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Fiom th Charleston Mercury. Messrs. Editors: As many of those who are entitled to vote at the ensuing elation for a member t Congress, are entirely m th. dark, as respects the Sub-1 reasury scheme, you would confer a tav.tr on many who de sire to be enlightened thereon, before giving their votes, by placing before them, through the columns of the Mercury, the meaning ol Sub-Treasury, its practical operation, and the final advantage to the South, by its adoption. The question has been repeatedly asked • what is the nature of this Sub-Treasury scheme ?’ and those asked, have generally acknowledged their ignorance. As many, from not understanding what they are to vote for, will give their votes to Mr. Legara, l think your compliance with the above request will have a beneficial tenden cy in influencing the votes of MANY. THE INDEPENDENT TREASURY. We readiiy comply to the be'st of our abil ity with the wish of our correspondent ‘ Ma nv,’ and to begin, we will to-day do little more than recapitulate the heads of the ex cellent letter of Mr. Calhoun, which we had the satisfaction of presenting to our readers yesterday. The parties who met on Friday last to; nominate Independent Treasury candidates, j have in truth united to raise again in a cause than which none was ever more worthy of it, the old republican banner of ’S3, the stand ard that led the fi lends of Jefferson to vic tory —and the movement of the Democratic party of Charleston, once more rallied to a concerted effort, is now as it. was then in be half of State Rights Republicanism against Federal usurpation and consolidation. The Sub Treasury system is emphatically a measure of ‘ Deliverance and Liberty’ to the people of the South. Instead of the re venues of the country being placed under the keeping and control of a Bank or Banks, to he by them loaned and speculated upon, in direct opposition to the constitutional pro vision which prescribes the only modes in which money shall be taken from the public treasury—instead of there being given to the Northern commercial cities the advantage of the use of the greater part of the taxes of the country, which taxes are derived chiefly from the South ; instead of the Banks being thus encouraged to extravagant over issues—the Sub Treasury system makes the recognised servants of the people the keepers of the peo ple’s money—forbids them to use tiie money entrusted to their keeping, or to speculate thereon, and acts as a check upon the Banks, compelling them, in order to preserve their credit, to keeps supply of specie properly proportioned to the amount of their paper circulation. It gives the Executive no more control over the public purse, not near as much as lie possessed under the Bank and State sys tem. For by the very same process by which he could draw monies under the one system, he could draw them under the other: and as to patronage, the appointment of twenty new officers as receivers or Sub Treasurers, is a •feather in the balance compared with the im mense power he would wield by subsidizing the Banks of the country, or the ruling Bank of the country, with all the thousand Bank ■gents and interested connexions. Mr. Calhoun shews that the Bank connex ion is a truly Federal measure—originating with, —always supported by,—and now urg ed with unanimous zeal, by the Federal or National party, the friends of a strong Go vernment, of centralization and consolidation; the inevitable effect of which must be the sectional oppression and subjugation of ihe South, the minority section of the confedera cy. The Nationals never were more united than now ; they acknowledge their end to be a National Bank ; they will tolerate a pet Bank System or the use of State Banks as keepers of the public money as a 4 half-way house ’ because experience has proved to them that such a system is impracticable, must fail and be merged in their great mammoth scheme. They oppose the Sub Treasury system, because they believe that it will cer tainly succeed if adopted—and that its suc cess will lie fata Up) their cherished hope of wielding the united political and money pow er of the one through the other. Alexander Hamilton, the father of Federalism, the avow ed friend of political corruption and strong monarchial features of polity, originated by his own act the connexion between the treas ury and banking. It was a most effective blow against State Rights and popular rights —and lias weakened the Democratic party in all subsequent struggles. The opportuni ty is now arrived to cure the Commonwealth radically of the evils it inflicted. If the Bank or a league of Banks is to have the revenue of the country as so much banking capital, they will of course strive to secure a large revenue by heavy duties. The greater the duties, the expenditures and the surpluses, the larger the Bank profits, if the Banks have use of the Treasury—but sepa rate them and the interest of the Banks will be opposed to those and oppres sive results of misgovern men t—and the South will have the banks, with their mighty influ ence, bound by their own interest to fight with ■ us for justice. The unconstitutionality of a | National Bank has been proved to the satis- j faction of all the Republicans of the school of ’93 ; the constitutionality of a divorce has ‘ never been disputed. None doubt the power j of the Government to collect its own money ; in the constitutionally recognized shape—and j to keep it through its own officers. But all State Rights republicans —with few 1 excep-’ tions —beiieve the other system unconstitu- j tional. There is no power given in the con-1 alitution to chatter a National Bank. If the power were given, the location of the Mother i Bank could not be fixed, without sectional i partiality and injustice, and if the State Banks j were used as depositories, what right has the ! government to intermeddle and regulate State Institutions ? F.very departure from strict construction endangers the peculiar institutions of the South —and the departure proposed by the sidvseales of a Bank would not only he dan gerous as a precedent—but would give the money power to our enemies—and while it ; bound the South hand and foot —would give j the Anti-Slavery and Abolition section the j sinews of war —enabling them to keep our commerce in a state of enduring vassalage. It would be unequal in its operation, giving j to those engaged in Banking every advantage over citizens engaged in other pursuits. We have thus, with very little addition of our own, repeated the substance of Mr. Cal houn’s views; and we shall from time to tune follow up, with otliers, the result of our own ! reflection and investigation. We shall con clude now with stating a few facts illustra ting the pernicious effect o ‘ a National Bank j upon the interest of Southern Agriculture | and Commerce. The Mother Bank in Philadelphia control! j ed the branches in the several states. It has, in direct hostility to the best interests of the i planters and merchants of this market, di-j reefed the branch here to stop taking ex- j change, and curtail its discounts, against the ; earnest protest of the directors here. Thai only object was to make money for the Bank I and for Pennsylvania, without regard to local interests in the South. The result was a stagnation of business—a fall in the price of j Rice and Cotton—-and embarrassment to all our merchants who had not calculated on this j arbi'rary and unjustifiable interruption of the I due course of business. Sterling exchange , fell from 109 to S5, making an adverse di!-i ference of 14 per cent, upon all the Cotton J and Rice sold that year in Charleston. This ; sacrifice of our interests, we ire assured too, j was uncalled for by the necessities of the case, j Mr. Biddle then began to buy up foreign ex - 1 change at the reduced rates, through his | agent here. The Mother Bank never, a flowed the Directors here to know any thing about its dealings in foreign exchange, could keep from them —but owing lu strong remonstrances of the Directors at the time, the agent here, who was Cashier ot the j branch, was induced, for his own justification, to exhibit his instructions. The Bank did not resell the sterling exchange here. The pro jits ali v\ent to the Mother Bank. Now the Bank of Charleston, for instance, a Southern Bank, buys up hath sterling and domestic ex- . change in this market, and sells both here — i instead of our having, after the sterling ex- j change is bought by a Bank, to send to the ! North and pay commissions for buying it—j as well as # sending the profits of the sale out! ol the state. By such a course the Bank caused more distress in the South, than was caused by re moving the deposited, or by any government act; and it shows the power of the Bank to j exert an influence upon particular points, j either from political or avaricious views— which would not be known as the cause, a!- i though the evils wo *H be severely felt bv the people generally. The use of government j deposites and credits, cannot fail to build up j at the expense of the less favored parts of | the country, the commerce and wealth of the place where it centres. Every measure of; the present Pennsv variia Bank of the United States has regard to the interests of Pennsyl- j vania. She receives $6,000,000 lor the j charter alone, which $6,000,000 is not raised j out of her citizens ; and Mr. Biddle promises ; also to complete by it her Internal Improve- j meats, and relieve her people from taxes on real estate. At *vhose expense? Yet we j find South Carolinians subscribing and hold- j iiifcj- stock in that institution; subscribing to | advance Northern trade at the expense of our own—to build up Northern cities at the expense of Charleston—and to make North ern roads and canals to the negelct of our j own. The stockholders of a National Bank I would also tints use their money in fact against the South. If the millions of stock I held by nur citizens in such a foreign mstitn- j (ion were withdrawn, and placed in the great I Rail Road Bank, or divided among our other j Banks at home, Charleston and South Caro lina would soon realize the benefit of the poli cy of states taking care of their own banking concerns, and using their own capital for their own improvement, instead of entrusting it to foreigners, lobe used against themselves. From the Globe. NATIONAL BANK. The main question now, and for years to come, must and will be, 13aiik or no Bank. But what kind of a bank is it that must now be looked for? When the first and second National Banks were created, they were in- I tended to be, and supposed to be, national institutions; identified with no political party, but mere moneyed institutions, acting no part in polhics, and conducting their pecuniary operations with impartial justice to the whole community. In this point of view the first and second National Banks were regarded by the country, and by the mass of those who supported them: we sav, by the country, and j by the mass of those who supported them; for, while this was the sentiment of the coun try, and of many republicans who assisted in the creation of these two banks, vet Gen. Hamilton, and all the initiated federalists, looked upon them in their true character of political machines. As national institutions, (he first two banks were supported; hut no idea of nationality can attach to, the one which is now the subject of contest! Not a feature of nationality could belong to it! A mere engine of pariy—a mere tool of faction —a mere federal machine—a mere instrument of vengeance Air the past, supremacy for the present, and perpetuity for ihe future—is all that such an institution could possibly be. It would be the sword and buckler of the federal party; it would be theirs, and nothing but theirs. It would he identified with them in every feeling and in every interest. To enrich them, to strengthen them, to elevate them to power, and to perpetuate their power, would be the end. and object, and daily occupation of the Bank. The Bank would live, and work, and bribe, and plot, for the federalists; the federalists would lend the whole power of their party to the support and perpetuity of the brink. The thin veil of affected nationality would not even be assu med. The bank, as the child and champion of Federalism, would be its open, public, un disguised, and unblushing ally. To live and to die together would he their fate. The federalists would make the batik strong that it might aid them ; the bank would make the federalists strong that they might aid it. ‘The whole power of tiv j hank is now in the field, and has been in it since the election of Presi- j dent in the House of Representatives in February, 1325, fighting the battle of Fede ralism against. Republicanism. Bank and fedetalism have been fighting together for fourteen years; they are now fighting to gether; they will continue fighting together; they are as openly engaged together in a battle with the republicans, as Mark Antony and Octavius Caesar were engaged together j j against Brutus and Cassius at the battle of j Pharsalia. It - they conquer, it will be the | joint conquest of the banks and the federal lists; and the re-establishment of the bank ! will be the first fruit of victory. And what a | bank would it be? In point of capital, fifty | or an hundred millions; in point of duration, ififty or an hundred years; in point of power, j unlimited ; in point of responsibility, nothing; j in point of ownership, exclusively federal and I foreign ! Such would be the tank that would | be established, and established by those who ! are its attorneys, parasites, and debtors; by : those who are its mercenaries, its pensioners, | and its political confederates ; hv those who, ! in the last fourteen years, have shown them j selves to be the defenders of every crime ■ which a National Bank could commit; the i defenders of all the violations of its charter, of its bribery of politicians and editors, of its j audacious refusal to be examined by a com mittee of the House of Representatives, of its j wanton and wicked expansions and contrac i tions, to make pressure, panic and distress, of its criminal suspensions and irredeemable | paper speculations, its commercial monopoly ; and oppression of individual enterprise, of its false and infamous charges against President j Jackson, and of its felonious issue of the peni tentiary notes. Such would he the charac ■ ters to establish the new hank ! And what a i bank they would establish! Os all the foun i tains of corruption; of all the engines of j despotism; of all the machines of seduction, ! oppression, revenge and avarice, that ever j were seen, it would be the most powerful and and prolific. Anti in speaking of it politically ; as a Federal machine, let ii never be under- I stood that we mean such Federalists as for i merly headed that party, most of whom were ! high-minded and honorable men, scorning Treachery and bribery, but such federalists as we now have, calling thems'lves whigs, and led by old federalists who deny their name, and renegade republicans who have joined their ranks, and composing a hireling crew rotnriously held i?’ pay by Btddie’s bank. I These are the kind of federal's who would i have the creation of the new National hank;! and wo to the morals, the property, and the j igovernment of a country, ru’ed by such a; bankas they would create ! In the contest ■ for a hank, then, which is now raging, it is | not a National bank that is depending, but a i party engine, to be the badge of conquest, ; me citadel of strength, the house of refuge, the temple of worship, the hastile ofdeapot ; to i’ ie mongrel federal party now embo i died under the name of whigs. Yt? rep wit : the time has gone hv when ;;n\ Republican can support a National ‘Bank. \\ e ere no longer in the circum stances which mystified some Republicans jon this subject in 1/91 aml 1816. Time and experience, and the events of the present day, •have annihilated all the reasons on which Republicans, who gave in to the support of a bank, then acted. Two ruliag considers- : I tions now condemd what then might be ex cused or tolerated. First , the present easy, early and commodious resumption of specie ! 1 payments without the coercion of a National < Bank, which proves both the want of neces sity —and therefore the unconstitutional!!v of jsuch an institution —and also the inexpedi ency of it; for the resumption is not only j | without a National Bank, but infinitely*better without it than with it. Secondly, that, in the present state of parties, and of the coun ! try, no National Bank, i. e. no bank having the charadesictics of a national institution, can be created ; and that an attempt to create one, could only establish an engine of party ; —a mere Federal partizan engine—to be ! worked exclusively for party objects and par ly domination. Upon these two reasons, ; leaving out all others, the excuse, or apology, | heretofore used by Republicans in supporting a National Bank, will no longer avaii them. I Those who go for such a bank now, must take ! their lot and part with the Federalists, ar.d ; separate from the Republicans. There are j other questions on which Republicans may J I differ, hut differ without dividing; but in this ■ case the difference of opinion is a difference of principle ; a difference so vital to Repub licanism, to the Constitution and to the couti j try, that, in the present case, there can be no ; going for such a bank without going for the i death of the Republican party. Situated as the country now is, those who are for a U. i States Bank, are for the destruction of the ! Republican party; and, therefore, can no | longer be of it, nor with it, nor in any way belonging to it. We beseech our friends in all quarters of the Union to take the issue, the main issue, I the true issue, the absorbing issue, not merely Jof bank or no bank, but of such a bank— -1 such a monster of partisan power, corrup j tion and revenge—-as the coalesced renegades | and mercenary hirelings, headed by Mr. Bid j die, would grant to the cupidity, ambition, and vengeance of their employer. From the Globe. FEDERAL PRODIGIES. There is nothing more curious or amusing than the method by which lire Federalists get up a reputation for eloquence for their thou sand-a nd-i me prodigies. One thing, howev ever, is still more queer; it is to see the woful disappointment which is depicted on the countenances of their admirers, when they come to Washington to verily the truth of these ridiculous eulogies. In the first place it j is announced, through all the papers of the j | party, that the eloquent Mr. , the distin-! j guished pupil of the great Mr. , has been ; sent to Congress, where his lofty talents will | wither and blast the minions of power, and absolutely pulverise the friends of the Admin istration. At length the eventful day ar rives for his first demonstration, when the galleries are packed with a partial audience, profusely sprinkled with ladies fair, who have i come Jo admire and applaud the interesting vou.ig prodigy. The occasion being happily chosen, the observed of all observers rises gracefully, arranges his curls studiously on his forehead, attunes his voice, and pours forth a studied effort, a sort of prepared ex tempore, loaded with figures and metaphors, denouncing the alleged abuses of power with vehemence, and extolling (he virtues and pa triotism of the immaculate party to which he belongs. The hired correspondents are all at their desks, pretending to take notes; the older members of the party, headed, perhaps, by two or three Senators, the patrons of the ingenuous youth, crowd around him; the ladies smile and wave their handkerchiefs; and the premeditated admirers in the galleries interchange glances of approbation, or ‘won der with a foolish face of praise.’ At length the actor, having exhausted his 4 speech, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing,’ takes his seat with an air of pompous self-compla cency, and receives, with affected modesty, the congratulations of his friends and fellow politicians. A flattering buzz murmurs through the hall, and the petty Whig triumph is consummated. But the drama is not yet ended. The hired letter writers prepare a report pretty much after their own fashion, plentifully larded with marks of admiration and interjec tions of applause. They hail the young ora tor as a second Demosthenes, whose thunders shake the legislative hall, causing the minions of power to quake, and filling the hearts of Ihe opposition with courage and enthusiasm. These veracious reports are then exhibited to ! the prodigy himself, who approves of the eu -1 logy, or actually alters and heightens it to suit his idea of himsell, and thus it goes forth to the world, to be copied and recopied by every little Whig print from Maine to Louisiana.— This is the way in which Whig reputations are made. But now comes the catastrophe. The simple youth, his head addled by the spu rious tributeof fit vor, unfortunately determines ! to print his speech as lie. spoke if, or with amendments and amplifications. The press is the experimentum crucis. At length the eighth wonder of the world makes its appear ance, duly heralded to the world by a flatter ing prelude in the kind columns of the Intelli gencer. Great, then, is the disappointment of Whi ggery. The product of the mountain turns out to be a mouse; the grand birth proves a mere ‘sooterkin of wit;’ friends blush and are silent; and the Federal lumi nhrv, which turns out to be a farthing candle, goes out in snuff and smoke. From the Portland, Me. Argus, Sept. 12. THE GRAND RESULT—UNPRECEDENT ED DEMOCRATIC VICTORY. Words are inadequate to express the grati fication and joy we feel, in laying before our readers the following particulars of the most splendid political victory on record. Maine stands forth ‘ redeemed, regenerated, disen thral. td,’ with every branch of the Govern ment, for the coming year, thoroughly demo cratic. We have not oniy beaten, but hare overwhelmed the enemy—driving them in dismay and confusion from the holds of pow er of which they had become possessed by accident. The people have more than made good our prediction that John Fairfield would be elected by three thousand majority —they have taken matters into their own hands, and : have settled them to suit themselves. They ! have consigned the federal party to a posi-. lion little this side of absolute oblivion —a po- j sition from which it can never advance a step, j unless by the tacit consent of that democracy j which has only to he aroused bv the en croachment of federal power, to place insur- j mountable barriers around it. The federalists went into this campaign confident of success. They did nut doubt j that the lavish expenditure of money, and the j means of oppression held and exercised by (Item, would prove too powerful for the tie- 1 nioc.-acv, and that by the aid of those they , could purchase and those they could intimi- j date, they would be able to retain their ill- : gained and worse exercis'd power. The democracy went into the contest equally con fident, but relying alone upon the goodness of their cause—the virtue and intelligence of the People, and their known disposition to sustain democratic principles withKercnluan strength, whenever they might be endangered by fed- j .era! success. The vote is the largest ever given in the j State, by thousands. The whole of both parties were out —-and the victory is rendered the more signal-and decisive by this fact.— Our triumph is not an accidental one —but, on the contrary, has been gained against es- : forts, tricks, and weapons, such as, we trust! for the honor of human nature, were never! before used to an equal extent. With near ly every voter in tiie state at the polls, the! democrats have carried every branch of the government by majorities so completely over whelming, that it may well be doubted wheth er their opponents can again rally in any con siderable numbers lor severa’ coining years. There is scarcely a vestige of the federal par ty left—it has* been routed —beaten—de- molished! and that too, in defiance of an effort and organization on their part, of unprece dented extent and exactness. We congratulate the Democracy of the state—and of the whole nation —on this most auspicious result. It is indicative ot theral-) : lying of the democracy of the country in all i its vigor and strength. Maine was the first J slatelo give way under tiie combined influ-: ence of toe pressure, and political lassitude on j the part of the democracy. Most nobly has j she redeemed herself! 4 Dirigo upon her i arms is the voice of her democracy!—they j direct—they govern —:hey dictate terms to a defeated, dispirited and scattered enemy ! Laits aco! the right has triumphed ! From the returns received —and they have been brought in with unpredented despatch— we sum up the grand result, as follows: John Fairfield elected Governor by about ! four thousand majority. Six democratic Congressmen elected, viz: York, Nathan Clifford. Cumberland, Albert Smith. Oxford, Virgil D. Parris. Waldo, Hugh J. Anderson. Penob. and Sorn. Thomas Devee. Han. and Wash. Joshua A. Lowell. A democratic majority in the Senate. 1 A democratic majority in the House of Re | preservatives* Tiie federalists have elected their Con ; gressmen in Kennebec; and probably in Lin coln. Where all have done so well, it would be invidious to discriminate—but we cannot forbear an allusion to the immense majorities! iin Waldo and Oxford. They exceeded our j ■ calculations by hundreds; our friends there | ! deceived us, but it was a deception whose’ exposure filled our hearts with gratitude—an j exposure honorable to them, and indicative of a spirit of patriotism worthy all commenda tion. Covi.vGTOjr, August 23, 1333. Gentlemen: Your letter of the Bth instant; is received, informing me of your appoint ment, under a resolution unanimously pass ed by a large portion of the citizens of Frank lin and other counties in Georgia, at a meet ing recently held at Carnesville, to inquire of each candidate for Congress in the State of Georgia, his opinions relative to the Consti tutionality and expediency, of establishing a U. S. Bank, and to request them to make known their choice for the Presidency, be i tween Van Buren, Clay, Webster and Har rison. We have indeed arrived at an important political crisis, and it is no matter of surprise j that the freemen of Franklin should he dis posed to institute a particul lr inquiry into the ‘ opinions and political principles of those who are to rearesert them. In ray letter of accep tance, addressed to the committee appointed by ihe late Union Convention to notify me of mv nomination, I distinctly announced my opinions relative to the expediency of estab lishing a U. S. Bank—the independent Treas ury system—and my .choice of the candidates j fir tiie Presidency. By a reference to that! letter, it will he seen that I am decidedly op- j posed to the establishment of a U. S. Bank upon the ground of expediency—that 1 am j in favor of an entire seperation of the go- > vernmenr from all connection with the Banks, j and that I prefer Mr. Van Buren to anv ofj the candidates who have been spoken of far i the Presidency. Since penning that letter, j nothing has transpired to change the opinions then expressed. The local Banks every where are commencing specie payments. — The distress and embarrassments which the country was then suffering, are giving place to a more prosperous state of things, and we have now every reason to congratulate our selves upon the dawn of a better day. In relation to the constitutionality of a U. S. Bank, I would state that I regard this govern ment as emphatically federal, possessing cer tain specified powers for general purposes. I believe it can rightfully exercise such pow ers only as have been specifically granted by the States, or are absolutely necessary and proper to carry the delegated powers into’ effect. The power to charter companies is j no where to he found among the specified 1 powers, and if it exists at all, must be classed I among the implied powers. Its friends have ! fixed on various provisions of the constitution ! from whence to deduce the right to charter a ! Bank, and have supported their positions with great ingenuity and eloquence. To admit, however, that Congress has the right to char ter a United Stales Bank, because such a Bank might be a convenient agent in the col lection and disbursement of the public reven ues, would be opening a wide field of con struction, and thereby conceding to the go vernment powers almost unlimited. I believe we have a currency independent of a United Slates Bank, that will answer all’ purposes of commerce, and that a Bank is’ not necessary to the government in the col- j lection and disbursement of its revenues. If, however, in these opinions I am in error, let time and experience put me right’; and then, and not until then, will I admit the constitu tional right of this government to ch-irter a U. S. Bank. In offering this brief reply to the enquiries contained in your letter, I have taken the liberty of adverting to my opinion on the independent treasury system, in order that this letter may be taken as a reply to ihe in jquiriesof my fellow-citizens, both of Frank !!m and Taliaferro counties. I have omitted ; to say any thing about what is called the Pet | Bank system. It seems to receive but little favor from the public, and is in my opinion decidedly the worst of the three financial pro positions submitted to the present Congress. With great respect, Your oh’t. servant, BARZILLIA GRAVES. 1 .7. E. Whitten, Thus. Graves, Bfc. Eclipse. —There will be almost a total eclipse of the sun, on Tuesday next, 13th in stant. ii will be the last central eclipse visi i hie in the United States, until the 26th of May, 1854. The next total eclipse will be ■ j in 3564. llovv many of us, who will look upon that ; eclipse on Tuesday next, will be gathered to ! our lathers before we can see its like again. It is a melancholy thought that, and may be turned to a good account by those who be- Nieve in a long hereafter. We never look at any thing for the last time but it is sure to 1 awaken a train of sad and chastened thoughts, 1 sweet memories, and far hopes, from the con-j templation of which, if we do not rise Chris tians, we are at least led to 4 commune with | our own heart and be still.’ The time has ! gone by when the eclipse cast fear among the | ! nations, as the direful portent of some great i calamity. Their periodical returns, by the | light of Philosophy, are now reduced to a mathematical certainty, and instead of re garding them with superstitious fears, we look upon them as the natural operations of a vast machinery, whose architect is God ! But we look with awe, yet not with fear. Who among us can sav, that he will live to see the eclipse of 1854, and yet we fret and build up castles in this pigmy world as though it were home.— Si. Joseph Times. We follow the world in approving others, i hut we go before it in approving ourselves. SENTINEL & HERALD. COLUMBUS, SEPTEMBER 27, 1838. UNION CONGRESSIONAL TICKET. ALFRED I\ ERSON, of fyluscogee. ROBERT W. POOLER, of Chatham. JOSIAH S. PATTERSON, of Farly. DAVID CAMPBELL, of Si lib. JUNIUS HILLYER, of Clark. CHARLES H. NELSON, of Cherokee. 11. GRAVES, of Newton. J. G. McWHORTER, of Richmond. GEN. JOHN W. BURNEY, of Jasper. For Senate. J. P. H. CAMPBELL. For House of Representatives. JOHN L.’ HARP. JOHN L. LEWIS. DISSOLUTION. The co-partnership that existed between the subscribers, is dissolved hy mutual con sent. The accounts due the concern will be in the hands of B. V. Iverson, or his agent, who will attend to their settlement. B. V. IVERSON, J. B. WEBB. Columbus, Sept. 1, 1838. ‘ THE THRONE AYE HONOR IS THE PEO PLE’S choice.’ In the rapid flight of lime, the period has again almost arrived, when the freemen of Georgia will assemble at the polls, and cast their suffrages for the weal or woes their country. It remains to be seen, what ac count the future historian will he able to give of this period in our political history—this all momentous and important crisis. It will either be said, that the great body of the people, holding the Constitution of their country in one hand, and the means of ma | king their sovereign will known in the other, j with a firm and fearless step, marched to the | polls, looking only to the great and glorious principles of that sacred instrument, which binds us together as one nation, as a band of ! brothers, swayed by no feelings but the love I of country, feeling no emotions but the sub j lime enthusiasm of patriotic devotion, cast ! their votes for principle and that country’s | good. Or the story must he mournfully told in after days, to all who worship the bright spirit of liberty, that the sons of that noble race, native and adopted, lost sight of princi ple, permitted themselves to be governed by other influences, cast their votes in such a manner as to foster and cherish the already rooted germ of a mighty power at war with the pure princ : ples of Democracy, and which, with such encouragement, must grow and strengthen with an appalling and fearful | celerity. We are not enough governed by principle; ; and we are too much prone perhaps, to form hasty and inaccurate conclusions, and even when our principles are formed, we do not adhe-e to them with that stern and inflexible j devotion necessary to their maintenance ; we ; are apt to suffer ourselves to be drawn aside, by motives of an inferior and lower order than those which should influence the bosoms of republicans. Personal predilections in j favor of those who oppose our principles— | old and long established political associations j —favors bestowed, and innumerable other considerations, are often brought to bear j upon our conduct, and we are made to lose sight of principle and duty. Many of these ! are the evidences of a full exertion of the | softer virtues; but the soul of patriotism is 1 cast in a higher mould ; it is more stern; it looks only to its duty, without regard to sacri t flee, or, if it regards the sacrifice which it is compelled to make, it does so, upon the same principle only, that Scipio wept over the ruins of prostrate and flaming Carthage, which his arih had laid low, in obedience to the high duty he owed his beloved Rome. If sacrifices are painful, let us take the lessons of example, and learn cheerfully to make them. Archimedes, after he had firmly esta ! Wished his government in the affections of ! , D i his countrymen; when they were ready to number him amongst the gods ; whilst, wher ever he turned, he was met by universal ho mage ; fearing lest his countrymen should forget, after his death, the blessings by which they were surrounded, under pretence of tra velling into a foreign land in pursuit of wis dom, called together the Spartans, and exact ed from them an oath, that the principles of government which he had established should remain unchanged until his return ; and that the same should be handed down to their children. This done, the noble Spartan passed into voluntary exile, never to return ; fondly hoping by this sacrifice, to make those principles and their blessings immortal.— Leonidas and Miltiades embrace their weep ing families and friends, as for the last time, and rejecting all the offers that wealth and honor could afford, rush to certain death upon the plains of Marathon, and the straits of Thermopylae ; and Brutus slays his friend, jn the face of the world, to free his country, and then offers himself a voluntary sacrifice to the eause of freedom. Even royalty is not wanting in example. Peter the Great, of Russia, coming to an absolute throne, and finding his subjects ignorant and debased, lays aside the robes of state, and as a private subject, travels into foreign countries, braving every difficulty and danger, to learn those arts and sciences, which he succeeded in transplanting in his own country, for the im provement and happiness of his subjects. But is our own country wanting in example ? j Here, it is not that one or two, have distin guished themselves by’voluntary sacrifices in . behalf of principle ; but thousands (and thank j God they were our sires) embraced their wretched families, and left them exposed, in many cases, to the dangers to be apprehend : ed from a merciless savage foe, and rushed to the standard of their country. Th;s was for principle, aye, and for political principle too. It was not the intolerance of the go vernment of the parent country, that caused our fathers to be surrounded by the dangers and fatigues of war, and to brave the halter, 1 but it was because of the odious character of the principle contained in tire Stamp act. And shall we, the sons of revolutionary fathers—the offspring of men who battled fur principle—the representatives of those who planted the standard of freedom in lire spirit of noble daring, and who besprinkled its ; floating folds with their own blood ; shall we prove recreant to the cause which animated those who have gone before us? No. In the maintainance of those great princi ples upon which our government waserectedi , let us contend zealously, but nobly ; scorning { i to play with ‘ trifles light as air'—soaring i above the petty rivalries of partisan feeling, and grasping the Constitution with a stiong hand, sustain with intellectual independence, its pure principles, sound wisdom, and whole some laws. THE STATE RIGHTS CONGRESSIONAL TICKET. With all due respect for our political op ponents, we must be permitted to say that the support of their ticket for Congress must, necessarily involve them in the most palpable contradictions, and subject them to the impu tation of the most wanton and reckless disre gard for pr.nciple. We find upon that ticket, according to their own showing, men pro fessing principles as directly opposite as the poles—strict constructionists and the wildest latitudinarians —those in favor of a given policy, as well as those in favor of no policy at all, but opposed to the policy proposed. They seem to think it merit enough to oppose the measures of the present administration, without offering any reason for that opposi tion, or proposing themselves any other mea sure that will meet the present exigencies. We find Sub-Treasury men and United States Bank men ; anil as wc cannot give to the others an affirmative, we must be par doned for giving them a negative cognomen. As they have not been pleased to advise us of what they do believe, we must content our selves with noticing what they do not believe. They do not believe in the Sub-Treasury scheme—they do not believe in a United States Bank—they do not believe in the pet bank system —t'nev do not believe in the spe cie circular. Ask us not what they do believe : on this subject, as we before said, they have maintained the most profound silence. We would respectfully ask, upon what j principle can the State Rights party, profess ing to adhere to a strict construction of the •Constitution, support a United States Bank man? They, as a party, as well as ourselves, have ever denied to Congress the right, under the Constitution, to charter such an institu tion; and yet Mr. Habersham is an avowed Bank man. The State Rights or nullification part *both in Georgia and Carolina, but a few brief years since, were ready to take up arras to defend themselves against the opera tions of an unconstitutional lav/—a law ema nating from the implied powers contended to be granted, the very same source from which this power to charter a Bank emanates, and ye! in 1833 we find the same party zealously supporting a Bank champion. Upon what principle of consistency, we would ask, can they support those who oppose both the Sub Treasury and a Bank, and yet propose no substitute ? If they have fanned no opinions, they cannot be fit representatives of the peo ple of Georgia, who have, we think, mads up their minds upon the great question of the divorce. Is it the intention of those gentle men to go into office unpledged to any course of policy? What guarantee have the people that the course which they may pursue may not be in direct opposition to their will; and if the people vote for the maintainance of principle, we would ask, what principles do they maintain hy the support of those gentle men ? But we are gravely told that they are not disposed, on their part, to make the great question of the divorce the test. We would ask what will they make the test? Is there any other question before the country? And remember, when parries cease to be govern ed by some principle, they at once degenerate into faction. But the struggle is to maintain the old party distinctions, for what practical purpose it would now perhaps be difficult to determine. But let us take it upon that ground, and we again ask, if they regard principle, how car. | they support a liberal constructionist! We are told, however, that they, as a j party, are not in the habit of proscribing men for a mere difference of opinion. This is the key to an important secret. Upon what are parties presumed to be formed? We answer, upon principle. For what should they strive? For the support of principle. Now, it is true in politics, as well as in religion, that ‘ they who are not for us, are against us.’ It', then, a man does not believe with a particular party upon principles of vital importance, can he be said to be of that party ? Surely not. Then we ask, for what purpose is he received into fellowship? Not for the advancement of principle, for that he is opposed to. Then the only reason which can be offered is, that he is received and numbered but to increase their numerical strength, and thus to aid them in riding into power, to partake of the ‘ loaves and fishes.’ We do not charge this disposition, or the sanction of it. upon the great body of the people. We believe the unambitious honest; and it is their leaders, their peditieal doctors, who hope thus to manufacture a panacea fori wounded pride and thwarted ambition, and to build up a power that will carry them into office and influence,over prostrate and aban doned principle. Let the people look to it. Georgia Female College. —With Great plea sure do we place in our columns the card of Dr. Lovick Fierce, in relation to this infant institution. Its location—the city of Macon— is about the centre of the State, and is re markable for picturesque scenery and healthy atmosphere: and parents will find it, vastly more agreeable to educate their da ugh- j ters at home, than to send them abroad, and from what we can learn, they will he equally well instructed in a!l the elements of solid and refined education, as they could be in any of the Northern cities. The institution lias our most cordial wishes for its future prosperity. Sub-Treasury. —An article in another co lumn, taken from the Charleston Mercury.! defines with much accuracy the Independent! Sub-Treasury. It is an important subject,! and should be thoroughly understood by every 1 :nan m the country. We beg our readers to read it attentively. Yellow Fever. — A few cases have occurred j in Mobile, and in Charleston it continues to ; show itself; but the purifying frosts of autumn ■ will soon drive it from its haunts of loathsome | visitation. Let fly that CorJ:. —A city correspondent,’ addressing* us as editor,-says, ‘you are a sparkling fellow’—thank you Colonel—ditto yourself, say we—our preference is for the j ‘Key brand’ —that’s your mark, is it not 1 neighbor, eh ? MR. BLACK’S GFTNION OF HENRY CL AT, The following portiori of Mr. Black’s letter, addressed to the citizens of Taliaferro, is a well drawn portrait of the * orator of the West;’ and when you* have said ‘ orator ,’ you have said all about him which an honest patriot can possibly say and admire; and we doubt not but this paragraph will prove the most popular portion of this gentleman’s es say —for we believe if there be a state in the Union whose voice will be heard to thunder loudest in the opposition to Henry Clay, that state will he stern old Republican Georgia. Hear what a State Rights candidate for Congress will say about the great W 1.% champion —the old school Federalist! ‘ If genius and intellect of the highest order —if oratorical powers comparable to the ablest efforts of ancient or modern times —it u free a. and generous character in every tiling personal to himself, were the only attributes and qualifications necessary to constitute a wise, just, and efficient magistrate, upon whom the south as well as the west could rely for the protection of her constilutonal rights, I should certainly select Henry Clay, in pre ference to almost any man, tor the exalted sta tion to which he aspires. But unfortunately there are ‘dark spots on his stin,’ which to the eyes of a Southern man, educated in the strict tenets of our political faith, must eclipse all his brightness, and obscure ah his efful gence. He has been charged with advoca ting in a convention of the people of Ken tucky, and more recently at a meeting of the Colonization Society, the abolition of slavery, and the charge, though publicly made, has never been denied; he is (he father of the so called ‘American System,’ the plain English of which is. he goes for a high protective ta riff of discriminating duties. He has sug gested a ‘ fifty millions national bank;’ he approves the Proclamation and Force Bill, and has lately boasted, in the Senate of the United States, 1 hat ‘ He’ had saved the necks of the State Rights men of the south from Gen. Jackson’s snare and halter ! He is a consolidationist, and if elected to the of fice he seeks, would do, as he has done, every thing in his power to convert ibis confedera tion of states into a splendid, central, consoli dated government. Although a representa tive of the west, his patriotism lias become so extensive of late, as to take into its embrace all sorts of people, bankites, taritrites, con solidationis.ts, federalists, and all; in short, ho has no political interest or principles in com mon with us. and we could not reasonably expect him to side with us in any future con test. iliat might unfortunately occur in rela tion to win - violated rights. ‘ For these reasons Henry Clay is not my ‘ choice for President.’ I admire him as u man of power ful and fascinating talents, but we must be wholly forgetful of what we have been, and are, before we can support him for any office.’ •’ The weary sun hath made a golden set, Amt, bv the bright track of bis fiery car. Gives token of a goodly day to-morrow.’ We are upon the eve of an election, which we believe will result more gloriously than even those of Missouri and Maine have done* The sun that shall rise next Monday morn ing, will look out upon a vast multitude of Georgia democrats, pressing to the polls with the fire of patriotism in their eyes, and the love of the Constitution in their hearts, resol ved to sustain the original principles of our government, and to crush the monopolizing spirit of the ajre. Let every man who is justly entitled to vote, exercise that glorious privilege; leave your offices and your compting houses ; your work-shops, and your farms, and come forth in your character of freemen, and support the Constitution and laws. By the command of our beloved Washington , you are urged to come: the lingering spirit of Jefferson bids you to the polls, for liberty soars cot with as tiee a wing, as when he wrote the immortal Declaration of Independence! The ambi tious and designing would throw around us the clanking chains of aristocracy, and bind I us with the cords of a monied influence ; but •he spirit that was born in ’76—that breathed its first note in the cradle of liberty, can neither be bound jior stifled. It was a young Hercules then; it is a full grown giant now; and the sound of its voice, the tramp of its loot, or the wave of its hand, can shake em pires, kingdoms and thrones. Faith in the sacied cause of Union ; faith in the constitutional principle of divorce be tween the genera! government and the hanks; faith in equal rights and impartial legislation,’ and ‘good works;’ industrious and energetic operations on the day of election, will insure the success of the Union Democratic cause, throughout the State. ‘ Ihe Union must and shall he preserved.’ SPLENDID TRIUMPH. Maine has triumphed gloriously ! Feder alism is defunct! Democracy is bitrii in the. ascendant! In another column will be found a ‘ bill of particulars.’ Vermont, too, has made a gain of one Member of Congress for trie Administration ! These, added to the splendid victories lately achieved in the West, must make the Whigs ! shake iri their shoes; and when the stentori an voices of New York and Pennsylvania shall he heard, great must be the consterna tion of the Opposition. THE SOUTH CAROLINIAN. This paper, formerly the South Carolina Times, has passed into the hands of the Messrs. Pemberton. It is now upon our ta ble, and gives strong evidence of the ener getic and substantial aid which it will afford tithe spread and establishment of that great i Democratic principle called divorce. The J enormous banking influence of the country | must be checked, or our liberties are in dan | ger. The South Carolinian will prove a per ; foci David with his sling, to slay jhe mighty Goliath. Another hero of. the Turf gone. —We re gret to announce the death of Turnbull , a race horse of much celebrity in this state, j He died on Monday last, after a painful ill— ; ness of two weeks. With proud disdain has | he often trod the turf beneath his hoofs, but it now lies lightly upon his carcass. He has run out his f.ect career, and has heard tha last tap of the drum. He was a horse of great value, and his loss will be severely felt by his spirited owner, Mr. Edmondson. The Races. —There are twenty-two horses in training here for the races, which will be gin on the second Tuesday in October, and amongst them many of superior racing pow ers. Robin Hood, Count Zaidivar, Gerow, John Guedron, Alice Ann, Charlotte Barnes and lone are of the number. A couple of the Wild Cat Banks of Micbv* gan have wound up.