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Vrm the Richmond Enquirer. PROS till IEJ We have seen, with more indignation than surprise, the course which has beeni pursued *. y !h abolitionists and some ol the it lugs o. New York. lue have gone at last into the political arena with their voir*, and made a political question on their nefarious doctrines. We humbly think, that the effort feiiouiii have been .-corned, and put down at; once —tliti l the candidates on both sides should j • least :i::ve met (heir interrogatories, in si - j if the 1 -’ did not openly and in—| ..riant:-, renel this attempt to dragoon them tion cause. This I is do cot It is not like the anti- j i!-c temperance cause — j Li . i. questions, whicli are apt U j ; . „tg up ni Use heat of tire passions, ami j increase the excitement of the moment from ! the very violence of the discussion. But this i abolition question appeals to interests, in j which one portion of our country is deeply i concerned. It appeals to the safety ol ourj families. What is worse —no action can oe | taken upon it. without threatening to violate the whole spirit, if not the very letter, of the great constitutional charter which binds the Union together. Thus menacing a violation of the Constitution —thus producing a sec tional discussion —thus fanning an excitement which may be encouraged by indulgence, or j augmented by throwing fresh fuel upon the flumes —die evil is calculated to spread, to divide us into hostile sections, and, unless ar rested in due time, it even threatens ro dis solve this holy Union asunder. For these reasons, we had indulged the hope, that whenever the abolitionists had been violent enough to go into the market with their votes, the more discreet politicians of all parties, would have set their faces against the whole proceedings, rejected all overtures, repelled all agitation, refused any answer to their mis chievous interrogatories. But we have seen not only these queries answered by both parties, hut we fiave seen their votes absolutely courted by a portion of the Whig press. We have seen, however, the republican press assume the proper tone upon the occasion, and denounce with be coming spirit the mad designs of those furious fanatics. Nothing more strongly demon strates the lengths into which ‘ the madness of party’ is now transporting some of the Whigs of New York, than to see one of these editors, who is familiar with the institutions and at tached to the interests of the South, and des pises the efforts of the abolitionists, now fall ing into the current, and indirectly invoking their votes in support of the Whig ticket ! But to the few quotations, which we meant to lay before our readers, from the papers of New York : The The JYeio York Commercial wonders how any abolitionist can vote lor the Van Buren ticket. The JYeio York American is fearful that some of the Whig abolitionists will not vote for Seward, and argues the question with them. It says, on the 2d inst.: ‘ The duty of Electors. —We ventured some suggestions yesterday, touching the duty, which, at a crisis like the present, seems to us incumbent upon all opponents of the party in power, viz.: to unite m strenu ous efforts to overthrow it. We addressed ourselves particularly to those among our fellow citizens, who, entertaining a deep ab horrence of slavery, and especially of the slave trade as carried on in the District of Columbia—very naturally desire to ensure, so far as their votes can effect it, the election of men who coincide in these views. Leav ing to operate as they may the suggestions thus made, we would now ask of those of our Whig friends—who look indifferently upon the topics which so deeply move the mem bers of anti-slavery societies —or who think the agitation of them at this lime, improper —that they, too, will make sortie concession to the views of others, and give practical evi dence of their real attachment to free princi ples, free opinion, and free discussion, by al lowing to others the liberty they claim, of en tertaining and expressing, without risk of prejudice or loss to themselves, the convic tions of their own hearts and understandings.’ The same number of the American*con tains a communication under the signature of *An who assigns his reasons why lie cannot vote for Seward—and con cludes by saying: ‘ All the reasons that ap ply to Whig abolitionists apply to Van Btiren abolitionists. We shall leave the scuffle to the two parties. We shall take no part in it, except to vote for Mr. Bradish, who has commended himself, hy his honorable and manly course, to every man who estimates the great principles of liberty higher than the minor objects about which the parties are contending. When they both learn more wisdom, they will find us returning to our proper places—whence we have been banish ed by their intolerance and folly.’ The American argues the matter with the abolitionist, contests all his positions—and concludes its strictures in the following strain : ‘ The sixth and last objection, is taken from the phraseology in which Mr. Seward an nounces his disposition to respect the lav.', which prevents the owner of slaves in other states to travel through or reside nine months in our state without forfeiting their slaves. Now, we surrender Mr. Seward’s style at once, if that be any propitiation, and say we think he might have expressed more carefully or mure happily his purpose—the abolition ists themselves will join us in calling it his laudable purpose—of sustaining a law of his state while it is the law—but we submit that it is no good ground of political opposition, that a candidate does not always give the best reasons for right actions. ‘ In conclusion, we cannot but repeat our conviction, that duty to themselves, duty to their country, and even duty to their own peculiar cause, requires from the members of anti-slavery societies positive action, and that the abandonment of the political field alluded to hy our correspondent, is, in fact, little short of treason to our institutions and com mon country.’ The New York Gazette in one article in dignantly disclaims the charge, that. ‘ the dis !; rent, totally different, answers given by our a-'Udiiiaies io> Governor and Lieutenant Go vernor to the question*! of ti>e abolitionists, v'. :o the rcsu”- o ; < ions party contri i:.ii a-.. and then proceeds to the a--. •; age >-i lire New York American New ii k (> i.• Ito as a proof of it’— ami in the course of its reply, repeats what it hurl previously said, ‘ that Seward had kept his faith with the Convention, because we knew very well that body nominated him without reference to that question, and would not have nominated him if a majority of its members had believed it possible for him to j play into the hands of those disorganizes, by furnishing them with new material for mis chief. This is what we said.’ This is the proper language to hold towards these disor ganizes. But in another article in the same; number, it makes the following appeal to the abolitionists : ‘lf tire abolitionists were all actuated by j such feelings as are evinced in the following 1 circular, we should feel ail proper respect fori them as men and as politicians, however deeply we might regret their opinions upon; a particular point of public policy and public duty. The third reason place t before ihe anti-slavery men for casting their votes for Mr. Seward, is perfectly unanswerable, and there is not a living abolitionist who can an-, swer it, to his conscience or his consistency. We protest against every thing in the nature; f truckling to these people, or asking any, thing of them as a favor—but there are many I amiable and sensible men among them—-sen-’ sible we mean on any point but this—and it. is well enough to address such a reason to them. It is to reach their undeistandings, therefore, that we publish this calm and (aiuiost) sensible circular. Seusible certainly |,„ this respect. How is it possible, sure enough, (or an abolitionist to vote in *avor o! a Van Buren man, or what is equivalent, withhold mg his vole lbr a Whig, when it is w well known that Mr. Van Buren, in his I very first add:*•■&* to his constituents declared ! unequivocally, that he would veto anv and [every measure that Congress might adopt ■ favorable to the wishes of the abolitionists ? :We trust that the mandate sent forth from this city under the authority of the Tappans will be disregarded.’ The Circular to which the Gazette refers, is the paper issued by the abolitionists of Al bany, (which vve re-puhlish in our previous columns) and its 3J article is as folio ws : ‘ 3J. Nlr. Seward is the candidate of the party that opposes the re-election of a Presi dent wlio stands pledged to veto any bill ‘abolishing slavery in the District of Colum bia.’ We are glad to see that the New York Juarual of Commerce treats the matter upon a different key. It says on Tuesday last, that ‘ The abolitionists of she county of Erie have been serving a catechism upon the can didates for office there, quite different from that propounded by Jay and Smith. The Erie men want to know what the candidates will do with abolition petitions, what about the internal slave trade, and slavery in the District of and Texas, s.nd what about new states with slaves. They might have enquired whether the candidates would vote against the moon being permitted to shine on this world, until it is proved that she does not harbor slavery in her regions. Mr. Barker, the Van Buren candidate for Congress, has given them one of the best let ters we have seen on the subject, in which he says lie is opposed to the admission of Texas into the Union, without reference to the question of slavery, and that he would treat anti-slavery petitions as they were treated last winter. Mr. Fillmore, the Whig candidate, says he is in a hurry, so will an swer ait his questions in the affirmative. The questions show great ignorance or wilful mis understanding of existing facts, and we reckon that when they get all their answers together they will be much in the condition of a man we once knew, who when he thought of entering on any business, would go around to some ten or a dozen of his neighbors and ask their advice. He got so many differing opinions, that at the conclu sion he was, for himself, quite unable to have an opinion at all. By the way, the aboli tionists hereabouts have, under the signatures of the President and Secretary of the Ameri can Anti-Slavery Society, been directed to strike Mr. Seward from their tickets, and all other persons who do not meekly say ‘yes’ to what questions the}’ happen to put.’ Arid what says the Van Buren press to this insolent interference of the abolitionists with politics ? What, for instance, says the leading Van Buren paper in the state of New York, the Albany Argus? It deprecates and denounces in the strongest terms this prosti tution of abolitionism to the purposes of par ty. In its number of Friday last, it says : ‘ Such is the shallow trap the federo aboli tion leaders have laid for their followers! But we must confess, shallow as it is, we can see nothing in the principles or conduct of the great body of the Federal Abolitionists or anti-abolitionists, that leads us to suppose that it will be detected or spurned by them, though we do not thipk the honest portion will be thus easily gulled. We will not ex patiate upon the paltriness of the device ; nor will we contrast it with the slrait forward course of the Democratic candidates for the same offices. The courses of both are alike characteristic of the parties they represent; the one mean and truckling to the humors of those whose services are needed, the other dictated alone by principle, and regardless alike of personal and party considerations.’ But even the abolitionists themselves are not all thus to be taken in. It is said, that several of the abolition votes in the city of New York have been given to Lewis Tap pan, instead of being concentrated on the Whig ticket. The New York correspon dent of the National Intelligencer writes on Monday, (during the election.) ‘ The aboli tionists are doing us a good deal of mischief in the city, but much more mischief in the interior, particularly in Oneida count}'. Here they are running a ticket with Gerrit Smith for Governor, and Lewis Tappan and Ar thur Tappan are also or. the ticket. I have a good deal of apprehension respecting their movements in the state.’ The Albany Argus of Monday morning says, ‘ W! la lever may be the designs of the political abolitionists—the professed members of the anti-slavery societies, whose sole ob ject is to transfer a sincere, but as we be lieve mistaken, feeling to the uses of the fe deral ‘Whig’ candidates —it must be con ceded that a portion of the friends of anti slavery in this state have manifested a sin cere determination to live lip to their profes sions, and support for public office only such as avow themselves in favor of their views of anti-slavery, among whom none are more conspicuous and influential than Mr. Gerrit Smith, whose letters on this subject we pub lish to-day, both as an act of justice to that gentleman,and as matters of general interest.’ Extract of a letter from Gerrit Smith, of Peterboro’, Oct. 29, to the Union Herald, published in Cazenovia, Madison co., N. Y.: ‘There is no longer any probability, that Mr. Tracy will answer the letter, which Judge Jay and ! had the honor to address to him. There will, therefore, he no candidate for Governor, for whom the abolitionists of tins state can consistently and innocently vote; and none for Lieutenant Governor, hut Mr. Bradish. For that upright and able advocate of the cause of impartial and uni versal ’liberty, abolitionists will love to vote. For the other three gentlemen they cannot vote, without being guilty of the basest he lm;, ai of the principles of their holy cause.’ A LETTER FROM GERRIT SMITH, ESQ. ‘ Peterboiso, Oct. 31, 1533. ‘ To the Editor of the Union Herald: ‘ You will herewith receive the answer of Hon. John Tracy to the letter addressed to him l>v Judge Jay and myself. I did not receive it until this day ; and, as the election is so near at hand, I trust you will lose no time in publishing it. Abolitionists wiii rea dy/ see that Mr. Tracy’s answer perfectly harmonizes with the answers of Gov. Marcy and .Mr. Seward; and of course leaves them no other acceptable candidate for Lieutenant Governor but Luthur Bradish, whose noble answer proves him to be the generous and I !earless and able advocate of the cause of impartial and universal liberty. Respectfully yours, GERRiT SMITH.’ From the Albany Argus of Monday morning. ‘ Prostitution of the Abolition question to party purposes. —We gave to the reader on iiaturd iy a copy of the circular, secretly is sued by the political abolitionists of this city, designed to induce the sincere ft lends of the anti slavery party to support Mr. Seward. We learn that the circular has been secret!;/ and extensively circulated throughout the state—that, whilst it has been excluded from the daily Evening Journal, lest its existence should be known here and its character ex posed, it has been published in the country Evening Journal; and that copies have been I addressed to the New York Commercial Ad-; veniser and New York American, the ‘ Sid-j n "v* sec!l(, n of t!ie Federal press, and pre-j tended hail snd half (political) abolitionists, m tvii.cn papers it has been published as in j tye right spirii.’ N-- one can doubt, judging I ‘• and from ail concurring oir-i cuiuM.wues, that it is the-intention of these P°" l * oSi ‘ !nt ' R: ' J -rs o! the anti-slavery eocie-f ties, to transfer abolitionism, as they did ar.ii masonry, to the embrace and use of Fede ralism. ‘ But we are r.ovv enabled to mve some ad ditional facts on this subject, illustrative of (he desperation and shameful resorts of these instruments of the ‘ Whig’ or Federal party, to which we ask the attention ;< honest men of all parties. ‘ Jt will be reeollecff-d, that the circular was signed by six officers of the Albany Young Men’s Auti-<siavery Society, active partisan ‘ to which were added the names of twelve oth.-ir persons, residents of this city, who were presumed to he abolitionists, and volunteer subscribers to the reasons urging the ‘brethren’ to support Mr. Seward. But what will be the public judgment upon the fact, that several of these names were obtain ed through the grossest imposition, and that so far as they are concerned, the circular is a shameful fraud? On Saturday afternoon a communication, of which the following is a copy, was handed in, and its insertion re quested, by one of lhe Messrs. McClure, whose name is attached to it: To the Editors of the Argus. ‘Gentlemen: Our attention has been .drawn to a circular published in tills morn ing’s Argus, addressed ‘ to the Anti-Slavery electois of the state of New York,’ to which our names are attached. Their use there is wholly unauthorised by us. IVe are not members of any anti-slavery society , nor does the circular express our views and sentiments. A. McCLURE, J. McCLURE, FORDYCE SYLVESTER, S. V. R. WA TSON.’ 1 Some time afterwards, the gentleman bv whom it was handed in, called for it, saying that lie desired to show it to others whose names had been unjustifiably used, and that tie would return it. But it was not returned ; excepting in the instance of Mr. Sylvester, whose communication we append to these remarks. ‘The reason why it was not returned— amt why this gross imposition was permitted to go unexposed to the public—was, we are assured, through the personal and urgent so licitations es Thurlow Weed and John Da vis, the Federal candidate for Assembly, and because the Messrs. McClure, who are wor thy and quiet citizens, yielded to the appeals of desperate leaders of the the opposition, with one of whom(Weed) the affair of the cir cular is said to have originated, as a party device, designed to lure the abolitionists, through the mask of pretended abolitionists here, and to serve as ‘a good-enough-Mor gan until after the election.’ ‘We submit the whole matter to the seri ous consideration of every honest elector ; without the least doubt that this shameful clandestine imposiiion, disgraceful as it was in the beginning, will he regarded as at least seven times worse in its latter state. E. Croswell, Esq , Editor of the Argus: ‘ My attention lias been drawn to a circu lar published in this morning’s Argus, ad dressed ‘ to the anti-slavery electors of the state of New York,’ to which my name is at tached. Its use there is wholly unauthorised by me. I am not a member of any anti slavery society, nor does the circular express my views and sentiments. Ido not wish to be made the unwilling instrument of giving over the cause of universal freedom to a party which has successively adopted, rendered odious, and abandoned, the names by which they have been known. FORDYCE SYLVESTER. Albany, Nov. 3, 1838.’ Thus it appears at least that all the aboli tionists will not vote for the Whig ticket— and the N. Y. Journal of Commerce says of the resolutions adopted by the abolition soci ety of the city of New York, refusing to vote for Marcy or Seward : ‘According to the resolution of the aboli tionists, published as an advertisement in our paper of yesterday, it is plain that they can support neither Seward nor Marcv for Go vernor, nor Tracy for Lieutenant Governor ; for neither of these gentlemen 1 ave ‘ answer ed all their questions affirmatively.’ Bradish, the Whig candidate for Lieutenant Govern or, they can support —for he has been foolish enough to succumb to them. We shall now be able to ascertain the strength of the abo lition party in politics.’ Another Sign ! —Poulson’s Philadelphia Daily Advertiser (Whig) has the following significant paragraph : “A NUT FOR V. BUREN ABOLITIONISTS. ‘ Extract from Mr. Fan Buren*a Inaugural Address. ‘ I must go into the Presidential chair, the inflexible and uncompromising opponent of every attempt on the part of Congress, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, against the wishes of the slave-holding slates; and also with a determination equally decided to resist the slightest interference with it in the states where it exists.’ * * * * * ‘ It now only remains to add. that no bill CONFLICTING WITH THF.SE VIEWS CAN EVER RECEIVE MY CONSTITUTIONAL SANCTION.’ The Federal Party. —The exultation of victory, and the desperation of defeat, have both revealed, in succession, the true charac ter of the Federal party. It is distinguished from the Democracy, not only by a difference of opinion with regard to certain measures of policy, put still more so by an antipathy to the very principles which are at the founda tion of Republican Government. In the mo ment of apparent victory, the Opposition re sorted to expedients of deception and co ercion, which prove that it did not found its hope of success upon the deliberate, abiding approval, by the people, of its doctrines and policy. Now, when its budding hopes have been blasted by unexpected defeat on every side, it has grown desperate, and resorts to expedients, which plainly show its contempt and hatred for popular institutions. It no longer conceals its weapons, but practises, in the light of day, frauds the most palpable, and contrivances the most dishonest. It o-penly attempts to violate the purity of elec tion, and to impose upon the country, men who have been rejected by the voice of their constituents. Indignant as we feel at the de grading spectacle of corruption so undisguised at this early stage of our history, vve yet laugh to scorn ail these efforts to deceive and coerce an intelligent and spirited people. We know liiat nothing effective can be ac- I complished in tills country in defiance of the popular will, and that the very attempt will but hasten and confirm the downfall of those who are so mad, or rather silly, as to con : ceive so impotent a design. Yet we think it our duty to call the attention of the people to the fact which we have already stated, that the Federal party is not only opposed to the measures of the Republican Administration, but is inimical to the fundamental principles and institutions of domestic liberty.— Glebe. In Kentucky there are colleges for women, whicii confer on their pupils the titles of ‘ M. P. L.’ ‘ M. A.’ &.c. meaning ‘ Mistress of Po lite Literatute,’ ‘Mistress of Arts.’ Somebody suggests an improvement, and recommends institutions, which instead of these titles, shati give their students, ‘M. G. P.’ Make Good Puddings, ‘ H. G. C.’ Has Good Children. ‘ K. S. N.’ Knit Stockings Neatly, ‘ M. H. H.’ Makes Husbands Happy. — Mobile Ex. CAtTIO-V. IDO hereby forewarn a:l perrons from trading for two promissory NOTES, made payable to James Gorreii, of Henrj- county, both given between the first and fourth days of January, 1838,0ne for $l3O. paya ble the Ist day of January, 1839 ; ihe other for $135, payable the Ist day of January, 1840, b<.'ll assigned bv George Gorrell, of Stewart county. The coasidera ti in for which said Notes were given has failed, and I do not intend to pay them, unless compelled by law. GEORGE GORR'ELL, Nov. 14. 1838. 42ua4m SENTINEL & HERALD. | COLUMBUS, NOVEMBER 22, 1838. j STATE BONDS—CONTINUED. Another objection to this system is the in equality of the benefits which it would offer to the different portions ot the Stale. Many sections of the country can have no interest in, and will derive no benefit whatever by the construction of the contemplated lines of internal improvements; and yet, according to the system proposed, these portions of the State will hear an equal portion of the bur thens of their construction, in proportion to their population and wealth, if it will be grant ed that tlie loaning ot the State’s credit to incorporated companies constitutes a burthen. It will not be denied, we apprehend, hut that if loss should ensue by any of the companies to whom the State’s credit is loaned, refusing or being ultimately unable to pay their debts, for which the State becomes endorser, that this loss must fall in an equal proportion upon such unbenefitted portion of our citizens. But it wll be said that the same objection attaches itself to the plan of doing the wo ks by tiie State, that all cannot be alike benefit ted. This is true to a given extent, but to a given extent only, for, as we before remark ed, the works being constituted by, and be longing to the State, all the revenues derived from their use would go into the public Trea sury, and would thus become the property of the whole people. Another evil which we apprehend from the system, is an enormous increase of paper circulation, thu3 inducing wild and hazardous speculations, plunging our citizens in debt, seducing many from the paths of productive labour, to engage in other modes for the more speedy acquisition of wealth. It will be remembered that al most all of the incorporated companies to whom it is contemplated to lend the State’s credit have, under their respective charters, very ample banking privileges. The money which they wiil be thus enabled to raise up on the State’s bonds, will go into these banks, and will cause every dollar of their capital to be immediately subscribed for at large pre miums—this wiil, of course, be an inducement to the extension of their issues to the utmost limits of their charters ; and whilst it will af ford to the stockholders enormous means of speculation, it will cause others, as we have before remarked, to plunge themselves deep ly in debt, with the hope of bettering their fortunes. But it is said this will make money more plenty, and those banks more safe. With regard to the plentifulness of money we have this remark to make, that whenever the cir culating medium ceases to bear a fair propor tion to the productive labor of the country, a most dangerous state of things is brought about, and that more evils are to be appre hended from a redundancy,than from a scarci ty of the representative of the precious metals; whatever may be the situation of our mone tary affairs, the price of our exports, the productions of labor will remain the same, or be regulated by the general situation of the commercial world; and whilst a redundan cy will increase the prices (but not the value) of labor and property with us, it can have no influence upon the prices of any thing which vve may have to sell as a commodity,and must necessarily increase the price of all we have to purchase from others. But if it should not be their policy to produce this re dundancy, the system wiil give to these banks a very decided advantage over the other Banks of the Slate. Specie which in Europe they will get upon these bonds, will almost always command a premium in paper; it will therefore go into the hands of brokers and others, to be sent to other portions of the country to be used, and the companies will get in exchange for it the hills or other funds of the other banks of the State, having no connection with rail roads, and upon these funds will draw specie from their vaults, to an swer their own purposes. Thus, of course, driving an equal proportion of other bills from circulation, and substituting in their stead their own, and in this manner leaving the same amount only in circulation, and render ing the other banks more unsafe. If their charters shall not be sufficiently'ample to en able them to employ all their means in this manner, private operations will be found in the field. To the great body of the people who be come the debtors of the banks, a day of reck oning will come, and that too most likely when a contraction shall have been produced, and with that contraction a general depreciation of the value of property; so soon as these com panies have obtained the credit of the State, their stocks will, of course, rise, and the pros pect of advantage will induce foreign capi talists to become the purchasers, and in a very short time the whole monied resources of the State will be in the hands of those having no interest in common with us. This state of things, too, promising so rich a reward, will cause much of the capital now invested in agriculture, to be withdrawn from it and placed in stocks, and thus the produc ing power, the only legitimate source of na tional wealth, will be greatly diminished. Now let us enquire if any of these things will hap pen by the State’s doing die works herself. In the first place, then, the increase of gen-I eral capital which wil.l be thus induced will j be a permanent and substantial increase; i whatever the State may borrow for the con struction of works of internal improvements, will go into her Treasury, to be paid out to laborers and undertakers only, as the work progresses. It will afford no means of spec ulation whatever; and the only effect pro duced by it will be to make a permanent and substantial capital more abundant in the hands of the laboring classes. It will drive ° j no bank paper from circulation, except by a | substitution of gold and silver. It will give no unnatural increase to the value of proper- 1 ty, and will cause no rise in any commodity to be purchased beyond the limits of the State, save, perhaps, a few articles of pro vision which vve do not (hut which we can) raise in sufficienwabimdance, it will place no power in the hands of brokers and foreign speculations or home capitalists to oppress the people. (To be continued.) Luck is better than a short gun. —Col. Wm. Wynn, a celebrated breeder and turfman of; Virginia, reeentiy drew $59,000 in a lottery! in Richra md. i FEDERAL OPINIONS. The opinions of the Party opposed to the administration, of the virtue and intelligence of the People. A farmer with his huge paws on the sta tute hook, what can he do? As well might a blacksmith attempt to mend a watch, as a farmer attempt to legislate.’— Boston Courier, a Whig paper. ‘ Mechanics and laborers have neither the ! means nor the inclination to study the sci ence of government, and are therefore, from ! the very nature of their occupations, unsafe j depositories of public trust.’— Senator Leigh, of Virginia. ‘ Let government protect the rich, and the .rich will protect the poor.’— Daniel Webster. We extract the above to show the feelings j which actuate the party, or the leaders at ; least of that parry, opposed to the present j administration. With what sovereign con | tempt do they look down upon the preten sions of the people. The autocrat of all the Russias could not think and speak more meanly of his enslaved subjects. And this ; too is the party which is moving heaven and earth to get into power—conjuring the peo | pie to ‘ come to the rescue and save their ; prostrate, bleeding country. 5 Freemen! Americans ! be not deceived ; the hopes of this country are in your hands ; will you yield it To men who thus regard you ? We have no wish, by any effort of ours, 1 to arouse popular prejudice. We would have j the citizens of this country judge for them selves, as to who are safe depositories of public trust ; who will properly represent their feelings and wishes, and who will sus tain, in its greatest purity, the great princi ples upon which it is founded. Is it those who assume to themselves all knowledge and all right ; who contemn the sober, virtuous and honest intentions and purposes of the plain citizen ; who insist upon the existence of priviledged and lordly orders, and who feel that they have a right to rule ? Or is it those who lay the broad foundation of our country’s liberty and happiness upon the sacred rights and equality of man, who look upon the great mass of society as the true s ource of all legitimate power ? BANK OF COLUMBUS. At a meeting of the Board of Directors of this institution, on Monday the sth Nov. the following officers were elected for the ensuing year : Charles D. Stewart, President. John Warren, John Fontaine, Thomas Preston, ir. Tv James Boykin, V D,reclor3 - Edward Cary, Geo. Hargraves, jr. „ The affairs of this institution have been heretofore so managed as justly to entitle it to the confidence of the public, and from the known high commercial character and probity of its present managers, we hesitate not to say that it will continue to command and deserve that confidence. We publish below an act of the Legisla ture, passed in 1835, to establish an Insur ance Company in this city, and would re spectfully invite our citizens generally to come forward and take stock. The objects of this company are simple and legitimate, and the benefits resulting from its establish ment and successful operation could not fail to he great. The whole of our property, which has been heretofore insured, has been insured in foreign offices ; and to say nothing of the difficulties attendant upon collections, for losses inconsequence of the remoteness of the offices, all the money paid by our citizens for insurance, has been just so much taken out of this community. The books of sub scription are now in the possession of A. B. Davis, Esq., Cashier of the Bank of Colum bus ; and, as there is no monopoly about this thing, it is desired that all of our citizens should participate. The terms of subscrip tion are easy, and we make no doubt but that investments will be found profitable. AN ACT TO INCORPORATE THE CO LUMBUS INSURANCE COMPANY, AND TO DEFINE THE POWERS AND LIA BILITIES OF THE SAME. Section 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Georgia, in General Assembly met, and it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same ; That the following persons, to wit: Thomas Preston, jr. John Schley, jr. and E. Willie!), all of the town of Columbus, in this state, be, and they are hereby constituted a Board of Commissioners, whose duty, or a majority thereof, it shall be to convene in the town of Columbus, on the fust Monday in January, ISJC, and open a book to receive subscrip tions of stock in the Columbus Insurance Company, to be established in said town, and when the whole of said stock shall have been subscribed, shall authorise said company to commence business; and shall give public notice thereof requesting a meeting of said stockholders, for the election of Directors to manage the affairs of said company. Section 2. Be it further enacted, by the j authority aforesaid, That for the \v< II order- j ing of the affairs of said company, there shai! be five Directors, who shall he elected by the Stockholders of said company, and whose! duty it shall be to elect a President from their j number. Section 3. Be it further enacted, by the au j thority aforesaid, That the President and Di ; rectors, and their successors, shall be, and ! they are hereby declared to be, a body cor : porate, in name and deeds, and by the style j and denomination of the Columbus Insurance i Company ; and by that name and style, shall j have succession of officers and members, for ! the term of thirty years; and a common seal ;to use, break, alter and amend at their ! pleasure ; and to sue and be sued, plead and ; be impleaded, answer and be answered unto, i in any court of law or equity, in this stale or I elsewhere, having complete jurisdiction ; and j may make, ordain, and establish such bylaws, rules and regulations as they may deem ex pedient and necessary, to carry into effect the objects of said company; and the same j to change, alter, and amend as they deem necessary and proper : Provided such by laws, rules and regulations, be not repugnant to the Constitution or laws of this state, or the United States. Section 4. Be it further enacted, by the : authority aforesaid ; That the said President land Directors, shall have power to appoint I a Secretary, and such other officers as may he necessary for the management of the af j fairs of said company. Section 5. Be it further enacted by the au thority aforesaid, That the capital stock of | said company, shall consist of one hundred j thousand dollars, with the privilege of in creasing the same at any time the directors may deem it necessary, to three hundred thousand dollars; to be divided into shares of one hundred dollars each ; an 1 the said com pany may commence business as soon as 1 wen(v per cent, of the capital slock, shall have been paid in— five per cent, at the time of subscribing, and the balance of said stock, at such time as mav be required by the Di rectors. Section 6. Be it further enacted, by the au thority aforesaid, That the said Columbus Insurance Company shall have power and authority to insure property and effects <>l every nature and description, against ad ruffs of navigation, tire, and other casualties ; also to insure lives oi ail and every desciiplinn, and buy and sell life annuities, and to do ali acts lor which insurance companies are usu ally established, organised or incorporated. Section 7. Be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid ; That the said company shall have lull power and authority, under the name and style of the ‘ Columbus Insurance Company,’to take, receive, purchase, hold, possess, and enjoy any property, real or per sona!, for tite use, benefit or advantage of the said company; and to sell, make over, and dispose of the same; and the said company shall and are hereby declared to he vested with ail the power and advantages, privi leges anil emoluments of an association of persons incorporated for the intentions and purposes aforesaid ; Provided, that said com pany shall not be authorized to hold any real estate in their corporate capacity, other than may be actually necessary to carry on their business of Insurance. Section 8. Be it further enacted, bv the authority aforesaid, That the properly of the stockholders shall be bound for all contracts, or liabilities made or incurred by said compa ny, in proportion to their amount of stock; and all transfers of stock, which may be made within six months previous to the failure of said company shall not release the proper ty of such stockholders so transferring the same, from any liabilities or contracts which were incurred by said company during the time which he, she or they were stockholders. Signed, JOSEPH DAY, Speaker of the House of Rep. ROB’T M. ECHOLS, President of the Senate. Assented to, 26th Dec., 1835. The Milletlgeville correspondent of the Enquirer asserts a perfect blockheadism, namely, that Gov. Gilmer is not favorable to the State Bond system. The Governor did recommend in his message, that the .State should ‘ give such assistance, by the use of its credit, to the companies now engaged in ma king the Rail Roads, as may be necessary for the successful completion of their underta kings.’ Who will not say from this reading —and it is verbatim et literatim— that the Enquirer’s ‘correspondent’ must have been either ivild or stupid. We think he would succeed better at some plain, straightforward business—such as puffing ‘ the Duke of Brunswick.’ U. S. Senator. —Nathan F. Dixon has been elected a Senator to the Congress of the United Slates, for six years from the fourth oi March next, in place of Asher Robinson, whose term of office will then expire. Senator Trotter, from Mississippi, has re signed his seat; we do not learn who will fill his place. Judge Cross, (V. B ) of Arkansas, has been elected to Congress by a large majority over his opponent, Mr. Cummins, (YY.) A Nashville slip, of the 9th inst. says, that Judge White has tendered his resignation to Gov. Cannon, as U. S. Senator. The enemies of Mr. Gilmer, in reading this message, cannot fail to realize the supe riority of that mind, which soars above the paltry and petty efforts of a mere party Governor. — Enquirer . Now depend upon it brethren, truth is not a ‘Gum Elastic Buoy;’ if you press it too hard it will snap and kick your brains out. We have not room this week fur Legisla tive proceedings, nor do we see much of interest: next week we will furnish a svnop sis, and as much of detail as can be gathered- The N. Y. Herald slip of the 16th instant, announces the arrival of the Great Western, which was hailed with joy as the termination of much anxiety. The commercial informa | tion received by her was not such as to I cause any material change in the N. Y. mar i ket. Massachusetts Election. —A slip from the N. Y. Journal of Commerce, dated the 14th ! inst., gives the returns from 177 towns, show ! ing a Whig majority oi 7,563 in the Govern or’s election, Everett over Morton. Last year, in the same towns, the Whig majoiitv was 11,304. The Congressional members elect, are (he same as in the old Congress, with the exception of Mr. Williams, who is a Yan Buren man. The extra ten are Whigs. The New York election was a beautiful development of principle indeed. Fearful of the issue between the Bank and Sub Trea sury, the question of abolition was openly and impudently made ! We hope that the South will now open her eyes, and see that the North is cherishing and upholding a doc trine which stabs her in a vital part. The horse is in the stable, now lock the door. The Mobile Commercial Register has ceased to number itself with our exchange. We should like to know the reason. The Florida papers want Pitrenologising. The only bump discoverable at present is that of combaziveness. Will our friend of the ‘ Times’ send us a chart ? Hart is ‘ firing up’ the drama at Mont gomery ; Addams and Foibes are the eicc- ! trie sparks. j Madame Caradori Allan, the unsurpassed : vocalist, we understand will pass through this city in a few days, on her way to Or leans. Can we not find some process by which to arrest her for at least one concert? A ‘ca.sa.’ would do, as it would secure her ‘ the benefit.’ r Rail Ronds and Canals. — It is computed that the tolls collected on the State Railroad* and Canals in Pennsylvania, will, before win ter closes the canals, reach a million of dollars. Already during the past year they amount to $940,000 ! Butcher]]. —A bowie knife slaughter took I place a few days since in Homesville, Miss. A Mr. Hobbs was the victim; Strother, the butcher. Mr. Charles H. Hopkins has been elected to the legislature from Mclntosh county, by a majority of 93—Mr. H. is a State Rights man. The State of Ohio has now a population of about one million and a half white inhab itant*! i Almost Incredible. —A nnn in tin’s Start, has been tapped no less than fifty times for the dropsy, and upwards o I fifty gallons of wetter drawn from him.— Ver. Paper. Como this way friend, and take a seat at ill- head of our river next time you are tapped. For the Seuuiiel anil ilt rald. BANKS, BANKING AND SHAVERS. Mr. Editor —Your paper of the Bth inst. contained au editorial article descanting upon • monopolies,’ in a strain of pure justice, agreeuniy to the impressions made upon my mind fiom reading the article at the time, i’iie banks deset va a sound castigation at the hands of the people ; and who so rjt and appropriate to inflict it as the conductors 01, public journals. Indeed it is their peculiar province to cor rect public sentiment, and give it a healthy tone ; to meto out the proper reward to merit and virtue, and to censure and condemn what ever is vicious and dishonest. The banks have lost sight, it appears to me, of the original principle upon which they were founded; and instead of resting satisfied with a reasonable profit upon a regular and lawful business, and shewing a willing dispo sition to accommodate ihe people, they reel ly seem to have become greedy, and to think of nothing t-ise, save to buy and sell and get gain. Rapacious as hungry wolves, they would fleece every innocent subject that hap pens to fall in their way —taking in their mo nopolising grasp, wool, skin and all! and these are your banking institutions whose stock holders and ollicers are annually hanging about the lobbies of the legislature, bowin’ and scraping, smiling and treating, with i view to ‘ come the stripe’ over the weak mem bers, and get an amendment to their charters, granting an increase of capital. And pray, what do they want of more capital? Do they want to discount for the accommodation ! of the people ? Oh, no—not they faith; they don’t do that sort of business; not quite so green as all that. Well, what do they want of more money ; they have lots and cords of it now. It is strange, yes, passing strange, that the community can remain so blimfas not to see that the banks can use, to a splen did profit, all the funds which they can possi bly control in the way of speculations. Look at the vast amount and variety of properly now advertised to be sold at sherifls’ sale; the fine rich land ; the stout, able bodied ne groes, and the desirable situations for private residences; how numerous the instances in which such like property must and will he | sacrificed at public sale, in the course of the | year which is to come! and where is the | money with which to buy these bargains? It is in the banks, and there it will stay, until the time of sale comes round, and then no one will be able to command a dollar of it, save those who are in some way connected with the hanks, in the shape of stockholders, directors, officers, or special favorites behind the curtain. The consequence will be, that the banks will own a majority of (lie proper ty in every town and village in (he btate of Georgia before three years have passed away. There is nothing plainer or more easily to be discerned than this, that our banking institu tions in the present degenerate day are just'y obnoxious to the charge of being monopolies, as you hold them so be, anil dangerous mo nopolies too, and that their power is fearfully increasing, under the well established princi ple that ‘ money is power,’ and the time is not far distant when a ‘monied influence’ will rule tins country as completely, absolute ly, and tyrannically as the monarch cf the old world rules his passive subject; passive, because his feet are fettered and his arms chained, and a turning of his eye either to the right or left, might occasion him the loss of his head. Nothing can be more true than your as sertion that l, a monied mo: opofy easily ob tains.’ Money is enticing; wealth is capti vating; it commands for its owner all the pleasuies and luxuries of life, and more than all, gives him that power and influence of which man is so proud, and for which he will toil both night and day. The people should look to these things. The banks, as at present situated, have large ly the advantage; hut the people still hold the power in their hands to correct the evils, as it must come through Icgislaiion, and le gislators arc dependant on the will of the people. | There can he no greater drawback to an I enterprising commercial town, na grealer curse and mildew resting upon it, and all its powers and energies, than a band of shavers ; I mean a set of men who, having control of large amounts of money, hold it for the purpose of taking advantage of the necessi tous in their hours of trial, when misfortune has overtaken them, and they are forced to sell their ‘ little all’ in order to protect their honor. There are in every community mo nied individuals who eagerly and constantly watch for prey cf this desetiption : and when they find it, pounce upon it like the vulture and tear it in pieces. For such monsters I have ever cherished the most deep and unut terable hatred and contempt; and if there be a he!!, and one corner of that hell be bol ter than another, in thal hottest corner do I conceive such a being will make his everlast ing bed. Such creatures we cannot control; ; they are beyond the pale of reason ; human ; ity is a stranger to their bosoms, and pity | would as soon think of pleading for admit | tance into a Hyena’s den as into the heart of such a least. But hanks are different animals. They owe their existence io the legislative power of the land, and that legislature being honest and faithful to the people, can restrain these institutions within proper bounds. I am not an anti-bank man ; I am one of those who believe that hanks are essential to commeice and trade; and that when they confine themselves to legal banking opera- tions ; to a system of business which squares j itself with the letter and spirit of their char ! (ers, and are satisfied, as other departments ! of business have to be, with reasonable pro fits, that then they are of great benefit to communities. But when they grow selfish, I rapacious, and aristocratical; elevate them selves above the people, and despise their wants, and hold their money in large masses with a view to embrace speculations in cot ton, land, negroes, etcetera, in all of which operations they can at any time monopolize an entire market, then I arrav myself against them; and I am proud to find that on ihe same side, on the side of 1 the people, 5 against the hanks, is arrayed a journal of so much in dependancp, latent and popularity, as ihe Sentinel and Herald. Depend upon it, Mr. Editor, your pen cannot he better employed than in dissecting ihe rotten and monopoliz ing institutions of the day ; hold them up, Sir,, tojhe public gaze ; point to them as the ‘horn- ! ed beasts,’ and warn the people—your sup porters, constituents and friends—against j their insidious attacks; not pausing in your 1 praiseworthy career to heed such arrant non ; sense, as that put forth bv a c poor man’ in j the E nquirer of list week. Every honest j poor man’ in town is ashamed of his ignor iance, and would scorn to number him io their independant ranks. They regard him ;as some poor servile ‘ hireling tool,’ whose j body and hones, skin and hair, all belong to • some hank or other, and who, if he can ; write his name legibly, and knows any thing ‘of simple addition, can make himself much more useful to the bank by sticking to his business behind the counter, than in anv of his stupid attempts to defend these institutions through the medium of the public gazette?. That scribbler is recommended to a ‘ pru dent husbandry of his resources;’ tor there is great apparent danger of ins running short. 11 a ANTONIO.