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po K TRY. 1 ICT* W*did not perceive, until our outside form was < worked off.’ that the last stanza of the following had been omitred by tt.e compositor, which will be a sufficient apology for its appearance on both sides. PARADISE.—A SACRED SONG. BV HORATIO WALDO: Air — Blow ye the Trumpet. That land of promised rest, So beautiful and fair ; Jehovah’s kind bequest To our immortal sire: Hath lost its verdure and its bloom, And laid its bright hopes in the tomb. The father of our race, Was lord of this domain ! Supreme in every grace, He strode the heavenly plain : * With sweetest plant and earliest flower,. The God of nature deck’d his bower. Bet high ambition rose And pm'ed for the throne : The part our father chose Hath all his race undone ! Our >o< v -hold in him we lost — _. 5 - ; Onr be o! hope, is temp - ‘-tost. Yet round that lovely spot, Our best, alfec’ions twine ; Forget it we eannof, ’Tis love’s devo ed shrine ; cooling shade and spicy grove, Man wrapt in fan y still would rove. INTERESTING TRIAL FOR MURDER. ! (Extract from an article under the head ‘ The j No'ihern Circuit, in the last number of, Blackwood’s Magazine.’) Trie last trial of inlercst that 1 witnessed jn the Crown Court was one which took place j on the net day, or ihe day after. It was lhat of a man for the murder of his wife.— | H seemed about thirty-five years old.and was dressed in respectable mourning. He stood at the bar with an afeat once of firmness and depression. He wifs a little under the ave rage height, and his countenance rather pre possessing than otherwise. From the evi dence, in chief, of the first two witnesses, it would have appeared clear that he had been guilty of a most barbarous murder. On their depositions belbre the Coroner a verdict of manslaughter only had been returned; but in reading them Mr. Justice Patterson bad fell it his*duly to instruct the grand jury to 1) tog in a bill for murder —a step which seemed most amply justified by the evidence which they now gave. It appeared Irani the testimony lhat the deceased hud been very lar advanced in pregnancy; lhat ihe prisoner had had some dispute wilh her—being a most violent man, Ihev said —and knocked her down, her head falling against the sharp coiner of a chest of drawers, which cut il open, and ihe wound bled profusely; and that, while she was thus prostrate and insen sible, the prisoner furiously kicked and struck her repealedly—death, on Ihe same evening, or the evening after, I forget which, being the consequence. As liir as this evidence went, noihing, of course, could have been more brutal than the conduct of ihe prisoner ; but on cross ex amination of the fiist witness, a litile ill-look- ing old woman, the mother ol ihe deceased, and wiio gave her evidence manifestly under the influence of the most bitter resentment towards the prisoner, the case began to as sume a very different aspect. It was wrung from her, alter great prevarication, and was also established bv other witnesses, that she had herself, on the evening in question, been drinking gin with Ihe deceased, at the resi dence of the taller, a miserable cellar. That she had herself fetched five quarterns of gin for the deceased on that occasion. That the deceased and the witness, at her reqnesi, had frequently pawned all her husband’s clothes, jam m.v..-L .si.. i.'u , i --V had once or twice sent to bed earlv in the afternoon, to enable her so to dispose of their clothes. — That the prisoner was a pilot, a remarkably steady and hard working man, and earned amply sufficient to enable himself and family to live in very comfortable circumstances; but this cursed propensity of his wife had beggared them, and had driven them from their former comfortable dwelling to the wretched cellar in which had occurred Ihe catastrophe then the subject of inquiry. That on the evening in question he had come home from the sea wet and wearied, hut found that j every article of his clothing had been pawned by his wife, and that his children were lying in bed almost naked, their little clothes having shared the same fate ; and that his wife was drunk, as was also the first witness. Furi-; ous words very naturally ensued, and it was under these truly exasperating circumstances) that he had struggled with his wife, so as to occasion—but was clear unintentionally— her fall; and it certainly did appear, that either while she was falling, or immediately after wards, he had more than once struck her with some violence, but not in a way to have alone caused her death, which the medical evidence showed to have been occasioned bv the injuries which she had received upon her head in falling upon the drawers, added to the effects of violent excitement and excessive liquor upon a person in her situation. The third witness brought forward against the prisoner was, alas ! his own daughter, a little girl about five or six years of age, de cently dressed in black. When her name was called, the prisoner, with an agonized countenance, looked away from the spot j where she was to stand; his lip quivered, his chest heaved, and, in spite of his efforts, j tears forced themselves from his eyes. Mr. Justice Patteson observed his agitation, and; seemed himself not a little affected when he beheld the little thing, in obedience to the summons of the loud voiced officer, was i brought into court, and placed close beside him, to give evidence which might seal the fate of her father. Site was so very short that he handed over to the officer the foot stool he had been using, in order that she might stand upon it; and even then the head of the little witness did but just come above! the top of the witness box. She was rather a pretty looking girl, and her lace was very sad and pale. She did not, however, cry, though her eyes seemed glued to the figure of her miserable father, who never once ven-! tured to look towards her, and whose tears, silent evidence of the anguish he was endu ring, fell frequently. In all other respects, he preserved a stern composure throughout the | proceedings. ‘My child,’ said the judge, as I thought ; with a iittl- emotion, as he bent down his ear to her, 4 do you know that you have come here to speak the truth?’ ‘ Yes, sir.’ • Auu will you, my dear, speak the truth— and tell us ail the truth, and nothing else?’ ‘ Yes, sir.’ ‘What will become of you, do vou think, if you tell a lie ?’ She paused ; the judge repeated the ques tion ; and she answered distinctly. 1 1 shall be burned in everlasting fire.’ ‘ W'here did vou learn that:’ ‘ The Bible, sir.’ * Have you ever been at school ?’ ‘ Yes, sir, at the Sunday school.’ ‘She may he sworn,’ said the judge, and the oath was immediately administered to her. \V as not this, dear Christopher, a grievous sight to see ? The little daughter called to give evidence against her father, on his trial for his life, for the murder of her mother ? Though in a melancholy tone and sad man ner, she gave her evidence with great pro priety, clearly and firmly. Her tiny voice could be heard distinctly in all parts of the crowded and silent court. She evinced, as was so be expected, a strong leaning towards her father; hut she admitted that he had; twice struck her mother when she was lying bleedin<r on the floor. She also stated that her mother had several times actually taken her—the little girl’s—shoes and stockings off her feet, that she might pawn them for gin ; and that she and the other children had been often, obliged to lie in bed, because their mother ami grandmother had taken away their clothes for the vile purpose above men tioned I Who could listen to all this without feeling a deep commisseration towards the unhappy prisoner? Till he had been hur ried into the act with which he then stood charged, he had always borne an unblem ished character as a quiet, respectable man, who labored hard to support bis family, and who could have kept them in comfort but for his wife’s ruinous propensity to drink. His counsel addressed the jury on his behalf with much earnestness, contending that on the whole of the evidence the prisoner was enti tled to an acquittal, or at least to a verdict of manslaughter. The Judge, however, di rected the jury that there was no evidence to support the charge of murder, but that the prisoner had been clearly guilty of man slaughter. lie then recapitulated the evi dence ; and, after a quarter of an hour’s con sideration, the jury pronounced a verdict ol ‘ manslaughter.’ He was sentenced to eigh teen months’ imprisonment, with hard labor. Rebecca Lamar. —An affecting incident re lative to this lady, who, it will be remembered, was one of the female survivors of the ill starred passengers on board the Pulaski, has just come to our knowledge. Miss Lamar, says a gentleman from Charleston whose life was saved on the same portion of the wreck, was our guardian angel. cheering tlv ponding, alleviating the sorrows of those who had seen the waves of the ocean close over their nearest and dearest relatives, and admi nistering hope and consolation even to the veteran sailor, to whom scenes of terror and dismay had long been familiar. So great, in fine, was the confidence she inspired in the heart of every member of our unfortunate band, that those whose fate it was never to reach the shore alive, when they felt their hour approaching, requested as a favor that they might be allowed to rest their heads upon her lap, and breathe out their dying moments wilh all the consolation she was ! capable of affording. And thus all those who were unable to survive the horrors of that awful hour, with their last looks turned to wards her who had never quailed or blanch ed beneath the terrors of the scene, although the stoutest hearts had failed, and the boldest trembled in anticipation of their fate. How do the glories of a Catherine, a Semi ramis, or a Margaret de Valdemar, pale be i fore the virtues of such a woman. Let those who bear the name of Lamar, henceforth | cherish it more proudly, than if it conferred wealth, or power, or nobility upon the pos sessor. —Boston Times. From the Washington Chronicle. COMMERCIAL INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH. I There is nothing at which the Federal pa l pers at the North so much deligt to sneer, as at this idea. ‘ How presumptuous,’ exclaim they, ‘are these southern people, in supposing they can compete with us. What are their natural advantages when compared with ours? God and nature clearly intended that we should monopolize all their trade.’ Not quite so fast, gentlemen. It you have all these natural advantages of which you boast, pray be contented with them, and do not enlist in your behalf the artificial benefits conferred by the fiscal action of the government. If it be true, that God and nature have endowed you with this commercial superiority, why make us the further instruments of our own depression ? We are not jealous of your ad- I vantages or of your prosperity. All we ask is a clear field, and no favor. We know that that before the revolution, and for om “ time after it. OiU .uir iun trade. and we I know that it lias gradually declined to its present low ebb, ever since a National bank concentrated the fiscal action of the govern ment in tire cities north of the Potomac. We are loth to believe that nature hasdis j qualified us for commercial prosperity. We ! cannot see why we should not be our own j factors, as we were in times gone by. We j can easily understand how the mercantile j employment of the twenty or thirty millions j collided by the government, must give an | ! unfair advantage to the community which j enjoys its use. Once establish such a sys tem, and it increases in a fearful ratio; with a sort of geometrical progression. When Venice was ihe factor of the West and the East, she became the emporium of the world, and her merchants were princes. When Antwerp was the grand depot of Northern Europe, one of her burghers could bestow a million upon an Emperor. Now we wish to participate in these advantages. We know that commerce is the civilizer and enrich- I er of nations. We know that he who ) commands the sea possesses the earth.— We know that the nation which neglects trade, languishes m all the arts of peace, and the glories of civilization. We are at length aroused from our st j . V ■ think we have discovered one gra o: our retardment, and we are det sub mit to it no longer. We ai .kmrmined to j lay claim to our share of the advantages of! the institutions under which e live. Wei are resolved that the government which we have concurred to establish, sh ill no longer he wielded against us. Its spreading roots ,-h ui no longer impoverish our soil; its vast sha dow shall no longer wither the vegetation l upon which it rests. You may smile, but ice arc in earnest. This is no laughing mat ter to us. Again we say, we are not sicken ed by ihe spectacle of your prosperity, but j we ask, and we are determined to have, a ! fair field and no favor. I From the Washington Chronicle. MR. CLAY AND THE STATE RIGHTS PARTY. ‘ I interfered to save you from the gallows, 5 was the complementary reason given by Mr. Clay, for the part which lie took in the com promise which settled the tariff'question. It was not because lie saw the error and op pression of the protective po’icy; it was not ; ior the purpose of healing the wounds of a ; distracted nalion on the eve of a civil war; it I was not even from devotion to the union of | the states, as has been so often asserted by his admiiers and partisans. ‘ No,’ exclaims | he, insultingly, ‘ it was but to save you from ; the gallows.’ And this is the man whom in triguing politicians would persuade the State Rights men of the south to advance to the Presidency, and that at tlie expense of all their cherished doctrines and opinions! ‘ The force of folly can no farther go.’ Those who entertain tiiis beautiful project must calculate rather too largely upon the weakness and passions of the enlightened south. These are pretty State Rights men, forsooth ! They put us in mind of the conspirator who shout ed ‘long live the King!’ as he was drinking from the cup in’which the ffitterer had in stilled poison. There is something comical in the idea of a State Rights man voting for Mr. Clay, and from mere devotion to one who openly instill ed their parly, swallowing without chunking, Bank, Internal Improvement, pro tective Tariff’ and the whole progeny of fed eral usurpations. It’ they intend to do so, they must adopt some other name, or invent ® ome | nore plausible pretext. There are ~.n ns s a little too strong even for party ! ~ u ‘ h)Ult y, to use the favorite phrase of Dr. Johnson. Huzza! f or the Clay, Webster, u “on. onvention, Democratic National Republican, Abolition, Tariff. Internal Im provement, National Bank, Whig, State compound. 1 Pty ? ’ What a com P r ehensive MR. HILLYER’S LETTER. Athens, Aug. 25, 1838. Gentlemen : Your letter of the Blh of this month, accompanied by a resolution adopted by a ‘large number of the citizens ol Franklin county,’ has been received, and I avail my self of this, the earliest opportunity, to respond to it. The resolution above referred to, directs that ‘ a committee of five be appointed to call on each candidate for Congress in the state of Georgia, for their opinions relative to the constitutionality and expediency of establish ing a United Slates Bank; and further, that each candidate be requested to make known their choice for the next Presidency, between Van Bureti, Clay, Webster, and Harrison.’ Although I have expressed my opinion upon both these subjects, in my letter to the committee of the Union Convention, I will take this occasion to state very briefly, and without comment, some of the reasons which have brought my mind to the conclusion that a United States Bank cannot be established without a violation of the constitution. It is not denied that no clause of the con stitution expressly authorises Congress to create such an incorporation ; and shall we, by implication, so construe that instrument, as to confer a power which was expressly asked of the convention that adopted the con stitution, and which was refused by that body? No true republican can answer this question affirmatively. The only argument which h imp. a my mind with any force in favor of ihe iPU stitutiouality of tiie United Si; es Bank, is, that by the first of the enumerated powers,; Congress is authorised to collect n l disburse a revenue; and by the last of tui-enumer ated powers, authority is given ‘ to make all laws which may be necessary anti ;>■ rper for carrying into execution’ all the powers vested by the constitution in any department or offi cer of the government. And it is contended that a United States Bank is necessary anr proper for the execution of the tax'ug an disbursing power. This appears piau'ible and it is the only argument which I conside worth noticing. If we permit ourselves to be governed 1 i this kind of reasoning, there is an end of tl I rights of the states, and of all restrictions < federal power. Let us examine it, and for Ihe sake of a gument, let us admit that Congress has po er to create a bank, because it is necessr to execute the taxing and disbursing pow This only shows that Congress is aethorif to establish a bank as the fiscal agent of government —it does not show it has poi to create such an institution to regulatetro , control the state banks , and furnish unifo exchanges. But it will he urgt and that the 1 cessity renders its establishment constitutk al, and the benefits resulting therefrom s incidental. This reply will do very w< ; when used by a Federalist, but it will ‘< urged with a bad grace by one who profess to regard the rights of the stales. | A few illustrations will show the dangerct 1 extent to which such kind of argument m be carried, and the absolute necessity for : the opponents of centralism to keep rigidl to the constitution, according io its true ii j tent and meaning. Congress has power to raise revenue— ’ may be urged that a tariff is necessary to e: ecute this power. The protection afforde by a tariff to domestic manufactures is jut as incidental as the effect of a U. S. Bank o the commerce and exchanges of thecountn hence a high protective tariff would be jut as constitutional as a U. S. Bank. Congress has power to regulate commerc wilh foreign nations. It may be urged li.q a great mercantile incorporation is necessai to execute this power—its necessity make it constitutional. Its beneficial effects ar purely incidental—hence a , East India com pany, such as has for centuries monopolize the trade of England. would be inst as run stitutional as a U. S. Bank. Congress has power to regulate commerc among the states. To execute this powe I we must have roads, canals, steamboats, &c j Hence it may be urged that Congress ha ! power to create companies to construct rai ! roads, canals, steamboats, and bridges, tc I explore mines, &c. Where will this end ? Whenever we pass the boundaries presefibed by a fair and jus interpretation of the constitution, we entei an unlimited field of legislation, and our con stitution, mutilated and dishonored, becomes worse than worthless. The position of Mr. Jefferson on this su’. ject must be correct —thai to render Federd legislation constitutional, on the ground < necessity, that necessity must be /<ig/i a imperative, and have relation exclusively the execution of the enumerated powc I do not believe a bank to be ‘ nece? and proper’ to enable Congress to ex any of the enumerated powers-—hence lieve a United States Bank to be uncc tionah Its expediency has been shown ; ment, and demonstrated by expei do not believe it to be expedient gress to delegate to any man, or corporation, power to furnish thr of the currency of the country. S’ ; ttituiinn would be inexpedient, a r |can, and exceedingly prejudicial to c-st of the south. With regard to the second que; pounded by the resolution acco your letter, I repeat that Mr. Van my opinion, merits the confidence, i to receive the support, of the pen, United States, and that in the south he is de cidedly to he preferred to Messrs. Webster, Clay, or Harmon; and that if I should be a member of the twenty-sixth Congress, and the eleclion of a President should devolve upon the House of Representatives, he will receive my support. Very respectively, JUNIUS HILLYER. To Messrs. A. E. Whitten, Thomas Mor ris, T. F. Cooper, Reuben Mitchell, and A. Dean, committee. GEN. NELSON’S LETTER. Pole Cat Strikes, Cherokee Cos. ) , September 3, 1838. ) To the citizens of Taliaferro and Franklin Counties: I cheerfully comply with the request of those citizens of Taliaferro and Franklin counties, who wish to be informed of the opinions of candidates for Congress upon certain subjects of political interest, of the day : 1. I am in favor of separating the govern ment from all banks, leaving the Treasury and the banks alike, with their own means, in a spirit, of mutual forbearance, to discharge their duty to the people. 2. I am opposed to the charter of a United States Bank, believing it unconstitutional and inexpedient to do so. 3. Os the names presented, Van Buren, Clay, Webster, and Harrison, for the next Presidential term, I am decidedly in favor of Martin Van Buren. I have respectfully to request that this an swer be made known in the same public manner that the call was made. I am, \\ ith high consideration and respect, Your obedient servant, CHARLES H. NELSON. Boastijjg. —A man boasting of his honesty, is generally a rogue ; of his courage, gene rally a coward ; of h;s riches, generally not wealthy ; ot his democracy, generally an aristocrat; ot his intimacy with great men, generally despised by those who may chance to know him; of his learning, gcneralv igno rant; of his wit, popularity and high stand ing, always a fool. SENTINEL & HERALD. COLUMBUS, SEPTEMBER 20, IS3B. UNION CONGRESSIONAL TICKET. ALFRED IVERSON, of Muscogee. ROBERT W. POOLER, of Chatham. JOS IAH S. PATTERSON, of Early. DAVID CAMPBELL, of Bibb. JUNIUS HILLYER, of Clark. CHARLES H. NELSON, of Cherokee. B. GRAVES, of Newton. J. G. McWHORTER. of Richmond. GEN. JOHN W. BURNEY, of Jasper. For Senate , J. P. H. CAMPBELL. For House of Representatives, JOHN L. HARP. JOHN L. LEWIS. DISSOLUTION. The co-partnership that existed between the subscribers, is dissolved by mutual con sent. The accounts due the concern will be in the hands of B. V. Iverson, or his agent, who will attend to their settlement. B. V. IVERSON, J. B. WEBB. Columbus, Sept. 1, 1838. OO” The letters of Messrs. Hiilyer a 1 the people, and the advocates ui struction and of defined powers, now rallied under the banner of the illustrious Jefferson. ‘Freedom’s battle’ had been fought and won in th e field, against its open foreign foes. It was now to be fought again, in the more perilous field of argument, against its wily, insidious, secret enemies. Blessed be God ! the victory was ours. The deceptive mask of federalism was plucked from the face of our enemies, and the hideous features of the Consolidationists and Monarchists, were ex posed to the indignant gaze of a free people twice redeemed ! From that time the name of federalist lost its original meaning, and being thoroughly disgraced, it is now, and has been since 1 SOI , but a synonyme for con solidationist and monarchy. Coming down to later days, Mr. Fouche tells us of old federalists ‘animated by new : hopes of attaining their long cherished objects, j through the joint agency of the great ex- j pounder, Daniel W ebster, the great compro- j miser, Henry Clay, aided by the Banks and abolitionists, and calls earnestly upon repub-; licans to see to it! that they be not deceived , by the new names assumed by these monarch ists of the old school of’B7. Hear him, ye State Rights republicans, and hearing, let your lives prove that you under stand. ‘ It is certain that by these delusive means, these cunning sophistries ata Hrtful pref<s sions, the federalists have seduced into their ranks many an unsuspecting republican ; where,when once initiated,he is chained by the pride of opinion, the spirit of party, and false views of consistency. This has been iheir constant policy since their defeat in 1801. This is now their aim ; and they are, I fear, upon the eve of a second triumph, by the! cooperation of a portion of the State Rights party, who seem more eager to defeat Mr. Van Buren, and get into power along with their old enemies, than .to advance their own ‘; principles /’ Mr. F. further traces the distinguishing features of the two great parties formed in ITS 7, and gives copious extracts from the writings and speeches of their several leaders, ! many of whom he enumerates, but more es pecially Hamilton the great Federal leader, and Jeffer.son the apostle of Republicanism. In March, 1790, Mr. Jefferson visited New York for the purpose of entering on the j office of Secretary of Stale. In his ‘ corres- I ponce’ and 1 annals,’ he has expressed his wonder and mortification at the topics of conversation which he then found common in the street, and even at the table. He says that ‘ politics were the chief topics, and a preference of Kingly over Republican gov | eminent was evidently the favorite sentiment, i Hamilton had prepared and presented to Con- ; gress a financial system, which had passed, I and which was a perfect machine for ihe cor i ruption of legislatures. Mr. Jefferson, speak ing of this machine, says, ‘it was not com plete,’ and holds the following strong lan . guage: • Some, engine more permanent must be red nd mark, I beseech you, my -71. ‘HIS ENGINE WAS THE BANK OF n i rt;D ‘ tates ! !!’ h, continues Mr. F. ‘so it appears upon y n ess unquestionable than Thom liierson, the great head of the llepuli arty, that a Bank of the United States irst projected by Alexander Hamilton, lead of the Monarchists, and carried gh both houses by the combined agency ney an 1 monarchy, for the express pur of acting as an ‘ engine’ to subvert the blic, and establish a Monarchy! Yet ire now called upon to vote for those ire now candidates to represent you in ■ress at i time when it is proposed to ibiish this very ‘engine’ upon an en scale, without knowing whether they or or against the measure. Nay, you ailed upon to vote for several called Rights men, who have given you no reason to fear that they are friendly to perm meat engine for the corruption of legislature /’ Do you not hear them r, we c innot get along without a Bank? no hear them complimenting that romi‘ demagogue, that monarchist 97. ti >•; indent enemy of every south nm ad every southern interest, that chany in of the Bank and Tariff — v Clay Do you see and hear all this? have yi i no fears that there may be traitors to your principles, willing to it into power along with Clay and the , over the prostrate constitution and per l liberties of your country ?’ •. F. concludes his lucid and able letter, to his party a most forcible rtation to beware of wolves in sheep’s ng. His language is, ‘He who goes liberal construction and implied powers > nk and other favorite doctrines and mea of the Federalists, is a federal in prac ivha lever he may think of himself, or may to make others think of him. Whoever es to be smuggled into power, with his ments upon important ‘subjects concealed > any portion of his constituents, however i, is no -epublican. Against all such, I i you. Let me entreat you to look to i ‘The Republic is in danger.” hat will the State Rights party say to fearless, independent and severe letter ? at have the republicans of Georgia to ri.th trie federalism of Alexander Hamil and yet how can we class the advocates United States Bank, except with the dis :s of that corrupt and dangerous school! ere stands Mr. Habersham, the open avowed defender of the faith once deliv -Ito the few' —the ‘rich' —and the ‘well i —the bold and fearless bank man, as ,e are pleased to call him! Can he be port rin Georgia? No! not while ever .ve for Jefferson and pure democracy burns ■I glows in patriot bosoms. Mr. Dawson must of course fall on the same und, having sinned longer and more avovv v upon the question of a Bank. rhe other State Bights candidates, as far they have expressed themselves —with the ception ol IN Ir. Cooper— have made despe tc efforts to evade the naked point of the iestion, and !iave attempted to throw around ern the Sub-Treasury mantle. But it will >t fit their shapeless persons—it falls off, and e gentlemen, after all their shiftings and mings, stand naked, and exposed to the ridi . of every close observer. The precise and air-splitting Mr. Black really has no opinion i his own. lie makes reference to the his- m y of the State Rights party upon the sub ject ol a bank; he don’t think such an insii tition expedient, for he is rather dubious about its constitutionality: but. in case he should be sent to Congress, and his constitu tional scruples should be removed—as is fre quently the case after men get into Con gress—he has not told us what he would go for, or against. He is for Mr. Nobody for President, ‘ not as he knows on’—that is among the availables ; but if he could strike out and in, he would sorter go for George M. Troup. He seems desirous of once more hearing the old c war horse neigh.’ Mr. Nisbit is worse than Mr. Black : he is a perfect nothingarian —and, pray, what sort of a political animal is that? Judge Colquitt has proven, most incontes | dbv, if words can prove anything, that he is j a t least an honest man ; but he has not de nounced, as an honest man should have done, a great monopolizing inonied institu tion, corrupt and corrupting ; more especially as he believes in its unconstitutionality ; nor has he advocated the Sub-Treasury like one I who believes strongly in what be is doing, j The fact is, these gentlemen are specious, metaphisical, wavering and undecided. — Freemen of Georgia, thev will not do to trust in the halls of Congress : they talk plausible enough now, but brought to a ‘teste ques j bon,’ (as Mr. Black would sav,) in commit -1 tee of the whole on the state of the Lnion, and they would be found with the deciples of Hamilton , Clay and his partisans, and a mammoth bank would be once more erected —a system of splendid monopolies put into operation for the benefit of the few— but be yond the reach of the people generally. Upon this subject let this be the rule: ‘he that is not for us is against us. The Union Congressional candidates have spoken out manfully, and with the bold independence of ; freemen* We know where to find them; they are the warm and zealous supporters of jthe Independent Sub-Treasury ; and they are ‘the uncompromising opponents of the United ; States‘Bank, or of a JS'ational Bank. Let the first Monday in October next find ; every true Democratic Republican, of the JeJ fersonian school, at the polls, supporting the 1 | Union ticket. ; EMIGRATION OF THE CHEROKF.ES. The last Columbus Enquirer contained an article charging the President with having | thrown the emigration of the Cherokees into ! the hands ot John Ross, at the enormous price of sixtv-five dollars per head. The editors, with their usual regard for truth and decency, charge the President with having done so for the purpose of benefitting some of his friends, and meanly insinuate that he may ; be indirectly interested himself in the profits of the speculation. There is no maxim more trite or true, than that ‘he who is corrupt will always be suspicious.’ The editors of the Enquirer doubtless measure- Mr. Van Buren’s honesty by their own, and think that because they would themselves engage in a dirty speculation, therefore Mr. Van Buren j whose private character and moral integrity have never, in the course of a long and event ful life, been suspected or blotted, is also open to the corrupting influences of money. We have the authority for saying that the whole charge of the Enquirer is unfounded. The fact is that the emigration of the Chero kees was entrusted by the Secretary of War to Gen. Scott, with instructions to conduct it under the army officers as a military opera tion, or to turn it over to the Cherokee agent Gen. Smith, or to let out a contract for it, or to adopt any mode which he might think proper, keeping in view economy to the Go vernment, and the convenience and comfort of the emigrants. Propositions had been made at Washing ton, to remove the Indians by contract, and the Enquirer itself states, that a company of responsible and reputable gentlemen had pro posed to remove them at thirty dollars per capita. We happen to know something of I this very proposal, and those who made it. j The Enquirer does not state, however, what ! is the fact, that all the individuals who com i posed that company, were the warm political and personal friends of the President; and ; if he could have been influenced by the desire ! to benefit his friends in this matter, it is as i likely that he would have closed with this offer as any other. Gen. James C. Watson, i the Hon. Alfred Iverson, of Georgia, and Col. William A. Campbell, of Alabama, were the persons who proposed to remove the Chero kees at thirty dollars. Why did not the ad ministration close with that proposal? Simply because the propriety of such a measure could not be judged of at Washington City. The Secretary of War did what the situation and circumstances of the affair rendered highly proper and necessary: he submitted the various pians and proposals to Gen. Scott, and authorised him to act at discretion. The result has been the contract made with Ross ) which the Enquirer so strongly condemns. We feel authorised to sav, that neither the President nor Secretary of War knew of this contract, or the intention of Gen. Scott to make it, before it was made. If the price given is too large—if it was improper to make John Ross the beneficiary of the Treaty, the blame should rest where it properly belongs, on Gen. Scott and those who have contribu ted, by their conduct and advice, to lead him into the arrangement. Every one knows that Gen. Scott is politically opposed to the President, and is not likely to be influenced by a desire to benefit the administration. If! there has been any corruption in the making ; of this extraordinary contract with Ross, that corruption lies at the door of Gen. Scott. | But we are not disposed ourselves to charge improper motives upon Gen. Scott. We believe that he has been influenced by that sickly sensibility in favor of the Cherokees, which has pervaded the ranks of the Whig party throughout the United States, and which would sacrifice the interests of the Government and the rights of the white man, to the cupidity and ambition of a mischievous and vindictive chief. We are clearly satis fied, too, that Gen. Scott has either been badly counselled in this matter, by the oppo nents of the administration, or has been led, by the conduct of the Whigs, into the belief that a contract with Ross and his party would be acceptable to the Indians, and popu- lar with the people of the United States. The Enquirer should clear the skirls of its own friends from blame in this matter, before it attempts to cast censure upon the adminis tration. Did not Gov. Gilmer urge this very thing upon the Secretary of War? Did he not urge the propriety of making Ross the instrument of removing the Indians, and sug gest a large appropriation for that purpose? Did he not write to Ross to induce him to come into the arrangement? And more than all, did he not write to Horace Everett, the notorious abolitionist, and call his services into requisition to accomplish this very object ? \\ here was all the patriotic indignation of the Enquirer, when Gov. Gilmer was endea voring, for political effect, to bring about the very arrangement with John Ross which it now so loudly condemns! Nay more, we have the proof at hand, that the magnus apollo of the Columbus Enquirer, their great little pet, William C. Dawson, a member of Congress, and now a candidate for re-election, ‘ labored night and darf to induce Ross to take the contract for the removal of this peo ple, and lor the sake of gain to abandon his opposition to their emigration ; and vet the Enquirer has been totally silent upon the con duct of Mr. Dawson. It was perfectly right, in the view of these disinterested editors, for Gov. Gilmer and Col. Dawson to tamper with Ross; it was all fair and proper in them to propose to pay Ross an immense sum for his acquiesence in the treaty, or as an induce ment to enter into a supplemental one ; there j was nothing wrong in their holding out dis. 1 tinct propositions to this cunning chief, to j go home and superintend the removal of the Cherokees. Whilst Messrs. Gilmer and Dawson, et id omne genus, had the prospect of buying up Ross, and thus obtaining the repu tation and glory of having removed all diffi culty to the peaceful removal of the Indians, the editors of the Enquirer and their cowork ers in Georgia raised no voice of censure or condemnation —oh no. Money was no ob ject to the government, so long as it could be i expended to further the views and political objects of Gov. Gilmer and his party. An arrangement to put a half a million of dollars into the pockets of John Ross, was the most I desirable and proper of all objects, if it could ; result to the advantage of a certain party, of which the Enquirer is the advocate, through ! evil as well as well as good report. The En quirer has cast not a word of blame or cen sure upon Gilmer or Dawson, for their shame ful attempt to abandon the treaty and set up anew one, of which John Ross was to be the principal beneficiary; and now these candid and patriotic editors tire tilled with holy horror, because the very arrangement has been made by Gen. Scott, which was once urged and pressed with so much perti nacity by their own immediate friends and leaders. We said that proof was at hand to show the part which Col. Dawson bore in these extraordinary transactions. We sub join an extract of a letter received by a gen tleman in this place, from one of our Repre sentatives in Congress, the truth *f which he is ready and able to verify. And now we have to ask the people of Georgia, whether they can support a man for Congress, who, in the hour of danger and difficulty, was wil ling to tamper with the enemy, and abandon the rights and dignity of his state ? Whether they will elevate him to honor and distinc tion, who attempted to purchase the aid of John Ross at the sacrifice of the money and interests of the people? The following is the extract of the letter mentioned above: ‘Dawson is at his little tricks throughout the state, hut we shall place him in an un pleasant. situation before the election. We have charged him with being in favor of a ‘supplemental treaty with Ross and his dele gation, and of making him the emigrating agent, and pledged ourselves to prove the : facts, if he would deny them over his own signature; but he has failed to do so, and will not attempt to do it, as he knows we have the materials to fix them upon him. I send you a copy of a letter from Rogers, a friendly chief, shewing you his course with hint; and he (Dawson) was anxious that I should unite with him in entering into anew negotiation with Ross, which I promptly de clinied. lie also proposed to Gov. Lumpkin the propriety of making a supplemental trea ty with Ross. Yet nethwithstanding all this he has artfully attempted to throw the whole responsibility on the government.’ The State Rights nomination is one of ta i lent, character and integrity.— Enquirer. So far as our acquaintance extends with the gentlemen composing that nomination, we concur in the opinion expressed above ; but viewing the assertion in the light of contrast, as it was doubtless intended to be made, we 1 must assert our just right to come in for a share of the ‘character and integrity,’with our own ‘nomination.’ If the Stale Rights j Congressional candidates are men of charac ter, so are the Union candidates; if integrity clothe their nomination, equally well clothed is ours, in that point of view. We should presume that neither party would for a mo ment dream of making a nomination of any other characler. Our brethren of the quill seem to weigh us in a very low and degra ding scale. We regret it, and still more do we regret, that it must be imputed to their ignorance. It had formed no part of our in tention to have alluded in any manner to the candidates for Congress, but to leave them to run, as we doubt not they will, upon the strength of that great principle in the politics of the day, upon which parties in Georgia at present stand divided. There are good men upon Loth tickets, and both parties have be fore them men of talents. But our wise neighbors appear to be so fond of decrying their opponents, and so little skilled in honor able and gentlemanly political warfare, that we find ourselves absolutely forced to take up the gauntlet and act on the defensive. Now were it at all necessary, we should be per fectly willing to pair off the candidates, and j match them in intellectual strife; nor should | we fear the result, were the issue of the ap proaching election placed on that ground. With a proud consciousness should we call to the arena our Iverson : with his persuasive powers of oratory, and bis superior strength to wield the battle-axe of argument, how he would upheave and tear into fragments the crooked and disjointed reasoning of your Ha bersham: vve would bring to the strife a Burney, with his close and logical reasoning, to expose and put to flight the wordy and stormy tirades of Colquitt: and so of all the rest, until we reach the tail end of your much boasted list; who will attempt to match the ; inimitable Lott JVarren ! We have not the pleasure of the gentleman’s acquaintance, but we are told that he is a perfect busier. Os one thing vve are quite sure, that upon the floor of Congress we should have greatly | the advantage; for there an empiy head is ; not even phrenologised ; education, know ledge, real, subslantial talent, alone can sus -1 tain itself in the halls of wisdom ; and our j opponents may congratulate themselves upon the good prospect of being left at home on the first Monday in October, and thus escape an exposure of their ignorance amonst men of sense and information. If, indeed, the Union Parly had nominated the weakest ticket which could possibly have been select ed from their ranks, with the strength and j popularity of the Sub-Treasury on its side, it would have distanced the opposite ticket: so that with a ‘ nomination’ of nine accom plished and intellectual gemlemen, we look forward with unwavering confidence to a complete and g'orious triumph. ‘ The Union nomination is one of superior talent, character and integrity. 5 It is acknowledged by the candid of all j parties, that our present delegation in Con gress, with the single exception of Mr. Daw son, are in point of intellect and energy, a disgrace to any party or people.— Enquirer. Well, really, the author of the above para graph must be a modest youth—we should not wonder if he blushed at the bare sight of ! himself. Georgia has nine representatives in Con gress, and Mr. Dawson is the only one amongst them who is a nullifier: of course he is the only one who is possessed of any thing like intellect or energy ! Waiter, hand that editor a glass of milk and a icafer ; his maiden modesty must be pampered with light food— lie might take the dyspepsia.