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fFFUS’S OPINION ON TflE AND SUC-TRKASUKY. M\Riov, Ata. July 23, l£3S. [ learn by a private letter that setting out shortly for Europe, i speculation prevails in relation lions concerning the Sub-Trea s commonly called, may I ask it iidness, before your departure, to to inform the public- correctly what /iews on that subject? With all for your better judgment, should k otherwise, it would fieem to me that ,e it to your friends and the public also s i !■>',<<; been in the service oi’ both — : ..k •• The disordered stale ot the | jlriencv, and tiie universal desire for the i adorn a>u of . sir uable and wise plan for the j cftUectkin at ’ and sirse merit of the public re- •, venue, has converted almost every individual ; in tH Government lto a speculative financier, and, as oe moat of us have only light enough to make ‘darknes■ visible,’ and know what we helieve more a. a matter of faith titan ol knowledge, you cannot he surprised to learn, hat I hear yoor name frequently used as n !< -i-itv, both to denounce and sustain the Sun-Treasury scheme. My friends knowing toe te have Vr- >ne of your constituents, •rnd uniformly, in tny humble way, your po* 1 Icai friend an ! supporter, frequently refer moot question to my decision, and I feel r; gret that 1 cano >t solve llieir doubts. Should it comport with your conception of duty to yourself to enable rne to do so, you will, sir, doubtless, mud oblige the public, as also the writer, the honor to subscribe him wif, most ully, Vour oh’t serv’t, SAM’L. A. TOWNES. Gen. Ge*. McDuffie. Cherry llilt., July 23, 1838. My Dear Sir: I have received your friend ly !’ r, exp... jsing a <ienir' to know my opinion on the questions which now agitate the country, r. ative to the custody of the public money f the United States, and the regu on of the general currency and ex changes. Ass never had a political opinion ■which I w'i nvvilling to disclose, I have no hvsiti.;.-!: in answering your enquiries. I bavenvgretu and to perceive, what you state, that contradictory versions of my opinions have prevailed in different quarters, owing I presume to the fact that I do not concur entirely with either of the political parties, receo ! ‘ zed upon the basis of these questions. It .s deeply to be regretted, in deed, that these questions have been made the f. mndhtion of a political organization of if o great political parties contending for the Presidency, though I admit that this result could scarcely be avoided. Such an organi- zation is exc -edingly unpropitious to the cause of truth, and most entirely precludes the possibility of a. discriminating judgment. You must take the whole or reject the whole by the practical canons of party discipline. A most unfortunate change has been the consequence t n the whole subject of Banking, nod of the connexion of the Government with the Banks. You are no doubt aware, that iririg al die struggles of the late Bank of the l int 1 Sla<es against the warfare urged mi it by the Federal executive, I eti .id; 1 s ined that institution on the grounds n iof its extensive usefulness and const i • >ll ality; and I will add that there i. no pu’ i ny public life to which I look vifh ii re satisfaction than to this. I mill I die 1 . 3ank of the United States to be constitute and am as confident as reason and ’x era in e can make me on any similar pie it is the best practicable means oi main* linmg a uniform currency, and a low and uiMW?m rate of exchanges over the ■whole United States, so long as paper money constitutes the larger portion of our actual currency. Rut I am constrained to say that in the extraordinary disjunction and conjunction of pol lical parties which have recently taken place, I am left almost as ‘ solitary and alone’ on the subject of a Bank of the United States, hh Mr. Benton was when he put his celebra ted ball in motion. I always supported such an institution as an antagonist power to the .Mau bam , and as a means of restraining their extravagant issues. Its utility consists almost entirely, in my opinion, in the exercise of this salutary control over such State Banks as were inclined to run into excesses. Sueti vere ll rn the opinions of those with whom l rcted. But now the state of opinions is en tirely changed, as well as the relations of the Banks. The present advocates of a Bank of the United States maintain practica ly, if not in terms, that as Bank credit is the most potent of all the agents for producing wealth, the more we have of it the better; and they seem to n gard him as an old fashioned poli tical economist who should doubt that the issue of every additional million of bank paper, added just that much wealth to the country. I r.ot, the party now urging the establish ment of a Bank of ihe United States, are the open apologists and advocates of the pet bank system, which they concurred with me in denouncing, as a most fearful jnd stupen dous system of corruption and of despolic rower in the hands of the federal executive. was perfectly sincere when l said that it would be easier to resist a President at the lien I of fitly thousand regular troops, than one who wielded such a confederacy of banks.: Yet afier this system has utterly failed, those j who denounced it when it was a mere expe riment, have now adopted it as a stepping j stone to a Bank of the United Slates, with a j capital of fifty millions, to be located in the ; City of N iv York ! I confess that with niv i :• vholly unchanged on the genera! si• .. , 1 should regard a hank established untUr ?u. h ausp'ces, thus located and with itch • pita), as an institution eminently to the liberties of the country. I will not msguise my opinion, that a Bank of tfie United States established under the most f. or: circumstances, however perfect as a rej r of the currency, is liable to be- j -come . very dangerous institution in the : hands i the Federal Executive. The old; i.ank ot he United States scrupulously ah-; -..‘ii.id roni politics, until forced, in self defence, to abandon, in some degree, its | r tra; sition. I regarded this as one of ;$ g eat merits. But what would ne-essarilv tie the c nracter of a hank of fifty millions -•star ish I in New York, under the present ■ ; c: -nces of the country? Bank or no 1 ink learly and distinctly the issue which ■ toe Je the next Presidential election, and t> h. ided by it. Such a hank would be ta\ bly a mere engine in the hands of j tie a< odant party, a tremendous instru-| ’t'.en; ot power and mischief thus created and i] .s v. led. You may recollect that in my j l.i't sp; oh on the deposite question, I .stated j i'a : - on for supporting the existing hank, J : - overthrow would produce precisely! uch n : ate of anarchy as we now have in ie currencv and exchanges; that to extri cate themselves from such a condition the people would fly into the arms even of a Go \ernme t Bank, upon the principle that men i will seek refuge from anarchy even in the worst form of despotism. 1 fear my predic tion . been very nearly fulfilled. For the ■chances are that any bank established under the prevailing auspices, would he in feet a i Government Bank, whatever it might he in form. And herd am reminded of the extra ordinary speech of Mr. Clay, in which he maintains that the proposed organization of treasury, making it independent of hank c , is in filet a Government Bank. Whatever • diier objections may be urged against this . treasury scheme it s certainly free from this, j, not one of the attributes of a hank. It Would neither discount notes nor issue hid?. It would have no favors to confer upon ar.y j V .jv, unless the fay.ncnt of a just debt may be so regarded. If the fact of drawing upon I its own funds to pay its debts, will make the ‘ Treasury a Bank, every man is a banker. ! But to return to the subject of n Bank of the United States. When i found tli£ late ! [Bank of the United States abandoned do its ] fate bv-a!t parties, I came to the conclusion j that the wisest course that could be pursued j on the subject would be to let every other expedient he fully and fairly tried, before any attempt should be maßn incorporate ano ther. Unless the can tie brought, as m England, to such a Bank as a | national institution, supported liv all parties j j alike, it will always be a party engine. Ai (party contest for the renewal of the charter ;at tiie end of every ten or twenty years, i would be almost equal to a disputed succes sion in a monarchy. The most painful of 101 l processes is the reform of the currency, by 1 the agency of a National Bank, after several jvears of unrestrained and excessive bank ; issues. Such was the case in ISI9-'2O, and such would he more decidedly the case now. Such dreadful remedies are not to be used every day; and I can scarcely see with pa tience many of those who co-operated with General Jackson, in destroying ihe late bank when it. was unpopular, now contending for [the establishment of another, when distress has turned the public opinion in favor of a ! National Bank, uti-.U-r the vain and delusive expectation that it will relieve them from their pecuniary embarrassments. Nothing could prove more conclusively that distress ts a bad reasoner, than that people who are involved ; in debt should expect to be relieved by such j lan institution. Its very first office would be j ito correct a redundant currency. Let us see ! I how this would be performed. A bank of fifty millions would probably issue at least, ; thirty millions of its own bills. This would (increase the redundancy, and of course ren jder it necessary lor the state banks to curtail their issiH-s so much the more. In fact, if’ a National Bank performed its duty, its entire operation at first, would be to increase the pressure on the state banks, and through these the distress of the people. Nothing has surprised me more than that the state banks should, in some quarters of the Union, look to a National Bunk as a means of relieving them. On the contrary, so far as they are concerned, the National Bank would he worse than an Independent Treas ury, with the specie feature, as it is called. The public monies would be of course depo sited in the National Bank. Now we know that although the late Bank of the U. S. was very liberal in its dealings with the state hanks, they were constantly complaining that when their bills were deposited by the Treas- urer in that bank, it habitually demanded the specie for them, or drafts upon distant points that were equivalent to specie. This grew out. of the common usages of banks, and the obligation of the hank to place the funds of the government where they might he want ed. For example, the government collects a half a million of revenue in Charleston, in the I local bills, and deposites them in the branch jof the U. S. Bank. These funds are wanted lat Norfolk, and as South Carolina bills will i not answer there, the branch demands spe cie, or a draft on Norfolk which is perhaps as costly to the local banks. Upon the whole then, though I believe a well regulated and well conducted bank of the United States the best means of securing a sound and uniform bank paper currency, I should regard the establishment of a National Bank under the existing auspices as highly dangerous, and calculated to increase instead of diminishing the pecuniary embarrassment of the country. As to the Independent Treasury system, so far as it proposes to withhold the public deposites from the banks I entirely approve of it. Thus far it is simply an abandonment of the pet bank system, which all parties have condemned, and our fatal experience lias confirmed the sentence. The objection that it increases the patronage and influence of the government, is wholly without founda tion. 1 believe, on the contrary, that the power of the executive to select favored banks at discretion, to receive the govern ment funds on general deposite, would gi'-c it, speaking within bounds, one hundred times as much patronage and influence as the appointment of any probable number of official depositories would confer. As to the requirement that all dues to the government snail be paid in spteie exclusive ly, i have been opposed to it trom the begin ning, believing that it would increase the pressure of the times and render it more diffi cult for the banks to resume specie payments. As far as it goes, it would tend to diminish both their means and their motives to re sume, though I believe its effects both for good and for evil have been excessively over- estimated. Mr. Calhoun contends that the bills of the banks derive their principal credit from their being received by the govern ment, which he regards as an endorsement by the government, and Mr. Webster and others seizing upon this idea drew the infer ence that if tiie government withdraws ibis endorsement, bank credit will be entirely an nihilated !! Now 1 think both the premises of Mr. Calhoun, and the conclusion of his opponents extravagant. A practical view of the operations of the Treasury will make tiiis plain. Though the annual revenue should be thirty millions (and it ought ffot to be more than half that sum) there .would not be at anyone time, in the treasury,or in the hands ! of collecting and disbursing officers, more ! than five or six millions of dollars. Os course j five or six millions of money, whether of me- j tal or paper, would perform the fiscal opera tions of the treasury. Suppose first that the government receive this sum in bank notes, can it he conceived that the government, by receiving six millions of the paper of the banks located where the government revenue “is collected, can operate as an endorsement, giving credit to the one hundred and fifty millions of bank paper of the various banks throughout the United States; or on the other iiußth that the withdrawal of this en dorsement, by refusing to receive the six mil- | lions of bank paper, will destroy the credit of j one hundred and fifty millions of that paper, j which, under no circumstances, would ever reach the treasury? Undoubtedly the banks located where the revenue is 1 collected are greatly benefilted by the receipt of thejr bids by tiie government. The exaction of specie in payment of this revenue would withdraw this benefit, but I cannot perceive that a cor responding benefit would accrue to any body else. To the objection that the receipt of bank bills violates that clause of the constitu tion which implies that the revenue shall he j collected in a uniform currency, I will only i say that if specie is a uniform currency, so 1 are hank biils that can be at any moment converted into specie. To be sure it is not as 1 safe, but the government may demand specie j at any moment, when it has cause to appre \ fiend danger. Bui though lam opposed to exacting specie exclusively, I have been very anxious to see treasury bills or certificates ’Pea ring no interest, substituted entirely in the p'ace of both specie and bank bills. To ac complish this result it would be necessary to ! provide that nothing shall he received in pay-! m.-nt of dues t the government hut this; | Ucasv.ry paper or specie. The result would j . evuji'Ni'y h e that very little would in fact be I ’ .cd but treasury paper. This would be a ; urv great improvement in the Hist opera-! government, and I regret that , r ” 1 ; l! !,nsn dal not make it a part of his I p..to, instead of merely suggesting it. It \. 0.. t i. t \e entirely removed every rational I objection to the specie feature of this scheme. ! “f ’ wen woolly misrepresented bv Mr: Webster and his associates \ s I believe 1 , was the first person in the United States to j ‘i and, I will now britf’y explain my view of it. It is r.ot designed to furnish a general ( currency, but merely a currency for the fiscal 1 operations of the government. Tills is its es- i sential character, and it results from it that i no more of this paper ought ever to be issued ‘ lhan will perform tiiis function. As I have heretofore said, the present revenue of the U. S. would not probably require more than six millions of currency to perform all the of fices connected with it, from the moment of its collection to that of its disbursement, Con gress should, therefore, authorise the issue of ibis sum and no more, arid it should be made j re-issuable indefinitely. Tiie value of this | paper would he derived, not from its redeern- | ability, as bank paper notes, but from its re- I ceivabiiity by the treasury, and from the i amount being limited to what will be actually absorbed in receipts and payments of the go vernment. Nothing can be more simple and safe and economical. In the first place it would be equivalent to the creation of six millions of specie, which would cost the coun try nothing, and yet answer the purposes of the treasury, I think better than specie, and j much better than bank paper. If the go- j vernment were to use specie, besides costing ! the country just six millions instead of no thing, it would create a pressure on the i banks, and would be a medium much more j affected in the uniformity of its value bv the I state of trie foreign exchanges, than this ‘ treasury paper. The rise amffall of foreign ! exchanges would not effect this paper at a!!, j as it can circulate in this country only. This ; would be a great merit, giving'it, in this re | sped, a decided preference over specie or j bank hills. It'the government were to use j bank bills, besides being precisely as costlv a medium as specie, it would expose the go vernment and people to the hazards of bank insolvency or bank suspension. Moreover the transmission of tunds from one point to another, which is very embarrassing to the banks and disturbing to the exchanges, where the government uses hank hills, would pro duce no such effects, where treasury paper is used, rhe truth is, then, that the question comes to this, shall the people of the U. S. use their own credit, which costs them no thing, or lhat of the banks, which costs as much specie, as the medium of the fi cal ope rations of the common treasury? If this be the question, as I think it is, no patriot can hesitate in deciding it. To call this Treasu ry paper continental money, or French assig nats, would be justly regarded as an absurdi ty, if it had not been done by a man of Mr. Webster’s character. If the government were to attempt to make this paper a substi tute for revenue, instead of the mere medium of collecting it, by making it the means of ef fecting a permanent loan even of twenty or thirty millions, it would necessarily depreciate, as it will carry no interest, and would be justly liable to the above odious comparisons in a degree proportioned to its excess. The I reasmy bills issued at tire extra session, not withstanding all the unpatriotic efforts of the hanks and of mere party politicians to depre ciate them, performed the functions of a Treasury currency perfectly well. These notes were paid out in the first instance to public officers and public creditors, passed into the hands of those who had to pav money m the government, and thence back into the Treasury. About six millions of them, I. think, performed the whole operation of col lecting and disbursing the revenue. Since the attempt of the New England federalists to destroy the credit of the country,by denoun cing as immoral and irreligious, those who would lend money to the government, I have never witnessed any thing in the conduct of any party more revolting to my sense of pa triotism, than the efforts systematically made to depteviate ihe credit or the Treasury notes issued at the extra session. What shall ‘ve think of the patriotism of men, who could publicly express their exultation that the irre deemable paper of ihe banks was above the par of government paper ? Politicians who have placed their hopes of advancement upon the combined influence of the banks, or have invested their private funds in them, seem to regard the interest of the people at large a* of small consequence, when it com s in conflict wiih that of tiie banks, and the real ground of the opposition to Treasury paper is, that it supersedes as pro tanto the use of bank pa per, and thus limits the field for bank cir culation. I consider the Constilutional objection to this Treasury paper as unfounded. Surely Ihe government can receive anv thing it chooses, in payment of its debts, even if it were brick-bats, provided they are of uni i’orrn value, and this paper will be much more uniform than hank paper, and I think than specie itself. It certainly does not become ‘ those who maintain - that the government should receive bank paper in discharge of its dues, to deny iis right to receive its own pa per. The only power exercised by the gov ernment would be the agreement to receive the paper. Its whole value would be derived trom this. lis receipts by the public officers and creditors will tie voluntary, and of course no objection can be made to it by those who have clamored so much against paying these government favorites in specie. They should rather say, to he consistent, ‘let them lake those Treasury rags, if. they choose; bank paper is too good for them.’ The objection that these are bills of credit, and, therefore, unconstitutional, is without even plausibility. The States alone are prohibited from issuing bills of credit; obviously because it would in terfere with the power of Congress to regu late the currency. The phrase, ‘ hills’ of credit,’ too, conveys n technical idea which can only be understood by referring to our revolutionary history. It meant precisely the bills of credit of that day and nothing else. Our Supreme Court in this State have ac cordingly decided that the bills of our Slate Bank are not bills of credit, ibough they are based entirely on trie credit of the State, and constitute a large portion of its currency.— But the government of the United States does not propose to make these Treasury notes a general currency. It only proposes to re j ceive them in discharge of its own dues, and i lo pay them to its own customers with their : own consent. If they go out of this narrow circle, it will be by the agency of the parties concerned, and because they may happen to answer better titan any thing else to trans mit. funds to a distance. But if the amount ! issued is limited judiciously, they will soon ! return to their appropriate sphere ofcircula- \ tion. In a single word the power so borrow money, either upon stock certificates or i 1 reasury notes, or in any other imaginable! mode, is expressly granted to Congress, and ! though Treasury notes were largely issued during our last war with England, even the I Net/ England federalists, who denied the! power of Congress to call the militia into the : armies of the country, never questioned its j power to issue these notes. The notion that the issue of these Treasu ry notes would convert the Treasury into a Bank s purely chimerical. There is not the semblance of reality in it. It would neither i receive deposites nor grant loans on discount- j Jed notes. To the limited extent of its issues, j I it would he more appropriate to call it a mint. I I as •- would create, to tent extent, what would ; | answer the purposes of the public Treasury j | better than coin, without any cost to the - i people. Now why such vehement opposi-’ ■tion to this Treasury paper, on the part of! 1 those who are so much opposed to the exac i tion ol specie in payment of dues to the gov- j eminent, when it b obvious that it would su- j perse, ie the use of specie at.the Treasury al most entirely? Is it because it would‘also! supersede the use of Bank biils in the opera-i lions of the Treasury. Can it he possible that-any patriotic citizen woo'd prefer the in terest of a few favored banks, to that of the United States, and, therefore, compel the government io use il.c credit of the Banks! instead of its own, in collecting and disbursing j its own revenues? am aware that many j Members of Congress at die North have! their private interests so deeply involved in j the banks, that it is with them a question be tween seif-interest and patriotism. Indeed the great controlling monied interest of the ; North exists in the shape of hank stocks, , which sufficiently accounts for the vehemence j ! with which Mr. Webster denounces the pro- ; posed Treasury paper as continental money, I when plain common sense dictates that if the I | government were bankrupt to the amount of I la thousand millions, these Treasury certifi-. | cates would forever remain at par, so long as i the government should continue to collect an j nuaiiy an amount of revenue sufficient to ab sorb them. The sole foundation of their (credit is, that the government will receive I them, and that their amount does not exceed the sum annually required to collect and dis burse the public revenue. Now when it is known that the continental money exceeded this proportion some hundred fold, the absur dity of the suggested analogy must be appa rent to those who have not a very stror.g in terest in not perceiving. But 1 must close abruptly. lam on the eve of setting out for Europe, arid regret that I have only had time to write tiiis hasty scrawl on so impor tant a subject. Very sincerely, Yours, GEO. McDUFFIE. To S. A. Townes, Esq. From Ihe Savannah Georgian. SrniSGriELD, Effingham Cos, ) August 25,1833. J Gentlemen : I have received your letter, ! together with a copy of a resolution passed i by my fellow-citizens of Franklin countv, at (a meeting held at Carnesville on the 6lh inst. ; appointing you a committee and authorizing j you as such to correspond with the candi dates for tiie next Congress, and to call upon them for the expression of their opinions rela tive to the constitutionality and expediency of a United States Bank; and also, their choice for the next Presidency, between Messrs. Van Buren, Clay, Webster, and Harrison.— I have long since been convinced, that it is beyond the constitutional newer of Congress to charter a National Bank. I believe°that the government is competent, under an Inde pendent Treasury system, to manage its fiscal affairs safely and economically, without the agency of such au institution—and, therefore, deem it inexpedient to create such a body. The demonstration of power made by” the late United States Bank, admonishes me that it is the duty of every citizen who values the pure and independent administration of the government, to oppose, with uncompromising determination, the creation of any institution which might, at will, successfully oppose the government, by the exercise of a corrupting influence: and which, if established in con nexion with the government, would wield a power dangerous to the liberlies of the peo ple. I feel no hesitation in declaring, in re gard to my choice for the next President, that I prefer tl e incumbent, Marlin Van Buren, to the other gentlemen specified in the resolu tion ; I could support neither of the other candidates, believing as I do, that they re spectively advocate political doctrines, which, il carried out, are well calculated to destroy the integrity of our confederacy, and to do immeasurable in jury to the section of country to which I have the honor to belong. I beg leave also to assure you that I am an advocate for the entire separation of tiie government from all connexion with banks. I regret verv much that circumstances put it out of my power to visit my fallow-citizens joi the upper country, and orally to inter change opinions with ’ them on the political topics of the day. I have frankly and briefly, gentlemen, an swered ihe inquiries put to ine in the resolu tion, and trusting that I have done satisfac torily to yourselves and those whom you re present, I have the honor to be, Very respectfully Your oh"t serv’r. ROBT. W. POOLER. To Messrs. Whitten, Morris, Cooper, Much ell, and Deane, committee, Franklin Cos. GEN. BURNEY’S LETTER. Io the Kditor of the Standard of Union : In your paper of the 14th inst. I find an address signed by Messrs. Fouc'he, Shackle lofd, Stephens, and a number of oilier cili zens of Taliaferro county, of high character for worth and intelligence, ‘propounding to the several gentlemen who are now before the people as candidates for Congress, the following enquiries, viz: 1. Are you for or against an entire separa tion ol the Government from ail connexion with Banks? 2. Il the above be answered in the nega tive—then are you for or against the establish ment of a National Bank? or 3. Are you for or against the re-organiza tion of the Pet Bank system ?’ Believing it to be a cardinal principle in our form of Government, that no one who asp res to political honors has a right lo con ceal bis sentiments, when they are^respec tful ly sought by those whose privilege it is either lo vote for or against him ; and believing also, that tiie questions to which ihe voters of Taliaferro desire answers, from the Con gressional candidates, are of great moment to the people of Georgia at.lhe present time. I should feel myself as wanting in dutv, not to answer their enquiries prc-mptiy and ex plicitly. I am then in favor of a total separation of the Government from all connexion with Banks. With all due respect tor the opin ions ol others who may differ with me on the subject, I think the period has arrived when such a course lias become necessary for the Government, and people ; and from the time that the Sub-Treasury plan was first recommended and agitated in Congress, 1 have considered it the best of all remedies for settling permanently, the question of the cur rency. The ‘unanswered and unanswera ble’ arguments of Mr. Calhoun, who is justly j entitled to the distinction of being its great | champion in the Senate of the U. S. ; the imany other arguments I have read in its I favor, together with my own reflections, have j all strengthened my convictions, that if the ! system is permitted to be properly carried I out, it will effectually and satisfactorily an jswer all the purposes for which its friends !contend. Entertaining these views, it follows as a i matter of course, flint I am opposed to the j establishment of a United States Bank, and also to a re-organization of the Pet Bank j system. I might enlarge and go into argument : but as the gentlemen have expressed a de sire only for the principles of the candidates, it is considered superfluous to say any thinly further. * ‘ °- Very respectfully, . Your obedient servant, J. W. BURNEY. Moxticeluo, Aug. 23, 13SS. S\'cw Cotton. —New cotton begins to arrive pretty freely—since the Ist inst. there have been received about one hundred and twen-! tv-eight bales, which met with ready sale at prices ranging from in ]-2 to 12 cents —prin- cipally at 111-2. Vvtih what was received i previous to the Ist inst. there have reached | this market about 1-10 bales of the new crop. ’ We have been informed by judges, that the ‘ staple and color so far have been generally i good. C ’oust it ‘-it ion a list. SENTINEL & HERALD. COLUMBUS, SEPTEMBER 13, 18S9. UNION CONGRESSIONAL TICKET. ALFRED IVERSON, of Muscogee. ROBERT W. POOLER, of Chatham. JOSIAtI S. PATTERSON, of Early. DAVID CAMPBELL, of Bibb. JUNIUS HILLYER, of Chirk. CHARLES H. NELSON, of Cherokee. B. GRAVES, of Newton. J. G. MeWHORTER, of Richmond. JOHN \V. BURNEY, of Jasper. For Senate, J. P. 11. CAMPBELL. For House of Representatives, JOHN L. HALP, JOHN L. LEWIS. DISSOLUTION. The co-partnership that existed between the subscribers, is dissolved by mutual con sent. The accounts due the concern.will be I in lire hands ol B. \ . Iverson, or his agent, i who will attend to their settlement. B. V. IVERSON, ! J. B. WEBB. j Columbus, Sept. 1, IS3S. - ====================== ‘ We hold these truths to be self-evident, j that all men are born equal.’ We have selected for the motto of this j paper, the above passage, from the declara- j lion of independence, and in our future course ! as public jo ,realists, design making it the I ruling and governing principle of our actions, 1 and ol the'doctrines which we shall inculcate, j Perhaps there has never been uttered a more perfect truism than Ibis, that ‘ the world is governed too much.’ Men, however much they may he disposed to distrust each other in the ordinary transactions of life, yet in the higher matters of legislation willingly yield all into the hands of the few , thereby invol ving and sacrificing, not unfrequently, the best interests of the many. Nor is it any longer to be denied, that the first principles of democracy have been forgotten, or laid aside through convenience, and that an influ ence, mischievous and unholy, has been brought to bear upon the citizens of this re public, and is seen to ‘ rule and reign’ in almost all government and state transactions! —we mean a monied influence. It has been j truly said, that power lies at the bottom of both knowledge and money ; and the stores of philosophy, metaphysics and logic, have been exhausted, in attempting to prove which ol the two arejcapable of the grea test amount ol power. In tracing the history of ancient republics, the student may not he astonished to find that knowledge was in the ascendant and possessed the mastery; for in the foun dation of kingdoms, the rise of empires, and the springing up of youthful republics, know ledge was essential, instruction was sought from the learned and the wise, and the light of genius, poured along the dark and wilder ness path of the ignorant and benighted, was considered more invaluable than the mines of Peru. The truth of this is attested in the history ol Greece and Home, and other re publics of equaily ancient origin. In those days of primitive republicanism, the people sought the light of truth—-thirsted for know ledge, and would be satisfied with nothing less; why? because the boon of freedom was that for which they panted. So in the earlv history of our government—during the storms °1 the revolution, the wise counsels of a Washington were adopted by men as their safest guides; and in the adoption of a civil code for the government of the country, the wisdom and experience of a Franklin, a Jay, a Jefferson and a Madison, were eagerly sought, and in them the people reposed unli mited confidence: and what was the result? a declaration of independence unequalled in the history of nations, for its noble and price less principles, its freedom of thought and action, and the liberal and equal scale upon which it arranged the affairs of a rising and! promising republic, which was to be peopled vsith men free-born, tiie sons of those gallant and fearless heroes who battled for liberty, lor free institutions and their perpetuation. W hat was the result? A Constitution ofi equal laws and equal privileges—protecting the neb, and shielding the poor—making dis tribution ot the various parts oi the general government, so as that all could be managed with ease and skill, and as a safe protection tor individual rights, 4 holding these truths to! he self-evident, that all men are born equal.’ but it remains for this day and hour to cxbioil a dereliction from original principle, and to show how in the waste of years, anti amid the fascinations and luxuries of life, men may become changed, and lose the spirit which animated their lathers, and which pre sided at the birth of all our institutions. Ihe purity o( the elective franchise has oecome polluted, and the fountain being disturbed, sends forth its poisoned waters throughout the land. Men find it exceedingly iiard to be honest even in the act of deposit ing their vote in the ballot-box, so potent and so universal has become the influence cf\ money; and when we pass the vestibule of justice, and stand in the great hall of legisla tion, what do we behold ! how sickening the picture on which we are called to gaze ! and how melancholy the reflection, that when the lamp of hie went out with the framers of our glorious Constitution, there ceased to burn,- upon toe altar ot liberty, that pure and holy j dime oi patriotism which glowed brightly in their bosoms through a long fife of eventful vicissitude, and which gleamed out in a dying hour, clear and brilliant as the lightning upon a dark and stormy heaven! Legislation in the present day, actuated and governed by selfish motives, leaps over ! ‘‘ e Constitution contemptuously, dashes away l:,e u ' ea ‘ °- f the people, and finds its inglorious consummation in that abominable, bloated, ; corrupt and corrupting system, called mono polies ! Upon this principle are based nearly Uu toe banking institutions of the country and in truth whenever a prayer is made to a legislative body for the grant of a charier, whetrier for banking purposes, works of inter nal improvement, or the creation of institu liuiis ot a literary or moral character, there is good reason to suspect that the principle of private speculation or monopoly lies at the bottom ! Legislative reform is the doctrine we preach, and we intend to continue it in a series oi discourses. •.monopolies are foul and corrupt bodies, and we aim to destroy them: had we the bat tie-axe <>t the sage of the Hermitage, and strength to lift and wield it, we would lay it | to the root of these vile incorporations, which, vampyre like, are sucking out the lite-blood of this republic. Lang Lewis has been in the county only a year or two, and has been a candidate only; a short month, and yet in this short space of time, lias become very-intimately acquainted with every man, woman and child in the whole district. — Enquirer. Bravo! hurrah for our candidate —our in dustrious candidate —our wheel-horse; of the team —he who by his tact in electioneering, and talent lor convincing reasonable nun, seems to keep our good friends of the En quirer constantly in hot water; why boys he makes you hop like herrings on a gridiron. But although we were aware of his adapta tion in manner and address to please the peo ple, yet we did not know that he had made himself acquainted with every man, woman | and child in the county of'Muscogee. Whv, j brethren, you must have been right busy j: yourselves to have ascertained this fact; hut we doubt not the correctness of your state ment, and take it tor granted upon the j strength of this fact a'euie, that Col. John ! Langdcn Lewis will be the foremost in the I race on the first Monday in October next. ; Don't you think so too. Messieurs friaries. j Flournoy and Chapman ? Come, gentlemen, speak your honest sentiments—don’t ‘whip any body round the stump.’ And Col. Lewis has been in the county or.lu ■ a year or two —really ! and pray Squire Chap ! man, how long have you been in the county: Will six months cover the time? It will rub j it mighty hard. And what’s the difference; between this new made editor and our candi date of two years residence, who has resided in the county nearly three years? Why the latter seeks office, and goes to see the folks, and informs them of his political sentiments, and associates with them as a fair and can did man should do; while the former sits in his big arm chair, and attempts to dictate to a people whom lie has never seen, and who, when they do get a fair view of him, ask with astonishment, ‘who is that!!! Our excellent friend would find great advantage in a friend of the obliging manners of Cap!, i Truck, so admirably delineated in Cooper’s j last novel, ‘ the Homeward Bound,’ who was continually during a long voyage, introducing his passengers, ‘Mr. Blunt Mr. Sharp—Mr. Sharp Mr. Blunt.’ Besides, if we mistake not, Col. Lewis lias been a resident of this county longer than Col. Howard, a candidate on the opposition ticket, who we presume will make free and hold to talk to every voter who crosses his path. We mention this last circumstance merely L> show how weak and pointless the objection urged by the Enquirer against Col. j L. that he ‘has been in the county only a year or two.’ Query. How long should a man reside in a county before he is entitled to be a candi date for office? The Races to commence at this place on the second Tuesday in next month, will he: unusually interesting. It is said by the ‘ knowing ones,’ that some forty ‘ fleet horses j of the Ukraine breed,’ will be in attendance. Messrs. Iverson Sc Bonner have a ‘tip top’ stable—Bell is here with Edmondson’s horses,! and Col. Crowell has in training at his plan tation fourteen of the ‘ royal bloods.’ Hickory John is among the number, and as they thunder round ilie course in their ‘ trial gal fops,’ Robin Hood pricks his ears, snuffs the breeze, and almost implores that lie mavj enter the list. Hold Macduff! —The Enquirer of last week, in alluding to the communications of 4 A \ oter,’ says, 4 Col, Lewis was well aware of the individual who wrote those communi cations.’ In this there is a small mistake. Col. L. was under the impression that he knew the author, and supposed it to he an old acquaintance of his, and a man whom he esteemed as an honorable gentleman ; but on enquiring of the person in question, he learn |ed his mistake. Had this individual proved to have been the author, a repiv would have been given at the time; but the author re maining still behind the curtain, we hold that Col. L. was not bound by either custom or principle to respond. An anonymous scrib bler has no special claims upon individuals or communities. Steamboat burnt. —The steamboat Herald, whilst on her passage from Cincinnati to Warsaw, took fire and was entirely con sumed. There were seventy passengers on board, all of whom escaped, but without their baggage, and many of them without coats, hats or bonnets. Among the passengers were Gen. Harrison and lady.’ The Columbus, Georgia, Enquirer nomi nates Robert Y. Havne, of South Carolina, as President, and John Tyler, of Virginia, as Vice President. For all practicall purposes, it had as well nominate Jack Downing and iiis cousin Zekiel. —Lynchburg Virginian. Ha! ha!! ha 111 Charleston Elections. —Henry L. Pinckney has been re-elected Mayor of Charleston.— There were four candidates for the office.— H. L. Pinckney received 600 votes; Col. James Lynah 575; Dr. Joseph Johnson 203: and Dr. J. W. Shmidt 141. Literature. — 4 The Homeward Bound,’ hv Cooper : the best hook since Ins Red Rover —it richly repays a perusal. ‘Osceola,’ or s Facts and Fiction a tale ol considerable interest, as it gives tiie history of that Cele brated chief, from bis boyhood to bis death, and the scenes of bis early career are laid on the opposite banks of the Chattahoochee. The Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel it much afraid that the Union Congressional Ticket will he elected, from the fact of tl. • uullifiers being so much split and divided on the bank question. Yes, brother, you may well fear: -the Sub-Treasury is the strong question, beyond a doubt, in this State, and from your ranks will come most essential aid. Every States Sight vote cast upon IJa.p will tend to defeat Howard.— Enquirer. Ergo, Every Union vote cast upon IJow ard will tend to defeat Ilarp. T he premise is yours, the conclusion is ours. It is conjectured that the next rain we have will he a very heavy shower, and will wash the Saccr? entirely out ot* town. So mote it he. j In Statu Quo. —The contractors for build ing that monster, to be called a market house, in the centre of Broad street, should take out a writ of Certiorari, to ‘ take it up’ another !story. It is certainly a bob-tailed concern; ‘ better to bear the ills we have than fly to those we know not of.’ Hart’s Company are playing at Macon, am! we presume will open here about the first of October. Miss Meadows is still with them. The yeiiow fever in Charleston has much abated, and will soon be extinct, no doubt, as the cold weather approaches. The New Orleans Bulletin says that city j ‘ enjoys a complete exemption from all epi demic-diseases, and the genetal health of the . population is excellent.’ Columbus, Mondav, Sept. 10, IR3C. The Committee met this morning upon a special cal! of tire Chairman. * Several communications in the public prints calling upon this Committee tor a report ot their proceedings, and the evidence in their possession, in relation to the connection of any of our citizens with the late Commercial Bank of Florida, were laid before the Com mittee, and taken up for consideration* \\ hereupon it is Resolved, That this Committee deem it inexpedient to make any report for the pre sent; that while they entertain a due respect for the wishes of ihe community to be inform ed on this subject, they are satisfied, from the circumstances which are daily developing themselves, that they have not yet obtained all the evidence, which a little delay will place in iheir possession; and I cing desirous to I close their labors with their report, they be | Sieve that their duty to this eommuniiy re | quires that they should withhold such report j until they shat! be satisfied that they have j procured all the testimony within their reach. Ordered . That a copy of these Resolutions ! be furnished each of the city papers tor pub i lication. i Extract from the Minutes. JAMES N. BET KUNE, Sec. _ For the Sentinel and Herald. ! THE ENQUIRER vs. MESSRS. CAMPBELL AND LEVY IS. The bitterness of feeling with which the j ‘ Enquirer’ has condescended to enter in j to the county politics and electioneering can | vassing of Muscogee, is truly alarming ; if it ! keens on in the same way Time It longer, wo i will not be surprised to see the Chattahoochee, j by the first Monday in October next, running ; hack up stream over the falls. Campbell and Lewis are truly men of ter ’ ror to the Enquirer, and well they may he, j tor they are the people’s choice, and whoever j the people approve of—whoever the people | may lie willing to trust their rigiiis and in terests with —may as surely expect the con iktnrmtion of the inquirer. But the means by which the Enquirer seeks to prejudice the community against Col. Lewis, deserves more of pity and contempt tor its weakness and its recklessness of its own dignity of character, than any apprehension of what those means may effect against him. W e ask the religious pari of this communi ty, what think they of the following extract from tiie remarks of the Enquirer? To the I allusion which Col. Lewis has thought proper j to make, as to ihe incorrectness of that pa i per, it replies in the following pitiful strain : i ‘ But if (hereby he (Col. Lewis) intends to ri j divide and 1 ring disrepute upon that, spirit of Christianity which has lately been so pow erfully tnanitested in our city, we envy him i not his feelings.’ Here is a direct effort to | create the prejudices and enlist ihe church in ; the po'itical broils of our county. Will the j church sutler itseif to he made a political ma ! chine of, by this appeal of the Enquirer, to | vnli t its prejudices against Col. Lewis? We j have seen much of political manoeuvring— ; >.ve have seen many ways and means resort led tn for political effect—hut of all we have , ever seen, this cllorf of the Enquirer to cre | ate the impression that Col. Lewis 4 intended | to ridicule and bring disrepute upon that ! spirit ol Christianity which has lately been so j powerfully mans sod in our city,’ is the | most deeply degrading. When or where ■ has Col. Lewis ever manifested (he least semblance oi ti hcule towards the church or the 4 spirit of cl.ri-tianify r’ When and at what time has lie.ever attempted to Ring ‘disrepute’ upon the church ? Has he not al ways been as regular an attendant at churdi .as inmost any individual who is not a pro fessor? and while there, lias he not always been as attentive a listener and orderly per s n as any other in the church? and will it he believed, that Col. Lewis ever intended, or is any way disposed to ‘ridicule and bring disrepute upon Christianity,’ who himself has always contributed as freely to the means of erecting the holy temples of religious wor ship, since he has been among us, as almost any other individual who is not a church member? Shame, where is thy blush ? j Could the paper on which this disgraceful in sinuation was impressed, or the ink which ! made it legible, have changed their colors, i every sheet would have reddened under the i pressure which gave it form and shape. But perhaps the Enquirer has taken itself to be the essence and sq hit of Christianity, which has disseminated itself so manifestly in our city; and because Col. Lewis lias thought i proper, and we ihink very justly too, to question the truth of all its assertions against him, why, it wants no better evidence that Col. Lewis intended to ‘ridicule and bring disrepute upon Christianity.’ To doubt the truth of the Enquirer, therefore, is to 4 ridi cule and bring disrepute upon Christianity.’ Col. L. will, therefore, I presume, have to beg pa i dors of the Enquirer. I am certain that he was not aware of this intimate connexion of the Enquirer with the influence and spirit of chri.-munily, or he would certainly have been more humble and submissive to the man- dr. es of the Enquirer. f, however, the Enquirer does not take i‘-* [f to he Ihe fountain head arid spirit of cnri.-Pmmly in this city, we cannot see how Go!. Lewis’ remarks, in regard to its own m just charges against him, can have any thing to do with ■ that spirit of Christianity which has lately been so powerfully mani fested in our city.’ Y.’hy then lias the En quirer attempted to involve bis and Col. Lewis’s di cuss'on of;:o! deal matters with the 4 spirit of cl.ri. tir.uity’ which is now prevail ing in otir city. Coi. Lewis has never made the least, not the most distant, allusion to it in h's reply to the find in.; .nations of the En och -r: and yet the Enquirer seeks to enlist the f.-eiinga of the Christian community agniu t Col. Lewis in his political contest, by tie- diil: insinuation that, he 4 intended to ridicule and to bring disrepute upon the spir it of Christianity,’ because, forsooth, the En quirer itseu* was charged with falsehood. : are t’ • p I'-ccutions with which Col. Lewi i is to he follows-1 up—such the foul attempts to prostrate him in ihe estimation of !, e people of .vlt scogee. V* e ask the chris *iin , n li.’ ■ :s community, if the insinuation OI ~,*p p’ -Mp 1 r , w.t’n regard to Col. Lewis an ; iretr religious prmeip’es, is endorsed bv u -;n ; J; so, shew us then the evidence, wi.rn and where Cos!. Lewis ever attempted o ■ ridicule and bring disrepute’ upon the chr-sban j-ekgion. If not, then extend to Cob Lewis full justice in the scale ol his iner;!, and let the world see, that as a reli gious people you stand clear of the political manrpiivring, in which the Enquirer would involve you. a it.ai.v max.