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’ po k tky. ’ were cotr posed by a young Caerokee girl, by the name of Anna, and given to one of the Editors while on a visit to Calhoun, East Ten nessee, some short time since. The town to which s he bel mied was situated in the Sumach Valley, or (Shoemake, as it is commonly written,) through which runs a beSitiiful creek of the same name. From this valley a full view of the Cohuttah mountain, one of the highest in the Nation, is presented. We gwe them a place in our columns, in fulfilment of a promise ma le to publish them. THE CHEKOKEE GIRL’S farewell TO HER COUNTRY. Farewell to my country-farewell io-the mmmtam- Oh never! no never! shall I see you again : Farewell to the valley—farewell to-the fountain— Poor Anua mast leave you, she dare not remain. Oh hard is the lot of the exile from home, From the land of his fathers, his wigwam and field, To follow the sun, and in sorrow to roam, Yet tire pale face decrees it, and in silence we yield. Farewell to Cohul tail’s high peak in the dale ; Oh never, no never, shall I climb you again ; Farewell to the Sumach, bright stream in the vale, if is painful to leave you—yet I cannot remain. To the far distant West a poor exile I roam, No prospect to cheer me, no hope to sustain; In the wilJs of Arkansas to seek anew home : So the pale face has spoken, and l must not com plain. Farewell to the green spot where my kindred now sleep ; At morn nor at eve shall I visit you again ; Farewell to the willow, you alone now must weep, For the wagons arc moving, I follow their train. Oil merciiul Parent—but I will not complain, Nor against this sad judgment in anger rebel; Far, far from the pale face I may be happy again, And the lot of poor Anna still yet be well. That merciful Parent will Anna sustain— To bear this affliction his aid I implore ; The wail of distress was ne’er uttered in vaiir, Then submissive I yield and will grieve me no more. From the N. Y. American. THE DAUGHTER’S DREAM. BY S. W. PATTEN, V. S. A. Oh ! wipe the anguish from my brow, Damp with the dews of pain ! Fathei ! I had a dream but now, Which must not come again. ’Mid crowded aisles I seemed to stand, Deck’d as they deck a bride ; They placed a ring upon my hand, And look me from thy side. I breath’d the censor’d fragrance, where The clouded incense fell; [ heard amid the chanted prayer, The organ’s lordly swell; And oh ! my bosom knew the sigh Which rapture loves to wake : B"t when / caught my father's eye, Ms thought my heart would, break. With wreaths of love from myrtles wrought, To bind iny hair they came, While many a gentle tongue was fraught With words ’twas bliss to name. But when thy brow, eclipsed with wo Like twilight o’er me shone, I thought it was unkind to go— And turned—and wept alone. But vain these eyes were upward raised— Grief’s tear had little heed ; Youth beckon’d where the torch light blaz’d, And bade (he bridegroom speed ; I saw a stranger at my feet, Who kneeled and plead the while, lli3 smile to me seemed wildly sweet— Yet not my father’s smile. Softly he told of joys uplaid, For viigin hearts like mine, Amt of a home which Love had made Oh ! brighter far than thine. But take, ah ! tako me to thy heart, — My brow so aches with pain— Father! that dream would bid us part! — lt must not come again! From the Baltimore Monument. EVENING REVERIES. 1 They live but in the tale of other times.’ The arm of desolation seems to strike si lrntly and alone, at all earthly grandeur The*stupendous productions of art and of in tellect are the idle play things of time, with which he sports for an hour, ami then shatters them to atoms. There is a quiet melancholy that steals over the heart, when we recur to the decline of once powerful and flourishing kingdoms. The very names of Greece and Rome awaken a pensive pleasure—but it is a pleasure which is rendered thus pensive by its associations with ‘darkness and the worm.’ I love to wander forth on a clear, beauti ful evening, such as this, and give unre strained indulgence to meditation. I love to look up to the blue sky, where, from the ze nith to the horizon, not a single cloud ob scures its serenity; and to hold, as it were, converse with the shining orbs that glitter in the ‘azure depths.’ How beautifully do these contrast with the workmanship of man! The splendors ot the most magnificent cities have departed. The places where they once stood have become desolate wastes. But the same magnificence of the heaveils stands above me now that stood above old Rome in all her glory. The garniture of the starry world is unaffected by time—its brilliancy is undimmed by the roll of centuries. The moon, and the stars, and the whole firma ment, break upon the vision with as palpa ble brilliance as they did upon the vision of the pious David, when he exclaimed, ‘ Day unto day uttereth speech, and night sheweth knowledge’—ay, with as much beauty as when the ‘ morning stars sang together and all the sons of God shouted for joy.’ Indulging in these reflections I have often been led to wonder if our own America is destined to follow in the wake of these nations ot antiquity. I have wondered if we shall be named with Assyria, Babylon, and Carthage —as a people once mighty, but whose great ness has departed. The self-love of our na ture shrinks from the thought. We con template our speedy, but no less glorious ele vation. Memory is instantly in active play. We recollect that, but a few years ago, the untamed son of the forest roamed in savage barbarity over this vast extent of country. We draw nearer, and behold the gradual dawn of civilization. In fancy, the songs of the pious pilgrims break upon our ears, even as when, * Amid the storm they sane, And the stars heard, and the sea ; And the sounding aisles of the dim woods rang To die anthems of the free.’ Following up the picture, we behold the spread of intelligence and industry, beneath the yoke of succeeding tyranny and oppres sion. The despotism of a foreign power is beheld, staying the onward march to prospe rity, and darkening the fairest portion of the civilized world. But the spirit of resistance is at length aroused. The oppression of Eng land is spurned. The freedom of the mind ! is boldly asserted, and then follow the glori- ! ous, but tragic events of the American Re volution—the darkest period in the annals of our sufferings and wo. Again —the war-cloud has passed over us.! and the star of independence, like another! star of Bethlehem, shines out upon our hori zon. The war whoop has died in its faint est echo among our forests—the thunder of artillery shakes no longer the foundations of our hal's. The olive branch of peace has been planted in c.ur soil. We have become a great, and a mighty people. We stand out among the nations of the earth the proudest and most prominet of them ail. Although comparatively in our infancy, * the broad stripes an 1 bright stars’ of our standard sheet have floated in the breezes of all climes; and from the remotest shores of the far off’ Paci fic, and over the turbulant billows of the foam ing Atlantic, our banner still i Mingles with its gorgeous rives The m Iky baldice of th kirs : Amt stripes its pure eeles ini whit? With streakings of the morning light.’ Tinlyour patriotism is leading us astray. We must check this enthusiasm. And yet such is the view which, as Americans, we love lo takejof our country and its institutions. She has become great —shall she fall ? She is now mighty—shall she one day be power less? Have we not intelligence and learning enough lo preserve her from decay ? Alas! whaAvhisper the spirits of the past! Might not Greece and Rome have boasted of these? Would not the Grecians have spurned the idea that Athens—the beautiful and magni ficent Athens —on whose lap were nurtered the twin sistors, Science and Art, and whose ear drank in with rapture the eloquence of her own sons—that Athens, who boasted of her orators, her philosophers, her statesmen, and her poets, should one day become deso late; and nothing but broken fragments of her temples, and of her Parthenon, be left to tell of her former magnificence and grandeur ? Where would have been found the Roman who would have doubted the perpetuity of Rome’s glory ? Had one of her sons been asked, at the time of her conquests, if Rome would dwindle to comparative insignifi cance, methinkshe would have proudly cited the ‘ treble hundred triumphs,’ and pointing to the theatres, amphitheatres, and triumphal arches of the imperial cilv, he would have asked, in reply. ‘ Can the iron heel of time trample these to dust, or the arm of decay sap these foundations?’ Standing beside the lofty Coliseum, he would have exclaimed with the enthusiasm of a Roman citizen, as though eternity were graven upon its base, and the perpetuity of Rome gleamed from the sum mit, ‘Wliile the Coliseum stands Rome shall stand ! When the Coliseum falls, Rome shall fall! When Rome falls, the world shall fail!’ Where is she now ? ‘ The Niobe of Nations! there she stands— Childless and crownlesc in her voiceless wo; An empty uin, within her withered hands. Whose holy dust was scattered long ago! The Scipios’ tomb contains no ashes now— The very sepulchres lie tenantless Os their heroic dwellers.’ ******* But if the greatness of passed nations has waned and expired, does it necessarily follow that ours must also? Have we not that within our reach which c n not only impart seeming greatness, but which shall give to us lasting existence ? We unquestionably have True greatness consists not in splendid tri umphs, in wealth, nor in luxury. Luxury always leads to corruption, and corruption to decay. Righteousness exalteh a nation!— This, and this alone can give permanence to our institutions. We have the Bible—we have the Christian Religion. If these exert the influence which they should—if these be made the governing principles of our lives, and our actions, time may crumble our edi fices to the dust—but as a pepople, we shall be permanent! And thus, shall speedily be ushered in the glorious period, when ‘one shall not say to another ‘ know thou the Lord,’ for all shall know him from the least evtn to the greatest.’— Methodist Protestant. E. Y. R. From the Washington Chronicle. CHARGES AT RANDOM. In the rhapsodies of Mr. Clay during the debate in the Senate on Thursday even our humble sell', we believe, came in for a share of his denunciations. We marvel that his zeal should prompt him to display so much condescension,—especially in a place where even thanks could not be returned in form. He said that we, amongst others, had charged him with being an Abolitionist. We meet the accusation in the same way we have met it when coming from the Federal organs in Virginia. We have not taxed him with abo lition ir. the strict sense of the term. We do not believe that he is prepared note to abolish slavery at once by act of Congress. The grounds we have taken are : that he is oppo sed to slavery, not only in the abstract, but as it actually exists amongst us—that he re gards it as criminal in itself, and hostile to the principles of our Bill of Rights,—that he looks upon it as ‘ a great evil, moral, social und po litical,’ and that he is willing, anxious, and fully determined to weaken and abolish it in some way or other. Will he deny, and take issue on either of these facts ? We challenge him to do so. But further. We have charged him with having in his hostility to the domestic institu tions of the South, given direct encourage ment to the mad fanatics of the North in their wanton and reckless assault on the character of the Southern people, and their entire social system. He has expressed his willingness, nay more, he has invited them to make the Halls of Congress, the audience chamber of a common Government, a thea tre, whereon a desperate hand ofincendiaries in one section might make war on the feelings, the reputation, the rights, the property, and the very lives of the people of another section. This he has done; for it cannoi be disguised that his resolutions not only admit the right of Congress to abolish slavery, but enjoin the reception of petitions, directed to that object. He thus converts the halls of legis lation into an arena for agitation. And what, is this? Is it not as dangerous to the South to have the question of slavery constantly agitated in Congress, as to admit the right to abolish it at once? Is it not this Congress ional agitation which is Ailing the country with uneasiness, indignation, and anxiety? Grant the right to keep up this agitation, and you had as well grant the right to abolish our institutions at once. The Southern people have not only a right—an indisputable right, to enjoy their property in safety, but in peace —and the admission of this right to agitate is totally incompatible with bolh. It had just as well he said that a man has not the right to kill another directly, hut he has a right, bv slow poisons, to keep his body in such a state ; as that he must die from the effects sooner or ■ later. This is a common government, and can not rightly be perverted into an instrument of i destruction to any portion of the people whom ; it was designed to protect. Again: We have said that the body of the party which sustains Mr. Clay in the north, acts with the abolitionists, both there and in Congress. In support of this charge we have appealed to the public records which his organs in the south have passed by.— Every man acquainted with Mr. Clay’s po litical doctrines, must know that abolition, so far as its pretensions go, is their natural off spring. Nationalism is the mother of aboli tion. The pretensions of the latter are fount!• j ed and defended on the principles of the for j mer. If Mr. Clay rises into power, he must rise on the combined votes of the two. That he will obtain the suffrages of the abolition ists, if nominated for the presidency, we h3ve no more doubt than we have of our exis tence. If there he any difference between the northern whigs and abolitionists, as to political doctrines, we have never dis-j covered it. We ask that it may he pointed j out. Until this is done —and some assurance] given that the influence of the latter as well as the former, is not to control the action of j the Government under his administration, it j elected—we cannot forbear to warn the south j against uniting in his support. For a south - i ern man and a slave holder , to he denouncing j slavery , and at the same time professing a de sire to ‘ conciliate’ the abolitionists, at the ex pense ot fixed and indisputable rights, is a sign which we cannot mistake; and we ought not to trust such a candidate for high j office. ! Mr. Ciav now avows that he is willing to take the foremost position in resisting the abolitionists, should the occasion ever arise ; hut he qualifies the commitment by declaring that it will never arise, as the abolition cause I is weakening every day! We are glad to! hear the pledge, however, even with such] contingencies connected with it. The pl. Jcre indeed, comes cut very laVe in the day ; and, it we might judge from circumstances, very reluctantly. There is a reason for this which we could explain, but we choose to leave it to l>e developed by tne future. It will come out—it must come out, before the first of Ja nuary, IS4O. We understand it perfectly, and shall comment upon it when the proper peiiod arrives. In conclusion, we have an important in quiry to propound to Mr. Clay. We do this that he may have an occasion to answer, ex plain, deny or justify. That he is opposed lo the domestic institutions of the south, his own declarations and public acts prove. He thinks then) immoral, sinful, and hostile to the free principles of our political system. For this we may pardon him. It is but mat ter of opinion—and we are the advocate of freedom of thought. But the effort to abo lish them, and the mode —these are questions of deep import as involving the righ's of others. As President of the Colonization So ciety he is openly striving to affect this object in one way—but is this the only contrivance he has devised? Has he net said, (and we put the question to him in all seriousness and solemnity,) has lie not said to a distinguish ed individual lately wedded to his besom, and enjoying his smiles and confidence, that one OF THE BEST EFFECTS OF A HIGH TARIFF WOULD BE, THAT IT WOULD, BY DIMINISHING THE PROFITS OF SLAVE LABOR, COMPEL THE SOUTH TO EMANCI PATE THEIR SLAVES? and that, in GIVING HIS SUPPORT TO THAT INIQUITOUS SYS TEM, HE CONTEMPLATED SUCH A RESUL r ? We do not pretend to vouch for the truth of this ; but we have heard it staled as a fact, and give him an opportunity to deny it, if it be false. Asa caution to him, we will further add that we are told the wit ness has reduced the matter to writing, and that it may be produced. These remarks are drawn from us by charges and allusions made by Mr. Clay in his place. We desire to do him justice ; anti will commend the same inclination to himself, in regard to others. This habit of assailing men, when they have no right to reply, is ungenerous and unbecoming. If this press be unjust in its animadversions, its columns are open to all. The times are really out of joint. Avarice and ambition are the ruling demons of the day. The rights, property and lives of an entire section of this Union, where the lot of all vrho are dear to us is cast, are openly threatened; and we must be par doned if we discover too much jealousy and suspicion. We have seen and learned enough of human ambition and avarice to know that they have no code of ethics—no law of morals—no sense of justice—no idea of right—no feelings, no sympathies separate from their objects. We are, therefore, if not cynical, at least suspicious ; and men who are seeking to compass these objects, must expect, and shall receive from us, while we occupy our present situation, the strictest scrutiny warranted by truth and justice. From the Richmond Enquirer. EXPENSES OF THE GOVERNMENT. The Clerk of the House of Representa tives has published a report of the ‘ Appro priations made, neio offices created, and offi cers the salaries of which are increased, du ring the Ist and ‘id sessions of the Congress of the U. S .’ This duty is enjoined upon the Secretary of the Senate and the Clerk of the House of Representatives, by the 6th section of the ‘ Act to authorize the appointment of additinoal paymasters, and for other purposes,’ passed July 4,1836; and they are required to do it ‘as soon as may be after the close of each session of Congress.’ The present report extends to ten columns of the Globe, comprising every detail of appropriation which has been made by Congress, under the various heads speci fied in the following recapitulation. We must content ourselves with giving the gen eral summary embraced in this recapitula tion. Some of these items are heavy enough —and the amount of more than thirty-eight millions is startling. One of the most costly heads of appropriations, viz: those for dis charging the expenses of the Florida War, and the Cherokee emigration, amounting to more than seven and a half millions, is a tem porary tax upon the country. It will vanish with the occasion which gave it birth. The pay and mileage of Members of Congress is sufficiently large, being $567,6S0 —and em bracing the collateral expenses of printing, stationary, fisel, &c. amount, to more than $950,000. The sum total of the expenses of the federal government is so great as to call for every proper retrenchment, and every proper degree of economy. They grow fast enough with the natural growth of our coun try; and it is unjust to ascribe to Mr. Van Buren, such a variety of appropriations as are made by Congress itself, End frequently by the force of the opposition. But what would have been the situation of the Treasury—how large would have been the revenue—and what an enormous tax would have been palmed upon the people— if the policy of Mr. Clay and his friends had been suffered to prevail—if power had been assumed by the federal government, which never belonged to it—if a general system of Internal Improvements, for example, had been engrafted upon the administration of our affairs? These encroachments were of a double aspect. As powers were assumed to expend, so also powers were assumed to raise a revenue. Thus, the Tariff and In ternal Improvements were going hand in hand—and the people of the South, in partic ular, would have been doubly taxed ; first, for the support of the illigelimate powers of the government, and secondly, for the sinis ter interests of the manufacturers. But thanks to Gen. Jackson, he came in with his veto; cut short, to a great extent, the mad and mischievous system of Internal Improve ments—enabled us to reduce the Tariff, and thus restored the Constitution to its healthy action, and relieved the people of a frightful expense. Let Mr. Bond rail and misrepre sent, as he pleases. We are under incalcu lable obligations to General Jackson for these reforms. He has cut down our expenses, instead of increasing them, and this is the true point of view in which we ought to con sider the question. This is the real compari son which we ought to draw between the policy of the Republican and Federal Admin istrations. Under such Presidents as John Q. Adams, the expenses would have run up much higher than they have been under Gen. Jackson. Reverse the operation to morrow—change Mr. Van Buren for Mr. Clay, with his extravagant turn of appropri ations—limited by no such Constitutional scruples—we should soon see the expenses of the government, and the taxes of the people, increasing with a fearful velocity. It is no hazardous prediction to say, that, instead of thirty-eight millions at this time, the expenses of the federal government would, in a few years, mount up to fifty millions. They are too large already, and it will require all the energy of the people, and all the wisdom of their servants, to keep down the expenses, and make all necessary retrenchments. — Economy must become the order of the day. Master James Gosling—A Portrait. —‘ He is a little red-headed boy, with short sandy hair standing straight out like a shoe brush ; a forehead half an inch high ; a little pug nose; an enormous mouth; no e\e brows, and a pair of small eyes which look green in the morning, and red at night. Four of his front teeth have been knocked out fighting. He has bit his nails half way down, so that 1 you cannot look at them without setting your teeth on edge. His hands are covered with warts, and he has a shrill, cracking voice.’ Well, gentle reader, how do you Ike the r looks of Jim Gosling? Isn’t he a beauty? SENTINEL & HERALD. COLUMBUS, AUGUST 2, 1838. UNION CONGRESSIONAL TICKET. ROBERT W. POOLER, of Chatham. JOSIAH S. PATTERSON, of Early. ALFRED IVERSON, of Muscogee. DAVID CAMPBELL, of Bibb. JUNIUS HILLYER, of Clark. CHARLES H. NELSON, of Cherokee. B! GRAVES, of Newton. J. G. MeWHORTER, of Richmond. DO* The Union Party, at a meeting held on yesterday at Coleman’s store, nominated the following ticket for the Legislature : For Senate. J. P. H. CAMPBELL. For House of Representatives, JOHN L. HARP. JOHN L. LEWIS. AGITATE! AGITATE!! AGITATE!!! The last Macon Messenger, a Nullifica tion print, commences an editorial in the fol lowing just and true language : ‘Agitation on the question of the currency is earnestly deprecated by our political men, and hy our presses generally. While the people are continually, without regard to time or place, at home and abroad, in season and out of season, discussing the subject, the press, it is advised, should be still. Why, we might as well attempt to hush the clamor of the tempest —like Eolus, to bottle up the winds—like Canute, to stop the progress of the waves—as to arrest the voice of the peo ple. Speak out they will, and neither the public press, nor the efforts of political parti zans, he their motives what they may—chari table or wicked, patriotic or selfish—can avail aught when arrayed against the om nipotence of popular opinion. The voice of the people is emphatically the voice of God, and no human power can still it.’ Nothing can be more true than the above remarks of our neighbor. It is the peculiar province of the press to enlighten public opin ion, and to bring before the people, in fair and honorable discussion, the leading and important topics of the day. The fiscal action of every civilized govern ment, both ancient and modern, has consti tuted the pivot on which political revolutions have turned ; and consequently it becomes a momentous question, and one which ought to be settled with prompt deliberation, when ever it becomes disturbed and’ swayed from its exact balance. At this moment our government is in a condition most deplorably unsettled, as to its monied concerns, and the people, in their anx iety and solicitude for its better regulation, are ripe for instruction—thirsting for knowledge, and enquiring at every corner what system is to be established, and what course should be pursued, best adapted to the prosperity of the country—and they are looking to the press for an avowal of opinion. The journals in the support of the admin istration, throughout this state, have general ly expressed their opinions, with a great deal of candor, in favor of the Sub-Treasury sys tem. But the opposition showed coy and beat about the bush, evincing plainly the division and distraction which exists in their ranks, upon the subject of our banking sys tem. They are loud, fierce and fiery against the Sub-Treasury, because it is a Van Buren measure; a majority of their parly adhere to the system, and their leading and most talent ed men support it warmly as the best and only system for the country, and especially calculated to sustain southern rights and in terests against northern avarice and over powering bank capital. But the same pres ses which condemn and repudiate the Sub- Treasury, give us no item as to what meas ure they do approve, or will support. The United States Bank is a loathsome carcass* which they seem not disposed to handle. A National Bank they fear to advocate, it be ing the bantling of Clay, and to his support they will not commit themselves. The State Bank system was once the favorite of An drew Jackson, and of course is ‘ damned to eternal infamy’ with all Nullifiers; and the special deposite is horribly odious because its lather is Tom Ritchie, and it forbids the use of the government money for the purposes of banking and private specu'ation. Well, really our opponents are in a quan dary. Gentlemen, what wll you do? ‘Are you ready for trial ?’ Will you go to the people upon the issue, Fairly made up, of Bank or no Bank ? for that is now the great question for the people to decide, and the only question which now divides us as to national politics. It is charged that the Sub-Treas ury scheme has a tendency to add to Execu tive power. Let those who make the asser tion produce the proof; for we have never as yet been furnished with an iota of evi dence, going to substantiate such a charge. The system is now in full operation, and yet who can point to any extraordinary power with which Mr. Van Buren is clothed ? The government funds are daily disbursed through various agents, and the operations of the gov ernment move harmoniously on. Perhaps the very strongest argument in favor of this system is to be found in the fact, that the money is distributed into various hands, with ample security for its safe keeping and faith ful disbursement, instead of being deposited in a solitary institution, located in a region of monied aristocracy, and governed and con trolled by a president and six directors, amidst whose loud bellowings for the ‘loaves and fishes’ the voice of a government direction could never be heard. We believe that the hour has come when this great subject should be discussed. Un der what system shall the government money be kept, and through what agency shall it be distributed ? This is the question to which we intend to devote more of our time and at tention, and hereafter our columns shall be well stocked with such information as can be brought to bear this interesting and all absorbing subject. We have many friends who could wield powerful pens upon this question, and we take this occasion to say lo them, ‘ there is a vacant column for you in our paper.’ The big Bull and the little Bull have locked horns. —The editor of the Georgia Journal has locked horns with John C. Calhoun.— Look out, little one. Brother, did you ever hear or know of one Wash Gordon ? If you have lo squat, may the obscurity of your ab squatulation be less contankable. ‘Charge, Chester, charge—on, Stanly, on’—fifty to one on the big Bull—but that little one, don’t he dance. The Issue. — Hairy Clay and a * National Bank, or Martin Van Buren and no Motion al Bank. — Ritchie. I POLITICAL MOVEMENT. We are told that anew and third Con gressional ticket is to be started in this state, which is to be anti upon all the dividing po litical questions of the day, and to go into Congress, if elected, pledged only upon one question, viz: the question of keeping and distributing the Government money. The names of the following gentlemen we have heard associated with the ticket: John Mc- Pherson Berrien, Richard H. Wilde, A. S. Clayton, John P. King, A. M. D. King, A. H. Chappell, Wm. W. Undewood, W. C. Dawson, and Daniel McDougald. Enter, gentlemen, and let us have a sweep stake. The Union ticket is tolerable certain of being elected, as matters nmc stand, but make another entry, with an Anti Van Bu ren rider, and Matty will distance the field. However, we arc fond of excitement, and hope that a voice from Athens, during the present commencement, will speak the above named ticket into full nomination. MR. FORREST. We have enjoyed a rich treat in the peru sal of a nOration delivered by this gentleman, on the fourth of July, in the city of New lork. The composition is chaste and ner vous in its style, and the sentiments purely democratic. Mr. Forrest is distinguished as the great American Tragedian, and it has been objected on this ground that he should not have been selected as an orator on an oc casion when and where he would be neces sarily driven to treat of political matters. — This idea we view as perfectly ridiculous. Edwin Forrest is an American citizen, by birth and education, and is sufficiently talent ed to fill any station to which his countrymen may call him ; and we see no more objection to his spouting politics, than our orators in Congress spouting Shakspeare. SHALLOW TRICKERY EXPOSED. The Maysville (Ky.) Whig, a paper which belongs to Mr. Clay, a few weeks ago raked up an old letter which was put forth during the first canvass of Mr. Clay for the Presi dency, by an editor in Rhode Island by the name of Southivick , which letter purports to have been written by Mr. Jefferson in 1823. The letter was proven to be a counterfeit shortly after its first appearance; and the fact of its being exhumed at the very com mencement of Mr. Clay’s second canvass, gives good token of the miserable shifts to which his followers are already driven. Oh, boys, if truth has fled ye, your condition is truly pitiable. But all tricks, counterfeits and forgeries out of the question, we’ve 4 got you’ any how. THE STATUE OF WASHINGTON. Cooper, the novelist, has received a letter from Greenough the sculptor, who is at this time in Europe engaged upon the statue of Washington. The letter bears date the 6th of May, 1838, and states that 4 after cruel delays from cholera, quarantines, and the state of the roads, the statue is in full pro gress.’ It will be recollected that this statute was ordered by Congress three years ago, and will undoubtedly be of a magnificent order. The block of marble from which it is being chiselled, weighed in its rough condi tion sixty tons. Raising the Dead.— In the town of Pitts field (Mass.) the powder magazine—which was situated in the centre of the village—was fired by some daring villains, and blown up with terrific explosion. The magazine con tained at the time eight hundred pounds of powder. The graves were torn open, and bodies that had slumbered for years undis turbed were roused. A large amount of damage was inflicted upon property, but for tunately no lives were lost. A BULLY WIND UP. The twenty-fifth Congress would certainly have closed its sittings with great inconsis tency, had not its last hour been marked by a perfect rowdy fight. Accordingly, at the heel of the docket, the following patriotic scene occured: The sitting of Saturday continued in the Senate till four, and in the House till eight o’clock on Sunday morning; most of the time was spent in vain endeavors to enforce the attendance of absent members. Some of them were taken from their beds, wearied and sick, and brought to the bar of the House, to explain the reason of their ab sence. Among those was Mr. Maury, of Tennessee, who was excused, after the pay ment of fees to the Serjeant-at-Arms. Mr. Maury did not like the treatment he receiv ed, and some words between him and his col league, Mr. Campbell, on the subject, ended in a bloody and brutal fight, in the logia, be hind the bar. Maury is much injured. He struck the first blow, and Campbell, who is the most powerful young man in the House, milled him cruelly. The parties in the af fray appear to have been equally culpable. No notice was taken of the affair by the House. The House had just adjourned when it happened. All the bills which passed were duly re turned approved by the President. The results of the session cannot he a source of much gratification to any party. ‘ I went to de bank for to get a note change.’ Zip Coon. The Louisville Advertiser says that the people will require the banks to 4 stand up to the rack, fodder or no fodder,’ to pay their notes without regard to the policy of the administration. That the people desire of the banks only that they should pay up, and are determined to coerce them to that measure of honesty. The country is not prepared to have bank nates read thus : The President and Directors of the Credit System Bank promise to pay to Nicholas Cottonbale, or order. Five Dollars, on de mand, provided the people shall change rulers previous to the presentation of this note for payment. Peter V. Grayson, Esq. who was opposing candidate to Mira beau B. Lamar for the Pre sidency of Texas, recently committed suicide while travelling in Kentucky. A Truism. —Mr. Clay, in a late speech, said. ‘Sir, I understand the game.’ Ihe Russian minister fully convinced of that fact years ago. The papers state that Mr. Kendall has resigned the office of Post Master General. The duties are at present discharged by Mr. Grundy. OCS”We are authorised to announce Gen. S. A. Bailv as a candidate for Justice of the Inferior Court, at the election to be held on the first Monday in August. ! We understand that Gen. John W. Bur ney, of Jasper, has been nominated on the Union Congressional ticket, in place of Judge Warner, who declined. (Xs* We are authorised toannounce Mar tin Brooks, Esq. as a candidate for Judge of the Inferior Court, at the election to be held on Monday next. ■—— CO” We are authorised to announce H. C. Sap, Esq. as a candidate for Judge of the Inferior Court, at the election to be held on Monday next. For tire Sentinel and Herald. INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT.—NO. HI. Benefits to be derived by the united action of the States , etc. The advantages to be derived l\v the States uniting in the works of Internal Im provement, so far as regards the construction of railroads, will amount in effect to all those contended for by the advocates of Internal Improvements bv the general government, and at the same time avoid those infractions of the constitution which must be the result of the latter system. This, then, is a most important advantage, since it is calculated to put forever at rest, (by entirely superseding its necessity,) a vex ed question, which has so long seriously agi tated this government. All large and impor tant works ot Internal Improvement can he accomplished by the States concerned; why then harrass the government longer on this question ? why waste the time of The general legislature and the money of the people, in vain attempts to force upon the consideration of the government such grossly unconstitu tional measures? We believe that each State is efficient in its resources to construct any important im provement that is called for, within its limits, by ihe interests of its citizens, and at the same time have enough to spare for any joint un dertaking, where such works necessarily in volve the interests of adjoining States; for instance: A railroad from New Orleans to Washing ton City, and from thence to the Lakes of the St. Lawrence, is talked of. Now what is to prevent an immediate commencement of this grand work, if the States through which it may pass, would unite in the survey and construction of the road, each State com pleting that part which lies within its own limits, at its own expense, and drawing a proportionate part of the profits which may arise from it. A railroad may also be constructed from the Atlantic across the mountains to the head ot navigation on the Mississippi or the Mis souri, or even to the Pacific, if you choose, on the same system. There is nothing to pre vent the completion of such works, and the time will come when these roads will be in operation, and that at no distant day. So may two or three Slates unite in the con struction of works involving their interest and prosperity alone. This is the only correct, and constitutional system of general Internal Improvement, and it is unquestionably the safest and surest one. From these joint State roads will spring branches in all directions, and this will afford the finest opportunities for smaller capitalists or companies, to construct shorter roads of vast importance and profit. Indeed, so great will he the inducement and the demand for these minor works of improvement, that I venture the opinion, and without much hazard H am sure, that by the time the State roads could be gotten fairly under way, you would find branches, to intersect with them, com mencing in all directions. What a prospect is before us! Let this system of Internal Improvement be carried out, and our country would present a spec tacle of national grandeur and greatness, the bare contemplation of which is enough to swell the patriot bosom with the noblest emo tions of pride. Do we live for ourselves alone? Have we no regard for the welfare of our posterity, and more than all, for the prosperity and glory of our beloved country? If so, then let ns die in our own insignificance, and our generation be forever blotted out from the pages of our national history. jackson. LOOK AT THIS ! MR. riddle’s EULOGY OF THE INDEPENDENT TREASURY SYSTEM ! ! Extract from the report of Mr. Biddle’s speech to the stockholders of the United Slates Bank, on the 20th February, 1836. as given in the National Intelligencer of February 27, 1836. ‘ The new charter had the advantage over the old one—in its exemption from the ex penses of doing the business of the govern ment, in loan offices and pension agencies, and in transferring the public funds without charge— in its total separation from all the offices of the General Government—an unna tural connection—beneficial to neither the Bank nor the Government /’ 4 lt was an original misfortune, in the structure of the Bank, thal it ivas in any way connected with persons in office. The in stincts of political power make that associ ation dangerous; useful to neither party; injurious to both.’ Columbus, July 22, 1838. Messrs. Editors :—Will you allow me suffi cient space in your columns to publish the en closed communication from the Hon. William C. Dawson, of Georgia, and the Hon. Dixon H. Lewis, of Alabama. The subject of this communication is one in which the people on the Eastand West sidesof the Chattahoochee river have a deep interest, and it is important and due to them that they should be fully ad vised, all that could pe done during the pre sent session, has been done. The Repre sentatives in Congress, from Georgia and Alabama, have been unceasing, untiring, able and zealous in their efforts to bring about the desired result. Our citizens are especialy in debted to the Hon. Wm. C. Dawson and the Hon. Dixon H. Lewis, who had this subject in especial charge. And all that representa tives could do was done by them, and al though the purpose of our mission has not been successful, we venture to hope that our rights will be respected, and that justice will yet award to us our dues. But to ac complish this we must have concert. We ought at all times to have a delegate at Wa shington ; one too, who would ha ,7 e no other j duties to discharge, but such as may be re quired to bring about a speedy and satisfac-j lory settlement of these claimes. And with out intending the slightest disrespect to our associates who have efficiently aided in this service, and for every one of whom I entertain a high and abiding regard, I take leave to say thal no one could so effectually advance the interests of the sufferers, as our distinguished fellow-citizen, Capt. James Abercrombie, of Russel county, Alabama. His firm, manly and patriotic bearing at Washington City, has already secured to him the respectful re gard of all who had the pleasure of making his acquaintance. A deep sense of the im portance of securing, if practicable, the servi ces of Capt. Abercrombie has induced me to suggest his name to our suffering Claimants. I very much regret that in publishing the en closed commuaication, I have not an oppor tunity of consulting with the gentlemen with whom I have been associated, but I doubt not their concurrence in all that I have said. Very Respectfully, J. S.CALHOUN. Hocse of Rephfsextatives, July 8, 1838. Gentlemen: To-morrow Congress will ad journ. We regret to say to you that the re port on the subject of Indian depredations cannot be acted on during this session. Hi# extremely unpleasant to us, and to you we have no doubt; that your indefatigable and constant efforts to adjust and bring the claims of our suffering citizens to a close, have not succeeded. The fault is not yours, and I’ trust you are perfectly satisfied that the Rep resentatives ot Georgia and Alabama hare performed their part. So far as we can go in the discharge of our duties hereafter, in relation-to these claims, you may rely. And we must beg of you to snv to our suffering fellow citizens that our zeal in urging their claims to the extentof what we believe justly due, shall not be infe rior to that spirit and energy which has mark ed your efforts in pressing their investigation since your arrival in Washington City. At the next session Congress will, we trust, make their determination on the subject.-- We have been in session all night and feel much fatigued ; consequently ask you to ex cuse the shortness of ibis note. Accept the assurances of our high regard and esteem, and believe us to be, Yerv respectfully, WM. C. DAWSON, DIXON. H. LEWIS. To Jas. S. Calhoun, Felix Gibson, James Abercrombie, and John Crowell, Esqs. From the Savannah Georgian. OUR CONGRESSIONAL TICKET. This ticket wants hut one name to make it complete, and the same will soon be an nounced by the nominating committee. The private reasons which Judge Warner, one of the nominees, deemed obligatory on him to decline the nomination, imposes on the com mittee the duty of filling the vacancy. We doubt not that he will be worthy ol’ his col leagues, whose names we place, this morning,, under our editorial head, as the time has ar rived when the merits of the respective can didates must be freely canvassed. We be lieve that the eight above mentioned are not only staunch champions of the Rights of the States and the Union of the States, one and indivisable, but they approve of and support the leading measure of that Administration of their choice, whose head they aided to ele vate to the proud post he occupies, in prefer ence to the choice of the Anti Southern, Anti- Republican, and modern Whig coalition, which would have given us as a chief magis trate, an imbecile deserter from the Republi can ranks, or one who anticipated with exul tation the day, when (in his fancy) our domes tic institutions would he prostrated in the dust. The eight nominees are gentlemen, we believe, of sterling integrity, and those we know we are prepared to trust with our dearest interests; the claims of those few not personally known, we cheerfully acknowledge, based as they are upon the confidence of a large and imposing number of delegates, flesh from the Union party of Georgia, who would not violate the trust reposed in them. At a time like the present, when the mam moth Banking Institutions which the spirit of the age for Internal Improvements engenders, threaten to flood our country with irredeem able paper, if not checked in their issues by wholesome legislation;—at a time, too, when the efforts being made in Georgia to advance her to the proud and exalted station of be ing among the first, if not the first, of her Southern sisters, in extent of territory, in fertility of soil, in variety of productions, and of climate—when the rivalry of cities of other States would deny to her Atlantic ports the benefits which God and nature have confer red upon a patriotic people ; —at such a time, it behooves us to look around nnd trust not our dearest interests to weak or doubtful hands. Although the separation of Bank and State has been, so far, retarded, and, too, by the aid of a few members from this Slate,, still the fiat of the People has gone forth—the decree is registered; and at the next Con gress it will be proclaimed from the Capitol,, that the money of the people must be confi ded to their responsible servants, and not, as heretofore, be made the means, in the hands of irresponsible corporations, or inordinate speculation and unbounded credit to indivi duals. We speak not of all the Deposite Banks, hut those institutions which by law were entrusted with the people’s monev, and 1 have hoarded tha same, to this day, or have vested it in irredeemable paper. We believe that the people of Georg a are awaking upon the subject of separating the government from the banks, and the majority now in its flavor will increase, until an inde pendent Treasury will he supported by all who are not so yoked to the ear of partv as to rejoice at the delay, to a future day, of r* measure, merely because it was recommended by the present administration. Some there are of our opponents, and high too in their confidence, who, disdaining party trammels, approve of the separation; hut the larger portion of our opponents, we judge from The tone of many of their leading presses, are determined to 4 roli as a sweet morsel under their tongue’ the deposite system, their ab horrence until discarded hv the administra tion, as they shouted for White, when he was discarded from the republican ranks. Let them go on. We have no ambition to be their mentor. We are ready, however, to meet them on this ground, if such is the issue offered to us, and appealing to the people to place our hopes of success, in October, on the question of a responsible Treasury, indepen dent of the Banks, or one irresponsible,, ami subject to hank influence. From the Globe. RESUMPTION OF SPECIE PAYMENTS. No paper in the country has been more fierce against a resumption of specie payments than the United Stales Gazette. It was al most frantic with indignation when the New York banks ‘ took the lead,’ and it promised them a Waterloo within a short time after they came tip from their Elba.’ ‘ Enjoy your hundred days of resumption,’ said ttie Ga zette bitterly, ‘ a Waterloo awaits you,’ and to the very moment of the Governor’s proclama tion the same paper labored diligently to prove that resumption was impolitic and ‘ premature.’ Now, however, the Gazette taeks about and deliberately charges the resumptionista whom it so lately denounced for demanding specie pavmens, with being opposed to specie payments! Most flexible Whiggery!—Pean sylvaniar.. It is amusing now to see all the little Whig curs, ‘ Tray, Blanche, and Sweetheart,’ com pelled at last to chime in with the cry for specie payments. A few weeks ago the Ex ecutive and the Treasury Department, as well as the whole Democratic party, were denounced for their hard money doctrines, and their firmness in resisting irredeemable paper and shin-plasters. Mr. Clay, and al most all bis warm satellites, even” ridiculed and opposed the act prohibiting the issue of more shin-plasters in this District. But the perseverance of ihe Administra tion has triumphed. It has, through the Treasury Department and the Post Office, kept a specie flag flying constantly, from the general stoppage in May, 1837. “ It has in sisted, as a matter of clear law, sound morals, and good public failh, that specie, or its equiv alent,should alone be countenanced, and that the banks should resume as they were able, and the sound ones not wait for the unsound. r I his doctrine did not suit the great cotton speculator; the great regulator, who stopped onlyon account of New York; and heretreated behind his cotton bags, and set public opin ion and the Administration at defiance. But, thanks to the sound sense and firmness of a democratic people, he has been driven from his hiding place. He is not allowed to wait and speculate on anoiher crop. He must at last, before next January, or the next half century, perform his duties to an injured