonable comfort. From the well known humanity and gener-| ous character of the States of Georgia, Ala- j bama, and North Carolina, there.can be no ; doubt of their granting every indulgence | which the interests of humanity require: and . if two years are necessary for the comforta ble removal of the nation, the undersigned j will venture to assure the delegation that j their request will be granted. If it be desired by the Cherokee nation that j their own agents should have the charge of! their emigration, their wishes will he com- : plied with, and instructions he given to ihe commanding General in the Cherokee conn- j try to enter into arrangements with them to tha* effect. With regard to expense of this operation, which you ask may be defrayed by the United States, in the opinion of the under signed, the request ought to be granted, and an application for such further sum as may he required for this purpose shall be made to Congress. In the next article of vonr project you pro pose that ‘the United States, on their part, stipulate and agree, in consideration of the premises, to perfect the title of the Cherokee nation to the lands and territory westward of the Mississippi, described, mentfoned, and defined in and by the treaty of 1833. hetvveen the United States and the Cherokees west of the Mississippi, and the privilege of outlet thereto annexed, and to issue a patent there for to the Cherokee nation in perpetuity; and further to pav the said c ! iefsand representa tives of theChrrokee nation east ofofhe Mis sissippi, thesum of dollars, in manner and at the tme hereinafter provided.’ It was alvays the declared intention of the Government to perfect the title of this land to the Cherokee ration, and to issue a patent thereto, so Minnas that portion of them now east of the Mississippi had emigrated west, granting the naion the privileges secured to them by f’ormei arrangements. Nor will, it object to grant them, in perpetuity, if Con gress should thhk proper In do so on their recommendationjinder certain restrictions, to which the delegation have assented. As the delegation expresed their fears that a form of government mght be imposed which ihev were neither prejared for no*-desirous of, the assurance is heresy repeated, that no form of Government will be impospd upon Ihe Chero kees wilhot t the consent of the whole nation, given in council; nor shall their country be created into a territory without such previous concurrence. With regard tdfhe payment of a further sum of money, bvthe United States, the un dersigned cannot onsent to recommend such a measure to Conrress. The Senate of the Unffed States deiberatelv decided that five millions of dollarsivas a full and sufficient in demnity to the Clerokpes for the lands they relinquished on lie east side of the Mississip pi, and it is undestood that the members of that body see no reason at present lo alter that decision. In the third artcle of your project you ask ( that ‘ the said Cherokee nation, parly hereto, i through, and bv their acknowledged chiefs : and officers, fhnll have the entire control, j management,and disposition, responsible only ; to their own lation, of the funds to be paid j under this treaty.’ j The undenigned would very much prefer ; making this deposition of the funds of tlie na tion, but as tie interests of those Cherokees who have lately emigrated are deeply in volved in tiffs proposition, the Executive can not recommerd such an alternative without the previous jonsent of all the parlies con cerned. The next article asks, c that in addition to the said sum,mentioned in the foregoing sec ond article, lie United States shall forthwith pay, or arrange to be paid, to the Cherokee j nation, partyiiereto, the arrearages of the an 'nuities which were provided for in the treaty of 1819, up to this date, and shall continue such annuitiet during the two years allowed for such removal.’ The unde-signed assures the delegation, that whatever arrearages of annuiles are due to the Cherolee nation, under the treaty of ISI9, shall be promptly paid up to this date, 1 and a continuance of that annuity for two years longer shall he asked of Congress. The fifth article requires ‘ that inasmuch as the Cherokees contemplate removing as pro ; vided (or in Ihe said first article, as rapidly as their numbers and engagements will permit, tiie United Slates stipulate and engage to pay! to them, as such removal, and the necessary i preparations progress, out of the money men- J , tinned in said second article, such sums as ; may from time he necessary to defray the ex- j • pen.-es incident thereto; Ail payments and necessary advances for. i the purpose herein set forth, will he liberally ! provided fbr in the contract which the com manding general will be authorised to make with the Cherokee agents, for the emigration ; of that portion of the nation east of the Mis i sissippi. The sixth article asks ‘ that during the pe riod prescribed and allowed hv this treaty for said removal, the United States stipulate and : contract to protect the persons and property !of the said Cherokees from all acts of en croachment and violence, and to furnish them. : when required, with the necessary escort and protection during such removal until the,r ar rival at their destination beyond the Missis- j sipni. The necessary escort and protection (Tu ring the removal of the Cherokees uniil their arrival at their destination beyond the Missis sippi, will be furnished, and the United States will protect the persons and property of the said Cherokees from ail illegal acts ot en croachment and violence, and will use their ; best etlorts with the states interested, to pre l vent their pressing the execution of theii rights in a manner calculated to oppress or in i convenience any individual of the nation. In the eighth article the request is made ; that in addition to ihe moneys herein before stipulated to be paid bv the United States, they further agree to pay to the said Chero kee nation, party hereto, the gross sum of— do ir-Vtn t’liH di-charge of all claims upon the United States, under the stipulations of former treaties, for public and private proper tv, spoliations, indemnities, and other recla mations whether national or individual, and , for the re-imbursement of expenses incurred ; in and about this arrangement.’ Six hundred thousand dollars was set apart I f or this purpose, bv a vote of Congress, and to defray the expenses of the removal of the S nation to their new homes. But as this sum j proves to be inadequate for both objects, the I i Executive will recommend to Congress to j j m ake a further appropriation in order to sat-; | isf'v them. j The undersigned trusts that the Cherokee j j delegation will see in Ihese liberal concessions j 1 the Tamest desire of the President to reron-1 Tile the nation to the necessity ot removing! ; without any other delay than a due regard j f or their comfort and convenience demands ; land in this conviction, confidently relies upon j ihe cordial co-operation of the chiefs and head I men to effect this desirable object. On the part of the Government copies of this document, with writable applications to the States interested, will he immediately trans mitted to the several Governors thereof; in structions will be sent to the commanding gen eral to act in conformity with its assurances, and a communication be made to Congress, asking the consent of that body to the provi sions proposed for the benefit of the Chero kee nation. The undersigned, in closing this commu nication, which has been considered with great deliberation, and drawn with the utmost regard for the wishes of the delegation, desires it to he distinctly understood that it contains the most liberal terms the Executive can grant with a due regard to the rights and interests of ail the parties concerned ; and therefore presents it as the final determination of the ; Government, and the peremptory conclusion i of the correspondence with the Cherokee dep- I utation on this subject. J. R. POINSETT. .Department of War, May IS. 1830. From the London Court Journal. MAKING AN OFFER. ! Making an offer, or, as it is vulgarly term-. j ed, popping the question,” is the most em-’ !ha massing affair in the world to a novice; j I like almost everything else, however, it may j be reduced to the rules of an art, and by those j who once master the theory, practised with perfect facility. Our grandfathers, to be sure, made a great fuss about the matter; and it often puzzles one to think how the Sir Charles Grandisons and Lord Mortimers managed to get up such tremendous scenes with their lady loves. Just fancy a man of the present day in the act of pouring out his heart on one knee during a morning call or being dis turbed by the servant entering with Ihe coal scuttle, bunging him upalistandiug, and petri fying his half-uttered heroics in the midst, like the notes that were frozen suddenly in Mun chausen’s bugle. The catastrophe is dread ful to think of; and yet it is just as bad in the evening, whether at home or the ball room. In the first locality what in the world can one do in the way of getting up a scene in the presence of the whole family? And as to the second, one is now so crowded, squeezed, and pushed about in a ball-room, that a sentimental conversation is out of Ihe question. You might, to be sure, have a chance for a tete-a-tete now and then in a corner, and if you do occasionally snatch a moment’s “sweet converse” by laying in wait between the folding doors, the whole matter is marred by the music being stationed in the same place. If you whisper to El za in “Love’s own tone,” Weipparl, and his coadjutors, will drown your words, and if you raise your voice a key or two higher, you pitch it right into the ear of her sister Alice, or some other spinster, who has sta tioned herself exactly against that pillar to catch every syllable you don’t mean her to hear. It is manifestly absurd, therefore, to attempt giving either the flourish and eclat to an offer with which our ancestors ushered it into the world, or even the air of demi-ro mance and and avving-room sentiment tha* our papas preserved in their affaires de ccenr. The thing must be managed in a careless, matter of-course way, with a little adroitness, but still with Ihe coolness and unconcern of other business operations. The golden rule of life is not to bore. Bot to bore a woman with attention, and above all, to bore her with an offer —to throw you offer into such a shape as to excite her con cern for you, or give her one moment’s seri ous annoyance, is an outrage which, if ex posed, would make you lose caste forever. — There are no instances on record, however, of such things having occurred, whether from the sang-froid of lovers, or the cmir-froid of lovees, we are unable to say ; but as there may be a few of the former in society whom passion might hurry into extravagance, and one or two of the latter who*e hearts would for five minutes be ruffled thereby, it is well that in all cases the most guarded conduct should be observed, and the question should therefore be administered with the same con sideration for the possible existence of feeling as you allow for the ascertained existence of a palate when drenching children with medi cine. To this end, as you conceal the dose in sweetmeats, so you should wrap your offer in some expression 1 hat may be swallowed at a mouthful. One gulp, then, and all is over; theie may be a wry face or two, on your own side, possibly, after the draught, as if you had swallowed it yourself, but neither party must coquet with the cun before it is placed to the lips. The simplest.svrup m kes the best vehicle for the unpalatable dreg in the one case, and the most trivial incident most aptly introduces and hurries over the awful moment in the other; and, to sum up the matter in one word, the offer direct must never be attempted if there be any way of making the offer by implication , In our next we shall show how this may be managed. We were highly gratified on reading the following handsome and appropriate note from our worthy Mayor, which we find in I the Charleston papers: Planter’s Hotel, J Tuesday Morning, May 22, 1838. $ j To the Hon. H. L Pinckney. jyla, or of Charleston. ! Sir.: The undersigned is charged with the gratifying duty of transmitting to you through ! his friend, R. W. Fort, E<q. two thousand 1 and thirty-two dollars, thirty-seven emits, in : dividual contributions from the citizens ol Columbus, and two thousand dollars, an ap propriation by the City Council, amounting; to the sum of $4,032 37, which they desire { vou to accept for the benefit of the sufferers by the late fire, and as some evidence of the abiding regard which we cherish for ihe citi zens of Charleston. It is a mailer of regret ; that the pressu e of the times has so limited : our contributions ; but of that which we have ’ it is our duty and our high pleasure to divide with suffering humanity. The calamity j could have fallen upon none for whom we {entertain a more profound respect than tiiat {enlightened, patriotic and chivalrous commu niiv of whom you are the respected Chief Magistrate. With sentiments of high regard, I have , the honor to he, Yu tr obedient servant, J. S. CALHOUN, Mayor of Columbus, Ga. It is said thieves are so plenty in Cincin nati, that. while one is pickings pocket, ten. to one his own pocket is picked by a less scrupulous thief behind him. This is said to he the year for the re-ap : pearnnee of the ‘ seven year locusts’ or grass -iiopprrs: their last visit was in I*->I. SENTINEL & HERALD. J COLUMBuSTmAY 81, 1838. j! UNION CONGRESSIONAL TICKET. I ROBERT W. POOLER, of Ch-2tham. JOSTAH S. PATTERSON .of Early. j, ALFRED IVERSON, of Muscogee. DAVID CAMPBELL, of Bibb. HIRAM WARNER, of Meriwether. JUNIUS HILLYER. of Clark. CHARLES H. NELSON, oj Cherokee. j D. GRAVES, of Newton. J. G. McWHORTER, of Richmond. THE CHEROKEES—THE SECRETARY OF WAR, ETC. We confess our utter astonishment on read ing the communication of Mr. Poinsett, and ■ i can only attribute the act to his enlarged j i humanity, which, had the distinguished gen_ ! i tie man resided as long on Indian borders as 1 we have, and known as well how troublesome | 1 I they prove to white settlers, would, we think, j be somewhat curtailed, or at least not exer ■ cised with quite so much freedom. And that the President should ever have yielded his consent that a proposition should be submit ted to Congress suggesting a postponement of the stipulation of the treaty made with the Cherokees, is to our mind inconceivably strange, extremely unwise, and supremely ridiculous. For.what purpose was Gen. Scott ordered to the Cherokee country, and seven or eight thousand troops placed at his com mand, if not for the purpose of removing the j Indians ? W e were under the impression that J such was the object of his mission: but at this late hour we discover our ignorance of i the whole subject, and find that the gallant | General, with his host, are intended only a 8 safeguards to the illustrious and nnich-to-be- [ pitied Cherokees, who are to be permitted to j luxuriate in their cool retreats, and enjoy the ; chase for two years longer on their old favor ite hunting ground! Poor Indians—what a pity to hurry them away—give them a little more time—they are not quite ready yet, and besides, John Ross swears fie won’t go; and j therefore the honorable Secretary of War, presuming much upon ‘ the well known hu- j inanity and generous character of the States [ ol Georgia, Alabama, and North Carolina,’ takes upon himself to say that ‘ if two years are necessary for the comfortable removal of the nation* he will venture to assure the dele gation that their request will be granted.’ Now this overture may be made again and again, and it may emanate from high and distinguished places, but let not the Indian ‘ lay the flattering unction to his soul’ that he will be permitted to remain : As well might he think of removing to Milledgeville, and taking his quarters in the Executive mansion ‘• The State of Georgia will attend to this little affair herself, and she will moreover see that it has prompt and efficient attention. Our Governor will act, we trust, as becomes the high dignity and functions ol his office, he needs no aid or counsel from the legislature— the people will be with him in declaring that the Cherokees must and shall be removed according lo the treaty, and that if Gen. Scott and his forces have been forbidden to do the work,-then shall the militia of Georgia take it into their own hands, in which case it would be speedily accomplished. We are not advised of the feeling which prevails in j North Carolina in view of this question, but j we do know that Georgia and Alabama are j not disposed to grant the slightest indulgence ! to an Indian tribe on the score of emigration, j The yell of the infuriate Creek still rings in j our ears, and we can even now look around j and behold the marks of their ravages and plunderings. Viewing this question in ano ther point of’ light, we cannot refrain from the remark that it is the most impolitic move we have ever known in any administration ; and while we are battling to sustain ‘ the powers that be,’ amid the rising waves of whigism, we would call on them to remember , that it is hard for us ‘ kick against the pricks.’ j Melancholy. —With painful emotions we announce the death of one of our fellow citizens, Mr. E. S. Norton, who, laboring under mental derangement, pul an end to his exislence on yesterday morning, by cutting his throat with a razor. I AM A POOR OLD MAN. Mr. Charles Young takes a benefit to morrow night—he has been for some time out of an engagement —come up to the help of an old “stager” against the floods of mis fortune, and let’s give a bumper to Charlie. The whole company have volunteered their services to aid the veteran actor, and Miss Meadows will sing and dance on the occasion. I’ve braved the flood for many a year, My life is in the yellow sere ; My purse is light, my head is grey, Come help to cheer my closing day.— Charlie. THEATRE. This establishment will close for the season’ in this city, on Saturday night. On this eve ning Mrs. Hart’s benefit will take place, and it is only necessary to say that Miss Mea dows will appear, to ensure a full house. We*omitted to state last week that Mr. Hart, the worthy manager, gave a benefit for the sufferers in Charleston. The amount, after deducting the expenses of the House, was SIOO, which was forwarded by Mr. H. This act will be of more essential service to friend Hart, than all the newspaper puffs that were ever written about old Kean. The May number of the ‘ Southern Lite ( rary Messenger,’ published at Richmond, Va. ! and ihe Southern Literary Journal, published at Charleston, S. C. are both on our table. The ‘ Messenger’ is highly interesting, and filled with well written articles, both prose and poetry, evincing much literary research and taste. The ‘ Journal’ is very far behind the ‘ {Messenger’ as a periodical, and we much regret to see that it bears no traces of im provement. The present number contains the conclusion ofChancellor H ir par’s Memoir on Slavery, a paper of deep interest and much ability; aiso a chaste and beautiful poem bv Judge Ciiarleton, delivered before “ the South Carolina Academy of art and design”—the residue is trash. It was an erroneous report which shut up the Western Bank at Rome. The money is • good and bankable at Augusta—good we say, i. e. as good as any body’s rags. Paper 1 money is as the negro said of the white man; mighty uncartain. The Mobile Examiner, an able and spirited paper, has - kicked the cover off;’ and come boldly and .squarely on! for the administration. We publish in another colunih a letter trout ] Mr. Hiram Nourse, addressed to Wm. H. j Chase, Esq. Engineer, &c. It is character ized by a commendable spirit of pride for the ( i place of which Mr. N. is a resident, and ot ; whose rapid growth he has been an eye witness. Six years ago we visited Apalachi cola, and it was then but a naked point of I land, rude and uncultivated, with not more; than a dozen log cabins stucit in the sand • j | now it is a city of four thousand inhabitants* j numerous line buildings, regular grades streets : and higlily cultivated society : Then £. soli- i i tary schooner of sixtv tons burthen was tcok- : jed upon as a most novel spectacle in the ! waters of Apalache ; now vessels of every j class are seen to swarm in the harbor, and the largest merchantman floats at ease within a few miles of tlie city. A spirit of enter- j i prise which has always been lounu at this | | place, still reigns in unabated vigor, and must j | make Apalachicola the emporium of Florida, ; despite all opposition less powerful than that ! of nature herself; for the latter has given her ! great advantages in pouring the waters of three noble rivers into her lap, the Chatta hoochee, Flint and Apalachicola. SYMPTOMATIC. “The Altonian” is the title of anew paper : established at Alton, (II.) where Lovejoy was j used up for his unjustifiable interference with ! j Southern rights. This paper declares that it will go for the Whig principles of Henry Clay as President, and Cyrus Edwards as | Governor, and for free disccssion forever. “ The Emancipator .announces this with a ! flourish of trumpets, from which fact we con clude that the Altonian is an abolition print. Well, what say you now, Southern politi cians—whether Union Whigs, Nullification | Whigs, or what not. Why do these vile abolition papers hoist the name of Henry ; Clay at the head of their foul and filthy pro lAuctions! and why does he not wipe the dark stain from his great name by immedi ately announcing to the world that he does! 1 not cherish, harbor, or advocate one solitary ! principle or doctrine of tire abolitionists? Is iie aliaid of losing votes? tnen be it so—he never can sit in the Presidential chair. — 1 Othello’s occupation’s gone.’ WAR. UPON THE MERCHANTS. The ciiarge has been made and reiterated by the Federalists, that “ the Government is warring against the merchants.” The charge is false. Tire administration has protected and fostered the commercial interest in every possible way, and is still doing so. Does he war against the merchants of New York when he says to their banks that the govern ment shall stand by them m their resumption, and grant them all necessary aid and support? No, no, let the merchant look to another quarter for their opposition ; let them examine a little into the operations of Mr. Biddle, through that monied and political hydra the United States Bank of Pennsylvania, and see whether the most lucrative branches of trade ! have not been grasped and monopolized by Ibis rapacious power. Time will fully and I truly develop all things; and the merchants ! of our country will presently come to see that ! the administration, as now conducted, tends j to foster and further their best interests, be ; cause it stands apposed to all monopolies. The Treasury note bill has passed both houses of Congress, and ere this we presume j has become a law by the signature of the j President,. This was Mr. Cambreleng’s bill, authorizing anew issue of ten millions of dollars in treasury notes. The vote, on reconsideration in the House, was not a tie, it appears, but stood 106 to 99, i and in the Senate 27 to 13. This bill being under discussion in the Se nate, the giants fought their battle over again. | Mr. Calhoun handled Mr. Webster as a boy, : and bore off the laurels triumphantly. MR. WRIGHT’S REPORT. | This document, from the pen of the Chair man of the Committee on Finance, in the Senate of the United States, bears evident marks of ability, and is pregnant with proofs of Mr. Wright’s knowledge and energy as a statesman. We observe that when read in the Senate, it was considered on all hands as a paper of much ability—by the opposition as j ingenious ; and by the friends of the adminis tration as entirely fair and correct in its data ‘ and conclusive in its arguments. The Globe I says: “This well considered and powerful paper makes up the issue between the parties in this country. Mr. Clay, in the true spirit of the oligarchy of another country —the Tories of England—would build up the power ot his party on privilege and on corporation mono i poly. He has, therefore, boldly hazarded the ! proposition to substitute bank currency for I the currency of the Constitution in all the uses jof the Government. His resolution makes it compulsory on the Treasury to receive and pay out the paper of the banks. It is to be j constrained to receive it in all payments, and 1 compelled to tender it in all disbursements. — It is pretended, however, that the Govern : inent creditors are to have an option whether I they will receive it or not; but how can they have an option, when the Government is to j have nothing else to offer? Mr. Clay’s scheme is to make hank issues ! the sinews of Government. He walks in Ihe footsteps of Hamilton, and would give the political sovereignty to the funding money dealing class, and withdraw it front the mass of the people, made up of farmers, mechanics, and other laboring classes, whose industry j the aristocracy would appropriate, as m En gland. Dr. Brewster ‘is not dead but liveth.’ He was not killed by the Cherokees according to ; report : ’tis very naughty to bury folks before ; thev are dead. ! * i Mrs. Shaw, the actress, appears to have thrown the Mohiiians into spasms. Messrs. Register and Chronicle allow us to introduce to your acquaintance Mr. Orator Puff; you will find him a gentleman of most accomplish ed manners, and easy principles. A Hint. —When you wish to attack vour | neighbors character, be sure to do it behind : bis back, and then you will not wound his feelings. Independence. —A subscriber vvisnes us to stop his paper—that he won’t take it any longer—and that he will pay up arreara ges when ‘he gets able’—good ! lake him j Whigs, and feed him a while. e should judge, from his letter, that he was a rca Clay-eater. Fiiez Der Bowwow, a: tfiyslerious German traveller, now in the West, has established a Club of Good Fellows, called “ The Bow wowgians.” The office of President is to be given to the one that cau bark the loudest. We’U bet a trifle on the election of a Clay Whig. A Fool. —A young clerk in Montreal, | named Wilson, recently killed himself by d.s- j I charging a pistol into his abdomen. — JV. 1 • i Transcript. | Well now he didn’t miss it tar, for he was ! | evidently trying to blow his brains out. —— The celebrated race nag, Black Maris, has recently been purchased by the Hon. Bailey Peyton, now a resident of New Orleans, for four thousand dollars. 1 The Whigs have just won the Charter i election in the village of Syracuse, by a ma jority of 75 voles. —/Y. Y. ’Transcript. | Verily there is no “ public virtue left in Syracuse.” For the Sentinel and Herald. THE CRISIS. Messrs. Editors—As public journalists, ; you occupy, before the world, a critical, an important and commanding position—placed, as you are, as faithful sentinels upon the watch-tower of Liberty, the people are look ing up to you and have a right to expect that, when danger is threatening their dearest liberties, you will sound the alarm and call them up to the rescue. In this, to your praise be it said, you have never disappointed them ; j and would that some others, occupying a like station with yourselves, might act the same bold, manly, ami independent part. If there has ever been a time, since the adoption of the Constitution, when every free man should he awake, when every patriot’s arm should be nerved for a conflict, and es pecially when the public press , that tremend ous engine in controling public sentiment, should lay aside the paltry trappings of local party strife and speak out, in a voice of thun der, the genuine sentiments ot pure patriot ism. Now is that time— now, when the | strong bulwarks of the Constitution are about i to be swept away, when the combined forces jof moneyed monopolies are to overwhelm land fide in triumph over the last vestige ol our glorious republican institutions. This is | no time for freemen to slumber at their “ posts or to parley about obsolete questions and party distinctions which do not now come immediately before the country for a decision, j There are questions, however, of deep and vital interest now before the country, call-1 ing aloud upon every citizen, whose influence can he felt at the ballot box, to arouse from j his slumbers and prepare himself to decide j and act upon those questions with that firm- ■ ness and independence which becomes a free-! man and a patriot. j 1 say again, it is no time to slumber. The j federal army is in motion; and the old battle i grounds, where that army has so often been ! discomfited and put to rout, are ana in to be- I come the theatre of keen strife and fierce en counter. Upon one side we see arrayed the party-colored forces of federalism, led on and buoyed up by the power and temptations of a great monied monopoly; upon the other, the undismayed phalanx of Republicans, : planting themselves upon the firm basis of the j Constitution, and relying upon the nerve and | fortitude of unbribed and patriotic freemen. Such is the nature of the coming contest, a contest upon the decision of which depends a great constitutional question. And we trust that the Republican (Anti-Bank and Anti- Monopolv) party will again come out trium phant, as they did in (ire great struggle that was carried on with such vehemence in ISOO and 1801, when, with Thomas Jefferson at their head, they snatched the bleeding Con stitution of their country from the hands of Federal usurpation, and restored the Govern ment to its original purity and legitimate functions* Disguise it as they will, shuffle and try to dodge about it. as much as they please, such is the question.—And while a question of such vital interest to the welfare of the Govern ment, is before the people, calling for their immediate action and decision, it is with min gled feelings of sorrow and surprise that we hear the conductors of some public journals calling upon their readers to 1 be still,’ and, though the political elements are in commo tion, and the liberties of the country about to be overthrown, still trying to persuade them that they have 1 no part to take ’ in the conflict. I had ever supposed that in a government like ours, every freeman had a deep interest in the political conflicts of the day—an im portant part to act, and a high duty which he owes to himself and tiis country to tulfil— and that he should not, like the cringing min- j ion under a despot, 1 be still,’ and suffer the j scourge of tyranny to be flourished over him without one struggle tor his liberties. In the Columbus Enquirer of May 17th, we find the following ver y patriotic counsel. ‘ We can see no good reason for any peculiar j anxiety among the advocates of State Rights as to what course the approaching conflicts may take. Let them come, tee have no part to take in them. Why should we he over anxious at the result of a battle, when both parties are our sworn enemies. ’ We ask of a candid reader, of whatever party he may be, who has a particle of patriotic blood flowing in his veins, and who feels that the institutions of his country are worth preserving, to give the above extracts a serious and careful pe rusal. ‘No part to take’ in the all important political controversy which is agitating the country! He certainly must occupy a ‘high ground,’ an exalted station indeed, who can ‘ be still,’ and from his lofty station look down with complacency upon the desolation of the blessed institutions of his country, and (happy mortal!) have ‘no part to take in them!’; This is certainly anew kind of patent right ! patriotism, and we hope in all charity and mercy the author and inventor will have the sole right and benefit of it secured to himself in fee simple forever ! ‘ Toth parties are our sworn enemies.' — Federalists and Republicans, both his ‘sworn enemies!’ W e rejoice to hear him make that assertion with regard to Federalism, lor we have all along had some doubts an I misgiv- I mgs lest he should be found to co-operate I with the Federal party. O.ir doubts and misgivings are now removed by the sanction of an oath. But republicanism, likewise, he has abjured, cast off, and made affidavit of his enmity to it ! This is the legitimate and only conclusion to he drawn from his •remarks. And now where will he cast his | anchor—what sort ol a political labric does lie I propose to build up upon which to repose himself? Why, it would seem that with his little force, in the present crisis, he is going to retire in ‘ dignified disgust’ from the dread arena of political warfare, forming a sort of a ‘ be still’ cohort of reserve, and when either partv is repulsed, he will (all in with the vie tors, and like the brave Jack FaNtafF, come; up bead man and swear he has done all the fighting Aye, let them retire and ‘be still.’ Fede ralists are tot) arrogant and brazen-faced to he daunted by their absence, and Republicans, I trust, will not need them in the coming con flict. Yes, let them retire to their ‘ post,’ and ; to be perfectly safe and secure during the j coming conflict, it they please, get behind or upon a ‘ post,’ and dub themselves the ‘ post ipartv,’ and then watch patiently the move ments of the contending armies, and fen to one if thev do not come out of the strife un scathed and unharmed, and stand up before the world in an attitu le triumphantly and gloriously ridiculous. jp.fkcrson. Apalachicola, May !0, 1838. To Wm. 11. Chase, Esq. U. y. Engineer for the Southern Department. Sir: My attention has just been called to your letter dated the 28ih ull. at Washington City, addressed to the Editor of the Floridian, and published in that journal. As it purports to have been written with | the view of enlightening the public in relation i to the commercial towns of the territory in the Gull ot Mexico, it is not a little surprising that the most important one should have j wholly escaped your notice, i You have not even deigned to place Apa lachicola on the catalogue of her cities, but i have used language in speaking of her rival, | clearly indicating an intention to strike icitv out of existence. I cannot account for this in any other way than to suppose yorr i intend to annihilate rivers and substitute rail ! mads, thereby destroying their usefulness, j In order that there shall be no misiake, I ! give your own words, viz : ‘ The city ot St. ■i Joseph will probably become the port of de livery and supply for the Apalachicola and Chattahoochee rivers, and the dependant country extending to Columbus, Georgia.” Now, sir, is it just, is it proper or exjredient towards the citizens of Apalachicola, for a public officer thus to speak? Was it not gratuitous and uncalled for? Did it comport ‘with the dignity and duty of a public man, to whom we had'looked as an impartial judge? Have you not passed sentence of condemna tion from mistaken views, and evidence not to be relied upon, without that careful investi gation which a subject so important would 1 seem to demand? Ami have von properly regarded the rights and feel.ngs ol the citizens of our place ? I shall not deal in probabilities, hut will let facts speak, and then leave the public to de cide, holding myself responsible for their cor rectness. And first let me remark, that soon after the decree of the Supreme Court con firming the tide to Apalachicola, a company was formed to make a town ai St. Joseph Bay. Emissaries were put in requisition along our entire seaboard, from New Orleans to Boston, to misrepresent and traduce Apa lachicola, ami build up the new town on her ruins. The Territorial Council was called into action, and twice attempted to legislate her out of existence. The General Govern ment, through the influence of its officers, withheld its fostering care. Monied institu tions were arrayed against her. ‘ldie Union Bank of Florida, which till then had a branch j at Apalachicola, doing a profitable business, ! withdrew it and placed it at the new city.— It is but fair* however, to state, that her offi cers were stockholders in that Company. But amidst all this array of opposition, of power, of wealth and chartered privileges,, j the march of Apalachicola has been steadily | and rapidly onward to her destined greatness. ! She is vow and ever will be, the commercial ! emporium of Florida. And while it seems to ! he made the duty of others to assail, it shU ;he mine to defend her. The God ol Nature ihas furnished her with a noble river—a tree 1 highway to prosperity and commercial great i ness, which the arts and designs of men can I neither take away, or its usefulness destiny. It required no chartered monopoly to make jit —none to keep it in repair—no tribute is | required of those who navigate her waters; i and this is the mode of conveyance adapted ‘l to the views and feeiings of a free people. Plans the most decisive have been resorted j to for the purpose of destroying the trade of our city, but with what success I will shew. In three years her population has quadru j pled, there being bv the census recently taken ia population of upwards of four thousand i persons. Her commerce has increased in the ! same proportion. The sales of merchandise ; for the past year will amount to three million it !of dollars; while her importations of salt, cof j lee, etc. have been large. The imports of salt for the year commencing October last, j will he nearly 100,000 bushels. The receipts j of Cotton the present year amount to 50.000 I bales, as will he shewn by the Cu-tom Hmrse ! Books when the balance now on hand is 1 shipped. If there is another city in Florida of the same commercial importance, name it. It there is one of two-thirds of her population, point it out. During the last two years the improvements have been rapid and extensive, and of a character which for elegance and durability, will compare with those of any city in the Union. Let those who doubt go and see; there they stand to speak for them selves —a proud monument to the individual enterprise of her citizens, not of a chartered monopoly. Os the harbour and its capabili ties, 1 will here say a word. Merchant slips of as large a class as trade to any part of the Gulf, can enter the port with ease and safety. The eastern entrance has twenty feet water on the bar at high tides, seventeen feet at low tides. The western entrance has seven teen feet at high and fourteen at tow tides. Through the straight channel recently exca vated, upwards of ten feet is brought to the i wharf*, which admits ships with full cargoes carrying 1000 bales of cotton. Ships of 2000 bales have loaded in the port, and those of 1500 bales at a distance of three miles only from town. Here, steamboats receive car goes direct from the ships for the interior country, with hut one handling, without the expense of either wharfage or lighterage. In the transportation of salt, iron, coffee, sugar, and all heavy goods and produce, only con trast the difference in expense between this mode of conveyance and that of transship ping on a rail road. We can take goods from the ships into our steamboats, and deli ver them at Columbus and the intermediate towns, and cotton in return, for less money, and make a profit, than the actual expense of transporting thirty miles on a rail road. I have given a concise history ol Apalachi cola for the last three years, and have shewn her present condition and commercial impor tance. If I have erred in one single particu lar, 1 know it not. I have discharged what I conceived to be a duty to the public and my immediate fellow citizens, (embracing a class of merchants, which, for enterprise, in tegrity, responsibility, and the promptness with which they meet engagements, will com pare with any town in the South,) by giving this exposition and defence of a city which has been more abused and misrepresented than any other in ihe Union. Here I rest mv defence; but before I close, allow me to rerrnrk, that l feel no unkindness towards the people of St. Joseph, and regret the occasion which has elicited language that may receive a (ldf.*rent construction. I admire I heir spirit of enterprise and perseverance, and wish it had a inure successful direction than the at tempt to destroy the use ot rivers by turning their commerce to rail roads. I am, Sir, very respectfully, Your ob’t serv’t, _ HIRAM NOURSE. FILIAL DUTY. “ Grieve not thy father, as long a he liveth.” 5> >n of Siruch. Tiiv father ! Why, with locks of snow Aie thus his sacred temples clad ? AVhv droops he o’er his staff so low With trembling timb3 and visage sad ? Care lia'h his brow with wrinkles scarr’d, His clustering ringlets shred away, Arid time with ‘yrant sceptre marr'd The giorv of his manhood’s sway. How oft that palsied hand hath led Thine infant footsteps weak with fear How gently bow’d that revere and head Thy childhood’s broken tale to hear ; And when those wayward feet have stray’d ’Mid youthful follies rashly free Those lips invok’d, at midnight’s shade, The pardon of thy God for thee. If from hi- speech should dotage flow, Or eye. or ear be dull and dead. Thou, to his second childhood show. The love that smooth'd thy cradle bed. Grieve not thy sire ! for if his love ( nhlest, or unrequited be. Tie whom thou cali’st thv Sire above. Wid b nd a judge’s frown on thcc. L. 11. S,