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im) e ; r~i i v. . At mi {summer eve, according to a custom com m >ll over Germany, every young girl plucks a sprig of S\ Jobn’i wort (Hypericum) and sticks it into tlie wjll'of her chamber.’ Should it, owing to liie damp ness of the wail, retain its freshness and verdure, she nnv reckon upon gaining a sui'or in the course of the Mar ; h.it. should it droop, the popular belief is, that she is also destined to pine and winter away.’ Tor young maid stole through the erttage door An I blushed as she sought he ;>lant of power. Tliou si’ver g o v-worm, O, lend me thy light! I must gather mv mysric St. John’s wort to-night. The wonderful li j rh, whose leaf will and cid# If the coming year shall make me a bride. ‘ A .a the glow-worm came \Vi h its silver flame, And sparkled and shone Through the night of St. John.’ And soon as the maiden her love-knot tied, With nuseless tread To her chamber she sped, Where the spectra! moon her white beams shed, It •> > n h -re—bloom here, thou plant of power, T * leek the young bri !e in her bridal hour, Hi i I ie I it* head that plant of power, Al l I’ • I the mute death of the voiceless flower ; Ails withered wreath on the ground it lay, II >— rpi-ot f >r a burial than a bridal day, A'i I wien the f ill year had flitted away, All pale ou her bier the young ma ; d .ay ! ‘Ail ‘lie ;t’o v-worm came With is livery flame, An I snirkisd and shone Turin th the night of St. John, _ t And they closed the grave o’tr the maid’s co:d clay. From the New York Mirror. TROUT CA i CUING —ey x. i. willis. Talking of trout. We emerged from the j woods of Glenmary,(you left me there in my i lust letter.) and rounding the top of the hill, J w licit serves lor my sunset drop curtain, we ‘ ran and nvn a mile to a brook in the bed of a j Jo v vi lev. It rejoices in no name, that I r.uil.l hear of; hut, iike much that is unc.ele i> :Uiai, ii tins its Virtues. Leaving William t i t e the horse to a hemlock, and bring 1 on In* his<-'i, we started up the stream, and ci n og t> a cold spring, my friend sat down to i i.i a.e me into the rudiments of preparing iie fly. Avery gay-coated gentleman was selected, rather handsomer than your horse fly, and whipped upon a rod too taper for a comparison. 4 What next ?’ ‘ Take a bit of worm out of the tin box, and r. >ver t’ e h u b.* 4 I will. Si iy ! where are the bits ! I see nothing here hut full grown worms, crawling about, with every one his complement of ex tremities—not a tail astray.’ 4 Bib! pull a bit off!’ 4 What! you don’t mean that lam to pull one o’ these squirming unfortunates in two?* 4 Ce tainlv !’ ‘Weil c.mne! tint seems to me rather a lil c tv. I grant you 4 my education has been neplected, but, mv dear F., there is mercy in a guillotine. I had made up my mind to t ie death of the fish, but this preliminary— he ror !’ • flame! don’t be a woman !’ 4 I wish l were—l should have a pair of pels ors. Fancy having your leg pulled off, ioy good follow. I say it is due to the poor and • v;| tb-it ihe operation he as short as possi be So pse your thumb slips?’ 4 Why, the worm feels nothing! Pnin is in he i agnation. Stay! I’ll do it for you W at the remain !er of the worm felt, I had no nip: rtondv of observing, as my fiend t ui the tiu box into his pocket immediate ly ; hit the 4 bit’ which he dropped into the pi;n of mv hand, gave everv symptom of e\irnu“ s-q mishment. to gay the least. The jvissi: g o the barb of the hook three times lVnugit h ni.'s emed rather to increase his v taliiv .nil looked to me as little like happi ness -* anything I ever saw on an excursion of pleasure. Far be it from me to pretend to nv>ve “i sihility than Cliristopher North, or !'••* k w d'on. The latter had his humani ties ; and Wilson, of all the men I have ever u, carries, marked in his fine fare, the p.iiare which bewitches affection. But emu ins as I am of their fame ns anglers, and noti'-i us I should feel at introducing inno vafioi.s upon an art so refined, I must venture upon some less primitive instrument than t l iimb and finger, for the dismemberment of wormy. I must take scissors. I h id never seen a trout caught in mv life, and I di> not remember at this moment ever f: >vm r, ot •-> ’lf, caught a fish of any genus or i'rn !t. Mv first lesson, of co irse, was to v. the thing done. F. stole up to ihe hank of lire sue - u. as if his tread might wake a mi \d. and threw his fly into a circling, black p •>:. sp>rk'in<r with brilliant bubbles, which e > I. .1 mnv from a small brook-leap in the at sad*’. Th ■ same instant the rod bent, and a .flittering, spotted cmature rose into the air, vnn.r t<> Ids hand, and was dropped into ihe h isif t. Another flinsr, and a email trail of t ” fl / on die water, and another followed.— * \ oh t ie third, I felt a curious uneasiness iri J ’ V o ”"v, extending quickly to mv wrist— the iUng of a revv-horn en husiasm. F. had taken up the stream, and with his lips apart, and body bent over, like a mortal sur prising some troops of fays at revel, it was not reasonable to expect him to remember his nuoil. So, silently I turned down, and at the first \o >1 threw in mv fly. Something bright s >e ■ ed horn at. the instant under it, and the n ght tilling pull upon ihe poel, took me so m.irh bv surprise, that for a second I forgot to raise it. Up came the bright trout, rain ing the s'lver water from his hack, and at the j-econd swing through mb* air, (for I had not yet learned the slight of the fisher to bring Inn quick to hand,) he dropped into the pool, and was gone. I had already begun to take hi pa t against myself, and delected a pleas <■ I th- 11, M his escape, venturing through mv bosom. I sat lo vn upon a prostrate pine, to re v-Sov!ock mv poor worm. The tin Io:: was in F.’s pocket! Come! here was a re- I ’ •F. As to the wild wood wornls that might b.’ dug from the pine tassels under my feet, I was incapable of violating their forest sanctu ary’. I would fish no more. I had had mv pleasure. It is not like pulling up a stick or a stone, to pull up a resisting trout. It is a P'cufar sensation, unimaginable till felt. I should like ‘o he an angler very well, but for \ the trorm in my pocket. The hrook at mv f*et, anil around me pines of ih ■ tallest lift, by thousands! You tmv travel through a forest, and look upon these communicants with the sky, ns trees. But vow cannot sit still in a forest, alone and s lent, without feeling the awe of their pre sence. Yet the b-ook ran an 1 sang as me rily in their black shadow, as in the open sun shine; and the woodpecker played his sharp In o n r on a tree ever green lor centuries, >■ t v vle-sly on a poplar, that will he out -1 e i by such a fish-catcher as I. Truly, this Lwl iin which there is small recognition o’ ye ituess. As it is in the forest, so it is in tlv* town. The very nods would have their t > s ’rl ”pon, if they walked without their w n r-*. \ ‘•! let us take honor to ourselves above v The pine beneath me has b'cn a jr ant, with his top in the clouds, hut li s !V*'v. unvalued on the earth. IVe reeng j i*tse :• allies* rrhm it is deal. We are pro- j J -i’ of love and honor when it is unavailing. I We a re, hi something, above wood and stub- : h ;• I have fallen into a sad trick, dear doctor. I of preaching sermons to mvs elf, from these j texts of nature. Sometimes, like o’her preae'.ery I pervert t!ie meaning and forget ; the coritex*, but reverie would lose its charm 1 if ii went by reason. Adieu ! Come no to and catch trout if vow will. But J vi ! t ht ve vour worms decently drowned he- j f.-e h ,ed f>r use. I cannot sleep o’nigiits’ pfier slipping one of these harmless creatures out of his own mouth, in a vain attempt toj pull him asunder. There is a fata! murrain among the cattle of i Ueoy Hampshire. SENTINEL & HERALD. COLUMBUS, SEPTEMBER G, 1838. UNION CONGRESSIONAL TICKET. ALFRED IVERSON, of Muscogee. ROBERT “VV. POOLER, of Chatham. JOSIAH S. PATTERSON, of Early. DAVID CAMPBELL, of EM. JUNIUS HILLYER, of Clark. CIIARLEa U. Ne.LSON, of Cherokee. B. GRAVES, of Nation. J. G. Me WHO K TER, of Richmond. GEN. JOHN W. BURNEY, of Jasper. —— _ ___ For Senate, J. P. H. CAMPBELL. For House of Representatives , JOHN L. HARP, JOHN L. LEWIS. DISSOLUTION. The co-partnership that existed between tl.a subscribers, is dissolved by mutual con- j sent. The accounts due the concern will he i in the hands of B. V. Iverson, or his agent, who will attend to their settlement. B. V. IVERSON, J. B. WEBB. Columbus, Sept. 1, 1838. The undersigned have become the pur chasers of the Columbus Sentinel end Herald, and appeal to the present and former patrons of the establishment, for that support which ; has been heretofore so liberally extended. | In entering upon the duties which our 1 station as caterers for the public taste, as ad visers of the passing events of the day, espe cially in the political world, and as the advo cates of those great and glorious principles upon which we believe the perpetuity, the liberty and happiness of this Government rests, we are not unmindful of the responsi bilities which we assume, and of the difficul ties which we shall have to encounter. The duties which the conductors of a public jour nal owe to the country, are numerous and of a weighty character. A free and inde pendent, on enlightened and virtuous press, is a blessing to any country, and a most powerful auxiliary in the cause of freedom and virtue ; whilst on the other hand, a press regardless of truth, one which supports the cause of faction, trammelled by the behest of the wildest visions of party fanaticism, pour ing out its denunciations agninct the most virtuous and patriotic citizens, simply for a mere difference of opinion, perverting and distorting truth to answer the purposes of the moment, is polluted and prostituted ip the highest degree, and scan but be regarded as a lighting and withering curse to any com munity. We do not pretend to promise that we shall be able to carry into the prosecution of this undertaking even all the requisites which we have mentioned (and many others might he named) as indispensable for a useful pub lic journal. We are not vain enough to sup pose that we shall bring to the task that ability which will be desired both by our selves and patrons; but such as we have shall be fearlessly and honestly exerted. There are. however, some things which we will promise to perform: A sacred and inflexible regard for truth shall mark our course, and if at any time we find that we have committed unintentional error, we shall hasten to make the correction : private char acter shall never he by us assailed, and the meed of praise and commendation shall he awarded to a faithful and fearless discharge of public duty, whether emanating from poli tical friend or political opponent, and the censure of public conduct shall be B 9 freely bestowed, wherever we shall deem that cen sure deserving. In a word, it. is our great object to support the cause of our country, and not to be the mere tools or automatons of men or party. Let us not be misunder stood : we profess ourselves partizans, hut not factionists; and for the maintainance of those great and glorious principles upon which the Union party of Georgia was form ed, we shall continue to struggle; but our zc.o for party shall never lead us into a de sertion of the cause of truth and of our country —it shall never eau3e us to do wilful and wanton injustice to an opponent, or to throw the mantle and shield over the sins of a political friend. If at any time the party to which we be long, and of which we are proud to be mem bers, shall abandon principle, and losing sight of this, shall act with a mere regard to party tactics, we at least, will not be numbered amongst those who thus degrade the dignity of a struggle for principle to the cause of a mere faction—for faction it would then be— and no denunciation, no sentence of condem nation, shall deter us from our purpose of exposing and denouncing such a course. It is perhaps useless for us to make any allusion to our political creed, after what has been said above. We will remark, however, in this change of owners the politics of the Sentinel and Herald has undergone no change, and if we bring not to the advocacy of those principles the same ability which has marked ! the efforts of our predecessors, we promise at ! least equal zeal. We are in favor of a strict constrnction of the Federal Constitution, believing that all the powers intended to be given, are ex pressly granted, and that none are to be de rived by implication; for once depart from ibis mode of construing this instrument, and , all the guards intended to be thrown around Ihe rights of the States, and of the people, are at once at an end. Hence it results that we are opposed to a National Bank, because the [tower is not given to Congress to charter such an institution. Hence, also, we are opposed to Internal Improvement by the General Government, the Tariff, and all other measures deriving their existence from ! ! implication. We are opposed to monopolies in any and I | every possible shape in which they may be i presented, believing that they are at war l v\ith the genius of our institutions, and that; I tend to the building up of a monied j ! aristocracy, (fostered and maintained by le- j j gisiative aid,) more dangerous in its charac-j i ter than an aristocracy of title or blood, be-; cause more potent, and more capable of; i doing injury. In the language of the motto! ’ which we have adopted from the immortal; Declaration of Independence, k We hold these j i truths to be self-evident, that ail men are; j born equal.’ Ii oi>, then so far as legislative j i action goes, let them so remain, j In regard to the so railed Sub Treasury,) it would perhaps he expected that we should! express some opinion. We regard the pre-j sent contest —whatever shape it may assume! —however much it may be disguised—as being oue between the Sub Treasury and a National Bank. We think it must result in the establishment of the one or the other; and believing, as we have before said, the establishment of a National Bank to be un warranted by the Constitution —whieh for us is a sufficient reason for opposing it, if none others could be offered —and regarding the Sub Treasury as being strictly within the pale of the Constitution, and the best practi cal mode that can be devised for the collec tion and distribution of ihe public revenues, we are decidedly in favor of it. We shall oppose the election of Henry Clay to the Presidency, believing his princi-; pies to he at war with all the doctrines of! the democratic party of the Union, arid that his elevation would sound the death knell of j all those glorious doctrines for which the whole Soutli has so nobly contended since j the days of Jefferson. So far as the admin- j istration of Mr. Van Buren has gone, with a I few exceptions of minor importance, we can I render to it our cordial support. So long as I we believe him right, we shall fearlessly sup port him, and when we believe him wrong 1 , we shall as fearlessly condemn. We have the gratification of stating to our patrons, that we have succeeded in ma king arrangements by which we relain for the present, in the editorial department, the able and efficient services of J. B. W eeb, Esq. one of the former editors, whose chaste and eloquent pen has heretofore contributed so much to the value and interest of the columns of the Sentinel and Herald. If, with these principle* and these arrange ments, we shall continue to enjoy the former and present patronage of the establishment, we trust that we shall he able to be of seme service to our common country. JAMES HENRY CAMPBELL, JOHN L. LEWIS. THE ELECTION. The horses are saddled—the riders cere tip. — As we near that point of time, designated as th t first of October, there is a newness of life, bustle and activity, infused into all the component parts of society. Men walk with a more sprightly gait—glance a quicker and keener eve—thiuk more—talk faster—make more polite bows and sl>s!; e hands nftener I every body knows the reason full well— a Georgia election is drawing nigh. The ballot-box, so begirt with a magic influence in this land of freedom, is about to he opened, and men are found battling fiercely for what they consider to be the inestimable right of suffrage. Our city and county is at this time the theatre of warm, energetic, but generous excitement. Our candidates for the Legis lature are all in the field, six in number, and each has girded himself for the 4 trial strain,’ with a palpable determination to make 4 speed and bottom’ tell loudly and definitely for itself. The entries are all sure—there will be no drawing; and we are much pleased, since the pleasant change vvl ich has taken place in the weather—to witness their strong) vigorous exercise : all are ‘ moving finely’— hear hard upon the bit, and stride away har moniously for the judge’s stand. Dropping the figure, there is a maintain ance of honorable and gentlemanly principle among the candidates, in the present contest, so rarely seen that we cannot but view it as spectacle of moral beauty ; and whilst we make no other calculation than to succeed over our opponents by handsome majorities, still we wish them a 4 good poll,’ and midst the hottest of the battle we will recognise them as old friends, and after the victory tip them the sparkling goblet. Our Union friends have great cause to be of good cheer; the old devoted friends of their principles all stand fast, arid are fired with fresh zeal, whilst many new converts are enlisting under that banner whose glorious ‘stars and stripes’ give solemn warning, that 4 the U-ion is one and inseparable, now and forever.’ Our Congressional ticket must be elected. Upon that issue hangs suspended a great and important principle, upon the success of which depends the existence of the democracy of the country Union men, be active, be diligent, and your triumph ivill be complete. RAIL ROADS. The quarterly report of the Commissioners of the Western and Atlantic railroad is a document full cf interest, and indicative o* the final success of that great and promising scheme. This undertaking well deserves the patronage of the people, and as the duty of completing it will devolve upon the next Le gislature, we doubt not but that body will act with wisdom and energy in relation to the all important question of Internal Improvement. With regard to the Montgomery and West Point railroad, the Montgomery Advertiser says : ‘ This work is progressing with a spirit and energy highly creditable to those concerned. About forty miles are graded, and the rails laid down upon fifteen or twenty; they have rails enough to complete about thirty-five j miles, and hope to have locomotives runningi that distance during the month of January next, and to complete the road to West Point in twelve months thereafter. There are at present upwards of seven hundred hands employed on it.’ So far as railroads generally have been commenced throughout the State, they are progressing with a spirit of enterprise com-! menstirale with the importance of the under taking; and we are gratified to witness a growing spirit on this subject pervading every j portion of the State, which, we doubt not, j I will continue to progress until our beloved j | Stale shall arise like another Phoenix from j ; Iter ashes, and assume that proud station ; along side of our sister States for which na— j ture intended and fitted her. With reference to the Chattahoochee Rail Road and Banking Company, we are author l ® * * ised to say, that such arrangements are com-; pleling as will enable tire Company to com mence operations by the first of October. The President anti Cashier are both at the; North, at ibis time, maturing their financial: operations. An Engineer lias been engaged to survey the route, and those who have charge of the project speak of their prospects in the most encouraging manner. Columbus, when linked to the great valley of the West,j will flourish even as the bay tree. THE GEORGIA ARGUS. This is the tide of anew weekly paper,! the first number of which was published in our city on Saturday last. It is edited by ; James N. Bethune, Esq. and if we may judge from the prospectus and the editorial matter, it is designed to play the part of a relbrmer in tlie present age of abuses, monopolies, and unlicensed speculations. We like its indica ted course, and wish it great success. The typographical execution is neat and praise worthy. Freedom was purchased by the sword, but by the dissemination of intelli gence must it be preserved. A pamphlet has been laid upon our (able, entitled ‘Minutes of the proceedings of the second Convention of Merchants and others, held in Augusta, Georgia, April 2d, 1838.’ Alter having re-perused it attentively, we 1 are decidedly of the opinion that it contains data, facts and arguments, which are of vital moment to the Southern and Southwestern ! Slates, and should be universally read by the I people. The South has been long enough the slave j of the North: let her apply properly her own I resources, which are rich and unbounded, and cnns'itute the currency of the country’ and she will soon throw off the shackles. Tire first Convention was held in October 1837, at Augusta, and contained eighty mem bers, who represented two Slates and one Territory. The second Convention was held in April, IS3B, and composed of one hundred and eighty members, representing five States and one Territory. The third Convention will be held on the third Monday in next October, at Augusta, the Convention of jßt April having been “djourned to that period. Let not our fellow citiz.ens forget the coming Convention ; there are interests involved of high and solemn im portance to the people of the South, and her citizens should be awake to their protection and advancement. CHEROKEE EMIGRATION. We perceive by the Hamilton (Tenn.) Gazette of the 9th of August, that the long conference between Gen. Scott and the Cher okees has at last come to a close. John Ross and other chiefs of the nation have un dertaken the removal of the Indians, for which they are to receive the enormous price of t sixty-five dollars per head! The removal Was to hayg commenced on the first of this month. It is computed that twelve detach ments will take off all the Indians, and that the last will leave by the 20th of October. Until the departure of each detachment, they are to be subsisted by the Government. ‘All’s well that ends well.’ TROUBLE IN THE WEST. From a correspondence which has taken place between Gen. Games, Gov. Cannon ot Tennessee, and the Secretary of War, it appears that the war fires are kindling on our western frontier. All the different tribes o{ Indians west of the Mississippi, (except the Osages and Kansas,) have been called by the Cherokees to meet in Council on or about the 11th ol this month, in the Cherokee country, on the Illinois river. A runner had been sent by the Cherokees, with the wampum and talk to the Senecas, Delawares, and Kicka poos. ‘The object of this Council is doubt less to effect a union of these tribes, prepara tory to striking a simultaneous blow upon the settlements of Arkansas and Missouri, from the Red River to the upper Mississippi.’ It has been our settled opinion for a length of time, that we were to experience much trouble from this quarter, and we doubt not but the western tribes will rise in all the strength and power of their hostility. Let our Government look to it, that the necessary preparations of defence be made preliminary. DEATH OF JUDGE POLHILL. The Southern Recorder of the 4th instant announces the death of the Hon. John G. Polhill, Judge of the Ocmulgee Circuit. He died of a paralytic attack, on the 26th ultimo, in Cass county, whither he had resorted tor the improvement of his health. Loafct’s ’ Journal.— A ninepence sheet ema nating from Wetumpka, Ala, edited by Bob not Bob the elder , hut some young sprig of’ nobility, who aimß to correct the false fashions of the times, by shooting the arrows of fun, witticism and sarcasm at them. The motto which this sprout bears, is 4 united we stand —divided we fall.’ Most appropos. Nothing can separate one loafer from another but 4 cold wittles.’ TO THE EDITORS OF THE ENQUIRER. Gentlemen: During my confinement to u bed of sickness, from which I have even as yet but very partially recovered, I wsa inhum ed that an anonymous writer in your paper (of what date I know not) propounded to myself, and my friend Col. Lewis, certain interroga tories,and preferred against us charges of po litical inconsistency, requiring answers to the one, and an explanation of the oilier. This communication I have never seen, and can only rely upon such information as I have re ceived respecting its contents. The means of correct information on the subject, howev er, was and is aoubt ess within my reach, and of which I could avail myself, if I ! thought proper to do so, lor 1 am sufficiently acquainted with the conductors of the ‘ En quirer’ to know that its file would be subject to my inspection, so far, at lerst, as to exam ine into any matter which concerned me per sonally, if I desired it. But as it is not mv intention to reply to this anonymous writer, I have not thought it necessary to give either you or myself the trouble to make this exam ination. Ido not feel called upon to reply to ; any interrogatories put. or charges prefered, i unless I am advised of the source from which | they emanate ; and in declining to do so, I ! intend not the slightest disrespect to the au thor, But the common laws of courtesy and j of Christian warfare (if a political contest can i be so called) require that I should know who j it is with whom I have to contend—who it is . that asks questions, and prefers a prosecution ! before the tribunal of the public, for political ; inconsistency. I choo3e rather to replv to j you, gentlemen, who have thought proper, in your character of editors, to reiterate this j charge of political inconsistency, hvpocricv, and change, for the mere purpose of obtain ing office. Coming from you, in a manner equivalent to its appearing over your own j ! signatures, whatever its justice may be, (of vvhtch the public must judge) it is at least j more manly and independent. To vour i charges, then, I will reply—not in the lan-j guage of complaint because the attack has! been made, or because of the lime or man- \ ner at and in which it has been made, but in that spiiit of candor which I trust ever has’ and ever will characterize my course, wheth- ; eras a public servant or a private citizen. First, then, T am charged with having I changed my views upon ue subject of the I states loaning her credit to corporations tor the construction of works of internal iin ! provement, since the last session of the Le gislature. I frankly admit the truth of this | charge, and have never attempted to disguise ‘or palliate it, but on the contrary, I have can didly expressed the change which my opin ions have undergone, both in public and pri vate, whenever a lilting opportunity offered, or questioned upon the subject. But I most unequivocally deny the charge so broadly made by you, that this change lias been a sudden one, or that it was made with the view ot courting popular favor. Those with whom I have been in the daily habit of asso- ciating for years, and who have Ik-en, during | that time, familiar with all my political opin ions, will bear testimony tha t riiishas not been, as you suppose, a sudden change, hut that at most immediately on my return front the Le gislature 1 expressed strong doubts of the propriety ot the establishment of tiie-princi pies involved in this issue, and that upon jiurther calm and impartial investigation of j ihe subject, with all mv predilections in favor |ol a system ot internal improvement, those j doubts have resulted in the conviction, upon J my mind, that the vote which I gave in that j body was wrong in principle, as having a di rect tendency to establish principles and con fer lavors dangerous to the rights of the peo ple. Perhaps it might he expected that I should offer the reasons upon which this conviction and change haR been and is found ed. Ihe limits of this communication will not permit me to enter into detail; I can offer, therefore, only a few of the most prom incut: they are such as to have satisfied me that I was wrong, and I trust that whenever I find that I am in error, either in public ot private life, that I shall have moral courage enough t > change niv opinions, or my course ot conduct, and independence enough to avow ’.liat change. It has been the business of my life to seek truth, and whenever f hon estly believe that I have found it, I shall not be ashamed or afraid to embrace it, however different from mv former opinions. First, then. I am, to a very limited extent, the friend of corporations, and corporate power and influence. I believe all legislation conferring exclusive privileges anti-republi can in its character, and at variance tjjth the genius of our government, and that it should never he resorted to hut in cases of the strongest necessity. Even when this necessity exists, and the general good requires a resort to this extraordinary exercise of power, I think it the duly of the legislature to throw around the powers granted all the guards that can he afforded to keep such corpora tions within their legoimatr sphere. The proposition is lo give to corporations the Credit of the state. If lam not mistaken, all the charters for roads ol anv considerable ex tent which were granted, had conferred upon them, very ample hanking privileges, which almost all of them are now exer rising. When they asked for these char ters, they distinctly informed the Legislature, as I understand, that if these hanking privi leges could he conferred, that they could, without doubt, and would construct the sev eral lines of communications contemplated by their respect ve charters. The Legislature, in its z<’a| for internal improvement, granted these charters, and with them enormous hank ing privileges, with fi-w ‘•estrictions upon them, with a most prodigal hand. N w let me ask how nr** these companies redeeming their pledges; hv the application of the pro ceeds of their extensive hanking operations to the prosecution of the works? I leave the country to answer the question. Two years after these extraordinary grants of power and privileges, thev come up to the Legislature, and demand that the state shoo'd give to them its credit fo# millions of dollars, to ena ble, them to complete undertakings, which, when done, all the advantages (ex cept the facility afforded the community.) and profits are lo he enjoyed hv prvafe individu als ; and thus the whole pporfe of Georgia are made to contribute to the building nn and fostering the interest of a few individuals, un der the specious pretext that thev, hv this means, increase the facilities of the farmer and merchant, the very thing which thev promised and undertook to do when these charters, con nected with hanking privileges, were granted. The truth. I apprehend, is, that thev wanted the bank charters, and lhat most of them would he glad to retain their hanking privi leges, unincumbered by the construction of the roads. Second. I believe, as I have before stated, corporate influence dangerous to the liberties of the country. Mv apprehensions ofdnnger may not be well founded—nevertheless, they are such as to influence mv judgement in this matter. They certainly tend 1o the building up an aristocracy of wealth, than which no aristocracy is more powerful and heartless, and will be more disposed to extend its pow er and influence. Connect with the hanking powers already conferred upon these compa nies, the credit of the state for millions, and I ask what is to prevent them from control! ng the state? I hav as much faith in the hon esty and independence of the people as,any man, and vet I know the power of money and moried influence, and I am satisfied that in a short time these companies coulJ corrupt the elective franchise—return their friends to the Legislature—and in a short time wield and control the destinies of the state, [t is useless to tel! me that they would not he dis posed to do this thing if they had the power. Never give the power to do evil even to those who can he held responsible at the bar of public opinion; hut I ask, who is responsible for the acts of corporations? It is a divided responsibility, and one that can never be fix ed home upon lndividuals'successfully. But [ contend that if it is ihe interest of these cor porations to control the state, they will do it; for the whole history of corporations proves that they are governed by an eye single to their interests. Let us suppose, then, that the different railroad corporations owed 1o the state thirty millions of dollars for her bonds, which she had loaned to them, and which they had negotiated in England or elsewhere, and that in this posture of affairs they had control of a majority in the Lcgisla ture, what think you would be the first thing that would be done? Mv own opinion is, that it would he to discharge the corporations from all liability to the state for diese funds, and to throw the loss entirely upon the state and people, or at any rate to lessen tl e secu rities which the slate might have, for ihe payment of its fi.nds hack by the companies, and that they would enlarge and increase the sphere of their powers. Thus we should bp completely controlled by and be the slaves of these corporations. Third. I object to giving the credit or money of the people to private companies or individuals for any purpose. The effect of it is, that it is placing in the hands of individu als or companies, the means of speculating j upon and grinding the people with their own money or credit. I ask is this right? is it just to th€ people? is it in accordance with ; Republican principles, which we all profess j to adhere to ? The fourth, and last reason which I shad i offer is, that I o ject to connecting the desti- I nies of the state, in ?nv manner, with corpo rations of ar y sort, believing such an union to he illegitimate and dangerous, j Such are some of the reasons which ope- I rated upon niv mind, and produced the revo- I lution of opinion so much tsfiked of. They : are such as I am willing to stand or fall by. In the second place, if I recollect correctly, I (as I have not the paper before mp) I am charged with political hvpocricv. This is a charge of a serious character, and it would be supposed that it would not be imde but upon solid and substantial evidence, by those en tertaining a high sense of honor and a strict regard lo truth. VV hat do we understand by a hypocrite? one who is ‘dissembling, insin cere, and appearing different from the reali ty.’ I ask my fellow-citizens, those who have known me longest, is this any part of my character ? Before the great bar of the public i am willing to answer—hv their ver dict lam willing to be judged. In what have I deceived ? when and where have l bet'll in sincere ? have I ever concealed any political opinion which 1 profess? but on the contrary, have I not openly avowed them upon all oc casions, both in pit hi c and in private ? have l not numerous witnesses who hare heard me again and again declare, in the face of the community, that I desirtd no man to support me under mistaken views as to what mv opin ions were, giving, at the same time, an ex pose of those opinions? 1 appeal to my fel low-citizens to answer. \\ lien the people have honored nte with their confidence, have I ever deceived them? have I ever professed one thing and dune another ? let those who have entrusted me answer. Have the edi- j tors ol the Enquirer the power of looking into my heart to see what is passing there, and thus to be able to judge of my honesty .” are they endowed with the powers of omnis cience? Let my acts, fellow citizens, be the test of my sincerity; bv them I am willing to be judged, and not hv broad and unqualified charges, having their origin in the heated zeal of party editors of a public journal. I am charged, in the third place, with hav ing changed mv opinions with the view of ob taining office. I appeal to those with whom I act, as a party, to know whether l have sought or desired a nomination ? whether, on the contrary, it was not my earnest desire. both last year and this, and especially this, to he permitted to r- main in private life ? wheth er 1 did not urge evt rv argument in my pow er to avoid the present contest ? whether I did not urge, as a conclusive reason against mv running, rnv feeble state of health, and the danger to which 1 should he exposed, from an exciting political contest. Ask them if they believed me insincere. I appeal to every man in the county, to know whether there is one who will say that I, hv act. word, or deed, sought a nomination. My friends, however, have conferred this honor upon me, and I shall make use of all honorable means (and no other) to obtain the station for which they have nominated me. If it shall he the will ol the people of Muscogee that I should represent them in the Senate of the Sta*e, according to the best of mv ability, I will discharge that, duty, and shall feel prrnd of their free and unbiased suffrages. If, on the contrary, it shall be their will that my opponent (to whose high sense of honor and ability I bear must willing testi mony) should he their representative in that body, I cheerfully how to their decision, hold ing, as I do, the will of the people, in a gov ernment like this, to Ire the law r of the land. The time at which this change was made forbids the idea that it whs made with the view of obtaining office. It is known to al! my friends that I had not then the least de sire nr expectation of being put in nomina tion, and v. r as as perfectly ignorant of public opinion upon this subject ns a child, having made no enquiries whatever, and eo, owing to mv almost constant confinement since mv nomination, and mv inability to mingle with mv fellow-citizens, I. in a great measure, re main up to the present moment. But I must he permitted here to remark, that whilst I entertain a high regard for public opinion, it is not to that, but to my own judgment and conscience, I look in forming an? opinion At the time th : s question was brought before the Legislature, it was to me, at least, new and novel; representing, as I did, an impor tant interest here—believing the construction of the road from this to West Point to he a work of immense importance to this place (as I still believe it to he) —and knowing that the terms of ihe charter were severe in their character, requiring twenty-five percent. *o be paid in at the time of subscribing—and believing that in the embarrassed condi tion of Ihe country the stock could not be taken up without some foreign aid— without much examination of the princi ples, in the hurry and confusion of legis lative duties—after getting the bill so amend ed, as I believed, to protect our inter est, I went into the support of the measure. These reasons have ceased to exist—the stocks, I understand, have been taken to a considerable extent—money has been raised to carry on the work, and it will he prose cuted by the company. But, as I before re marked, upon an examination of the subject. I believed the vole which I then gave to he wrong in principle, and lam so old fashioned as to believe ’hat eveyv thing should he made to yield to principle. In the last place, then, I am as much the friend of internal improvement as anv man in the state, anrl will go as fir, consistent with principle, as any man, for the successful pro secution ol those works. But I cannot con sent, for this purpose, to hind the people hand and foot at the feet of corporations. I be lieve that the proper mode of doing these works is, for the state to do them upon her own account—that lie works shall be hers when done—that all tie revenues derived from their use shrill go into the Treasury of the state—and lints lessen the burthens of taxation, and raise a fund for the general dissemination of the blessings of education.— I go for having these works done in this man ner immediately , and believe it can, hv proper exertions, be accomplished. If we are to profit hv the experience of others, this plan must take the preference over all others.— New York and Pennsylvania have testpd its utility; it has succeeded to adrr iration in those states. The revenue which they pour into the Treasuries of those slates have freed the people from taxation, and has already raised a large and daily increasing school fund. I ask why cannot Georgia do the same ? I ask if the credit of the state is to be used in ihis matter, whether, is it best that it shall be used for the benefit of the stock holders in corporations, or for the benefit of the whole people? If, from the use of these works constructed hv the aid of the sale, hv the aid of the people, a revenue is to he de rived, whether is it be.ter lhat it shall go into the pockets of private individuals or into the Treasury of the state, for the benefit of tbe whole people of Georgia. But I have already extended these re maiks further than I intended. I leave the people to judge of ihe issue formed upon this question, and of the charges which have been brought against mp. Your fellow-citiii/en, J\MES H. CAMPBELL. September C. lfcSS. ■ TO THE CITIZENS OF MUSCOGEE CO. ; Tbe Columbus Enquirer has thought pro per to mike a most wanton and unprovoked attark upon me in its last number. Those pure , truthful and consistent Editors have commenced by denouncing me. first,lbr having opposed the larifi, in eighteen hundred and thirtv-two. They state, ‘in 1532 we knew him in the nullification convention, and heard him blowing ofi steam in defence of that doc trine; the nxt fall we did not know him in Jones county, seeking a in the Legisla ture as a Union man.’ In the next place, they denounce me for not replying to an anonymous writer, who published some ques tions to me in that paper, some weeks since, above the signature of ‘ A Voter/ In com menting upon my contempt of that piece, and its still more contemptible object, they sav they have no excuse to ofler for me. They accuse me of changing my opinions upon the bond question, in one part of their remarks, because I thought there was some virtue in ? | certain portion of my fellow citizCrfc, known 1 jas the Ualloca hoys. In another part of their remarks, 1 am represented as still being a bond man, tor state purposes, and that! have mounted this question as my hobby. I believe the above embraces the sum and sub stance ot their charges against me. Htar my defence, fellow citizens, and see if you do not detect, in this unfair and uncourteous | warfare against me, more of personal malice, more of vindictive hatred and o| position, than an effort to support truth and advocate principle. First, then, in 1832, I was elected i to the anti-tariff convention, as u delegate jlrom Jones county. It is true J was then, and am now, satisfied that the tariff’is un constitutional, and particularly oppressive i upon the interests of the southern people. I | was in favor of strong measures to arrest and | put down that feature in it which was de signed as a protection to domestic manulac ! lures. But those Editors have stated falsely ‘that I was a candidate the next fall fora seat jin the Legislature. I was not a candidate I for any office in Jones county, until 1835, I when my fellow citizens elected me to the Legislature bv a large majority. This was after a compromise had taken place in Con gress upon the subject of the tariff, and when this question had ceased to divide me and my party. And here I would remark that, upon all questions except the measure I advocated in relation to the tariff", the Union paily aml myself have ever agreed. That question being settled, 1 ask, in candor, if 1 was guilty’ of change or inconsistency in acting with those whose principles I have ever warmly and honestly advocated? In the second place, I am denounced for not having replied to questions addtessed to me above the signature of ‘A Voter.’ Do those vain and self wise editors think I have no mote self-respect ? no more regard for the dignity and character of mv party, or its candidates, than to reply to a poor contempti ble scribbler, who had not the independence to ask questions like a candid, fearless citizen, and put his name to it? Did I not knmv that the object of the writer, whose conduct and intentions these very righteous editors have so ablv advocated ami so readily indorsed, was not truth, was not that mv views might he expressed, that the people might act on prin ciple ? If so. whv he ashamed of his name? Certainly so worthy a voter, so heartily em braced and supported bv the Columbus En quirer, was not ashamed of his name. No, fellow-citizens, it was a blow aimed at me anti our worthy friend. Col. Campbell, who heads the anti-bond ticket. If truth and principle wprp their object, whv designate Col. Camp bell and mvself? Why not call on all the candidates? This call was made, too. in a* paper friendly to their claims. ”Whn has ever read the opinions of those opposed to the anti-bond ticket? In what paper have tve ever seen them? These very facts show the object of this much praised writer in mask, and they also show that no man is under obligations to take the field wdth a writer, who, like the merciless savage, skulks in am bush to attack his victim. Then, fellow-citi zens, do von blame me? Are you rendv to vote me down hr cause I did not reply in print to Mr. Voter ? It is alleged against me that T underwent a kind of change, turned a sommv'set upon the bond question, to please theHsllocs hoys. For mv fellow-citizens ofHalloca I entertain the kindest feelings. 1 hp'irve them honest and independent; and if they are generally poor, arid cannot flourish in an wspaper, I think th- v have too much sense and honesty to he gulled by such stuff as these editors have published hgninst me. I can account for the willingness of ti e editors, and perhaps tl e writer of the article I am replying to, to as cribe ignorance and stupidity to those friends o! mine in Hallora. It will he remembered one Sam Flournoy was a candidate last year, and could not gull them into his support But. fellow-citizens, I was influenced hv no such motive. I was, when this question xv: first discussed in our streets, in favor oflend ing the credit of tue state to those companies already organized, or which might bp hereaf ter, for Internal Improvement. I had never examined the question, only in street talk.— This, then, accounts for mv willingness, as well as many of the Union men in our coun ty, to a compromise ticket. Who first pro posed this compromise ticket ? It wms not I; and I state most positively that one of those editors was its advocate and fiiend. How unkind then to hi ing this tip against me as an objection. Does it savor of that honor which I hope still actuates and governs the individual to whom I allude? Without further notice of these minor, and to me worthless charges, I proceed to answer the main question. I have relinquished that part of the system I first was in favor of, which proposes to lend the credit of the State to private companies. First, because I think such a system unequal and’ unjust. What is meant by the bonds of the State? They are die obligation of the State, authorized by on act of the Legislature, to pay so much monev, at suclt a time, and at such a prr rent., to such persons or companies as may buy them. Then whose property and honor are pledged to pay these honds or obligations ? The people of the State, and not those private companies exclusively to whom it is proposed to lend the bonds. Is it then just or eqoita- I hie to pledge the properly and horor of our i people, anil not allow them the benefits of such a pledge? I answer no; and every citizen, be he Slate Rights or Union n an, who is not personally interested, w ill answer no. The spirit and genius of our political institutions, which were established hv our Revolutionary fathers, to protect and benefit alike the inteiests, the property, rights and liberties ol the people, call aloud to suppress such monstrous and unhallowed doctrine*. I obeyed that call, and have pledged myself before you, in mv public addresses, to oppose ? and now state most distinctly, that I will not allow myself to support any measure which conflicts with this principle. lam the friend and ad vooate, most zealously, of internal im provement. I regard it as a great national blessing. It is a cause in which all should enlist. But lam its advocate upon correct principles. I believe that when Ihe credit of the people is pledged, they should have the j bent fits and advantages of the file ‘ge. If those railroads are profitable— if they are to bring millions of dollars into ti e t ockets of the stockholders—in the name of justice, in the name of the people, I contend that il e ’money shall go f<>r the relief of the people I from taxation, and for a system of education, which shall bring intelligence and schools to ihe poor p<op!e as well as the rich. These, fellow-citizens, are my views ; these are the sentiments on t! is great subject by winch lam willing to be judged. But where are the vir ws of those Editors and those they ! advocate? I presume those tcv>e and people loving Editors, uho are so afraid I rnnv get some Stale Right votes, in their zeal to pul me down, have forgotten that ihe voters of Muscogee are in the dark about their views. Your fellow-citizen, JOHN L. LEAN’IS. August 30th, 1838. Charleston Any 30. From cases which we have seen, and from all we can learn,we believe that the prevailing fever has assumed a much milder type than when it commenced —and is more under the control of medione. Il the weather continues as pleasant as ii r was yesterday, we may hop* : for its gradual disappearance.— Mercury . A large naval force has been ordered to cruise in the Gulf of the St. Lawrence for the balance of tbe season, to protect the British fisheries and interests from the invasion of ’of the Yankees! So says a Quebec paper.